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1 OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises Kenneth A. Reinert, Oda T. Reinert and Gelaye Debebe Handbook on Globalisation and Labour Standards Edited by Kimberly A. Elliott Edward Elgar, 2021 Abstract: This chapter considers the role of labour standards in the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. It describes the history and content of the Guidelines and their relevance to labour standards. It focuses on the role of the National Contact points in the implementation of the Guidelines, providing a few case studies relevant to labour standards. Finally, it gives a critical assessment of the extent to which the Guidelines and the NCP process are sufficient to ensure the enforcement of labour standards by multinational enterprises. Keywords: Labour standards, foreign direct investment, multinational enterprises, global governance, human rights, OECD INTRODUCTION Labour standards are an essential if under-appreciated component of global governance. This reflects their support for human welfare. For example, some time ago, Bruton and Fairris (1999) noted that the labour issue now includes a role for work not simply as a source of income but as a direct source of well-being(p. 5, emphasis added). These authors pointed out that, given the significant time that employed individuals spend at work, work conditions directly impact well- being. Bruton and Fairris also addressed the common argument that, particularly in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), the imperative of job creation puts quality work conditions into the realm of a luxury good. They rejected this argument because even at low incomes, workers value safety, relationships with management consistent with prevailing norms, and meaningful work(p. 7). Consequently, the characteristics of workplaces, including labour standards, matter. The sources of labour standards are multiple. As reflected throughout this volume, the most fundamental source is the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) four core labour standards. These are: 1 Freedom of association and the right to organize and bargain collectively Freedom from forced labour The effective abolition of child labour, beginning with the worst forms Nondiscrimination in employment With the exception of freedom from forced labour, there are ongoing discussions on the application of these core labour standards. However, Elliott (2017) noted that the core labour standards are a ‘framework of rules that govern labor market transactions’ and that they ‘are comparable to the rules that protect property rights and freedom of transactions in product markets’ (p. 186). 2 They are therefore an essential component of global governance.

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OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises

Kenneth A. Reinert, Oda T. Reinert and Gelaye Debebe

Handbook on Globalisation and Labour Standards

Edited by Kimberly A. Elliott

Edward Elgar, 2021

Abstract: This chapter considers the role of labour standards in the OECD Guidelines for

Multinational Enterprises. It describes the history and content of the Guidelines and their

relevance to labour standards. It focuses on the role of the National Contact points in the

implementation of the Guidelines, providing a few case studies relevant to labour standards.

Finally, it gives a critical assessment of the extent to which the Guidelines and the NCP process

are sufficient to ensure the enforcement of labour standards by multinational enterprises.

Keywords: Labour standards, foreign direct investment, multinational enterprises, global

governance, human rights, OECD

INTRODUCTION

Labour standards are an essential if under-appreciated component of global governance. This

reflects their support for human welfare. For example, some time ago, Bruton and Fairris (1999)

noted that ‘the labour issue now includes a role for work not simply as a source of income but as

a direct source of well-being’ (p. 5, emphasis added). These authors pointed out that, given the

significant time that employed individuals spend at work, work conditions directly impact well-

being. Bruton and Fairris also addressed the common argument that, particularly in low- and

middle-income countries (LMICs), the imperative of job creation puts quality work conditions into

the realm of a luxury good. They rejected this argument because ‘even at low incomes, workers

value safety, relationships with management consistent with prevailing norms, and meaningful

work’ (p. 7). Consequently, the characteristics of workplaces, including labour standards, matter.

The sources of labour standards are multiple. As reflected throughout this volume, the most

fundamental source is the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) four core labour standards.

These are:1

• Freedom of association and the right to organize and bargain collectively

• Freedom from forced labour

• The effective abolition of child labour, beginning with the worst forms

• Nondiscrimination in employment

With the exception of freedom from forced labour, there are ongoing discussions on the

application of these core labour standards. However, Elliott (2017) noted that the core labour

standards are a ‘framework of rules that govern labor market transactions’ and that they ‘are

comparable to the rules that protect property rights and freedom of transactions in product markets’

(p. 186).2 They are therefore an essential component of global governance.

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Beyond the ILO core labour standards, there are labour standards as part of trade

agreements; private sector codes and monitoring; United Nations efforts such as the UN Global

Compact and the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights; a joint effort between the

ILO and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) known as the Better Work Program; and an

effort by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) known as the

OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. Many of these efforts are addressed in the other

chapters of this volume. The focus of this chapter is on the OECD Guidelines for Multinational

Enterprises.

ORIGINS OF THE GUIDELINES

The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (OECD Guidelines or Guidelines) had their

origin in 1976 as a non-binding, soft-law framework designed to help governments promote ethical

conduct by multinational enterprises (MNEs) headquartered in their counties.3 This version of the

Guidelines appeared as an annex to the OECD Declaration on International Investment and

Multinational Enterprises and consisted of nine chapters. It did not apply outside of OECD

countries and was limited to the standards that countries in which MNEs operated had committed

themselves to. It was slightly revised in 1991 to include language on environmental protection.

This original version of the Guidelines did not directly address labour standards, although the

second Guideline mentioned ‘give due consideration to those countries’ aims and priorities with

regard to economic and social development’, which in principle could include such standards.

The OECD agreed on a new version of the Guidelines in 2000.4 The 11 chapters of the

2000 revision of the Guidelines addressed human rights, local capacity building, labour relations,

health and the environment, corporate governance, and science and technology. These chapters are

summarized in Table 1. Labour standards were not mentioned directly but were implied in

Guideline 2 on human rights, in Guideline 5 on ‘the statutory or regulatory framework related to…

labour’, and in Guideline 9 prohibiting retaliatory actions against workers raising legitimate

concerns. The 2000 version applied to 34 OECD members, but additional countries agreed to the

Guidelines, bringing the total number of adhering countries to 42. An assessment of the 2000

Guidelines by Murray (2001) suggested that they formed a useful complement to the ILO core

labour standards. The 2000 Guidelines were also endorsed by the G-8 and the United Nations

Secretary General’s Special Representative on Business and Human Rights.

The 2000 version of the Guidelines were still non-binding but contained two new

strengthening elements. First, they included an implementing mechanism known as National

Contact Points (NCPs) that we will discuss in some detail. Second, in 2006, they were

supplemented by a Risk Awareness Tool for MNEs in Weak Governance Zones. The latter was a

response to the reality of MNEs operating in poor-governance environments. With both of these

elements in place, the 2000 version of the Guidelines was an advancement over the 1976 version.

The Guidelines were revised again in 2011 with the number of chapters expanding from

11 to 15 as illustrated in Table 1. The 2011 Guidelines are still in the form of ‘recommendations’

and ‘non-binding principles and standards’ (OECD, 2011) and have been adopted by 48 countries

as of 2019 (36 OECD countries and 12 non-OECD countries). In an important but somewhat vague

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turn of phrase, while the 2011 Guidelines themselves are non-binding, signatory countries make a

‘binding commitment to implement them’. Countries commit to creating awareness of the

Guidelines and to creating and operating a dispute resolution mechanism. With some irony then,

the OECD Guidelines are binding on signatory countries rather than on MNEs. This is in keeping

with a long tradition of avoiding any real requirements for MNEs, while attempting to influence

the policies of adhering states, a point emphasized by Santner (2011).

Prior to the 2011 revision, the United Nations Special Representative on Human Rights

and Transnational Corporations (2010) had suggested that human rights be given a stand-alone

chapter within the Guidelines. In 2011, the Guidelines were also reviewed by the United Nations

Human Rights Council, which adopted the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights

(UNGPs). The UNGPs recognize the following:5

• States’ existing obligations to respect, protect and fulfil human rights and fundamental

freedoms.

• The role of business enterprises as specialised organs of society performing specialised

functions, required to comply with all applicable laws and to respect human rights.

• The need for rights and obligations to be matched to appropriate and effective remedies

when breached.

These stated concerns were partially addressed by the 2011 Guidelines. The second

guideline of the 2000 version was to: ‘Respect the human rights of those affected by their activities

consistent with the host government’s international obligations and commitments’. In the 2011

version, this was changed to: ‘Respect the internationally recognized human rights of those

affected by their activities’ (emphasis added). This change reduced the ambiguity of the 2000

version by referencing all internationally recognized human rights. The 2011 version also

introduced a ‘risk-based due diligence procedure’ to identify and remedy human rights

infractions.6 While not perfect, many observers see these changes as steps in the right direction.7

The 2011 Guidelines also promote a risk-based due diligence approach to ‘responsible

supply chain management’. This reflects the 2003 OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible

Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas. This new area of

consideration extends the potential responsibility of MNEs throughout their global value chains

(GVCs). A little background will illustrate the significance of this change.8

GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS

In the early 1990s, labour issues within GVCs jumped into international attention in the case of

Nike with a number of high-profile labour abuses among its contract manufacturers. Initially, Nike

took a defensive position, arguing that it was not responsible for labour conditions in its contract

manufacturing facilities since the workers involved were not Nike employees. By the late 1990s,

however, in response to pressure by activists, Nike had established a Nike Code of Conduct for its

contract manufacturers.9 Nike’s initial arguments would not hold up today given the 2011 OECD

Guidelines language on ‘responsible supply chain management’.

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A similar issue arose over Apple’s production of iPhones in China, which involved both

contracting and foreign direct investment (FDI) within the Apple GVC. Apple contracts production

in China to Foxconn, while Foxconn, based in Taiwan, engages in FDI in China. Beginning in

2006, labour and environmental issues in Foxconn contract manufacturing facilities were raised.

After what Clark and Boersma (2017) termed a ‘public relations nightmare’ (p. 119) that included

worker suicides and exposure to hazardous chemicals, Apple followed Nike and instituted an

Apple Code of Conduct for its suppliers and began to use independent auditors.

The 2011 OECD Guidelines have relevance for complex cases such as these. Indeed,

Backer (2018) referred to the shift from an enterprise-perspective to a GVC-perspective in the

Guidelines as ‘an extraordinary transformation of focus’ (p. 45). There has also been welcome

further progress in this regard. In 2018, the 48 signatories of the OECD Guidelines signed the

OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Business Conduct (Due Diligence Guidance,

OECD, 2018). In the words of Shavin (2019), the Due Diligence Guidance ‘was developed to

provide practical support to business enterprises on the implementation of the OECD Guidelines

by providing plain language explanations of the Guidelines’ due diligence recommendations’ (p.

139). This includes six core process explanations and an annex of detailed examples to help MNEs

implement due diligence practices. This is another important step forward in the GVC realm.

THE ROLE OF NATIONAL CONTACT POINTS

The above-mentioned NCPs continued to be an important part of the 2011 Guidelines and are

listed in Table 2. Indeed, this is where the Guidelines are binding on signatory countries.10 The

2011 Guidelines document states: ‘Governments adhering to the Guidelines will implement them

and encourage their use. They will establish National Contact Points that promote the Guidelines

and act as a forum for discussion of all matters relating to the Guidelines’ (OECD, 2011, p. 18,

emphasis added). The NCPs, in turn have their own mandate, namely, to ‘contribute to the

resolution of issues relating to the implementation of the Guidelines in specific instances in a

manner that is impartial, predictable, equitable and compatible with the principles and standards

of the Guidelines’ (OECD, 2011, p. 72). This mission is to be met with procedures that are outlined

in only general terms.

Enquiries to NCPs can be initiated by other NCPs, the business community, worker

organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the public at large, and governments of

non-adhering countries.11 NCPs then are required to make an ‘initial assessment’ as to whether

issues brought to their attention merit formal consideration. If they determine this to be the case,

the NCP formally considers the ‘specific instance’ or just ‘instance’, the term used by the OECD

for what might normally be called a ‘case’. In addressing an instance, NCPs can offer their ‘good

offices’ to resolve the issues (including ‘conciliation’ and ‘mediation’), seek advice from other

entities, including relevant experts, consult with other NCPs, and seek the advice of the OECD

Investment Committee. Upon conclusion, NCPs must notify the OECD Investment Committee in

a timely manner.

NCPs consider cases regarding MNEs operating in or from the country of the NCP. In cases

where issues arise in a set of countries, ‘the NCPs involved should consult with a view to agreeing

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on which NCP will take the lead in assisting the parties’ (OECD, 2011, p. 82). Therefore, many

patterns of NCP involvement are possible.

With regard to who initiates OECD Guidelines instances, we don’t have comprehensive

information over all of the years of NCP operation. However, OECD (2019b) gives information

for the year 2018, stating the following:

The NCP mechanism is open to everyone with an interest in the matter. In terms of

the users of the NCP mechanism, non-governmental organisations are the primary

users. They accounted for 40% of all submissions in 2018, trade unions for 23%

and individuals for 23%. In 2018, submissions were also filed by companies

regarding the conduct of other companies, and in one situation, a specific instance

was initiated by the NCP itself (p. 7).

Although we need to be careful in generalizing these data across the 2000 to 2019 time

period, there is a sense that the NCP process is open to a number of initiating entities.

While the NCPs have certainly been useful in addressing inquiries and concerns brought

to their attention, they have a number of flaws.12 First, NCPs lack a standard structure, with the

matter of how to implement them being left entirely to the individual country. The result has been

many different types of NCPs with varying degrees of effectiveness. Kaufmann (2018) assessed

this situation, stating that ‘the NCP landscape is highly fragmented’ (p. 31).13 Second, NCPs do

not have the resources and capabilities necessary to carry out their functions even when their

responsibilities are made clear. For example, fact-finding missions are a rarity. Third, there is a

fundamental ambiguity about whether NCPs are to play a mediation role in dispute settlement or

a determination role (or both).14 Fourth, the language of the Guidelines does not offer a monitoring

mechanism to determine if any NCP recommendations are enacted. Fifth, there are no established

procedures for coordination among NCPs in instance investigations. Unfortunately, even the 2011

revision of the Guidelines did not adequately address these issues.

More positively, there is now an OECD document that attempts to provide a standard

framework for NCP processes. It is notable that this document (OECD, 2019a) lists nearly 100

NCP instances where the NCP issued at least one recommendation and nearly 40 NCP instances

where the NCP issued at least one determination. Recommendations have been made in both

instances that have been accepted by NCPs and those that have not been accepted. The document

also makes a distinction between ‘direct’ and ‘indirect’ determinations. Direct determinations

‘state clearly that they are meant to signal whether the company has observed the Guidelines’ (p.

22), while indirect determinations do not explicitly indicate observance (or lack thereof) of the

Guidelines.

This guidance document is clearly very helpful. However, a reading of its ‘Challenges’

section does show the presence of existing, expressed ambiguities among NCPs, particularly

regarding determinations and the relationship between NCP determination and mediation

functions. Therefore, as just indicated, flaws in the system remain.

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SPECIFIC INSTANCES

Despite these limitations, there has been some significant amount of NCP activity. Figure 1 and

Table 3 give a sense of this by presenting NCP ‘instances’ from 2000 through 2018. Figure 1

shows the number of instances by year, with an average of 24 instances each year. In Table 3, these

are broken down by NCP country and issue category. Issue categories include: bribery,

competition, consumer interests, disclosure, employment and industrial relations, the environment,

general policies, human rights, science and technology, and taxation. Note that a single instance

can address more than one issue category, so summations across issue categories can exceed the

total number of instances.

NCP instances have addressed more than 100 MNE host countries. While many host

countries have had just one instance, a number have had many more. This can be seen in Figure 2,

which reports the number of instances by host country from 2000 to 2018. Figure 2 suggests a

relatively large country coverage with host countries being subjects of anywhere from 10 to 30

NCP instances. While NCP activities are no doubt slim relative to the global activities of MNEs,

it is clear that the NCP process has global scope from the host-country perspective.

For the purposes of this chapter, we want to focus on specific issue categories, namely

employment and industrial relations and human rights. As seen in Table 3, approximately one half

of the instances through 2018 included issue of employment and industrial relations, and

approximately one third included issue of human rights. It is apparent that both these categories

have been featured prominently in NCP activities. Therefore, the NCP process appears to have

relevance to labour standards.

The process and content of NCP instances is an understudied subject within international

economic policy and global political economy. In order to give some sense of the potential here,

we are going to consider only a handful of instances. The chosen instances are characterized by

having some minimal level of commentary on them outside of the NCP reports themselves. These

cases give a sense of the kinds of instances related to labour standards with which the NCP system

engages, as well as potential outcomes.

Unilever

A first instance of the role of the OECD Guidelines in the realm of labour standards is that

of a Unilever tea factory in Pakistan considered by the United Kingdom NCP. In 2009, the

International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied

Workers’ Association (IUF) of Pakistan wrote to the UK NCP concerning the operations of

Unilever Pakistan Ltd. in its Khanewal factory.15 The allegation was a breach of Pakistan’s labour

law in which temporary workers were to be reclassified as permanent after a nine-month period.

Unilever reported to the UK NCP that the employees were contract employees via independent

service providers for ‘non-core operations’. The UK NCP offered to undertake a

‘conciliation/mediation’ process to which both partied agreed. A meeting took place in London

and, as reported by the UK NCP, conciliation took place without the need for mediation.

With regard to outcomes, an Annex to the NCP report pointed to a number of areas of

agreement, namely commitments by Unilever.16 These included a ‘significant change’ in the

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employment model at the Khanewal factory; an increase in permanent positions; the establishment

of a joint IUF/Unilver committee to oversee implementation; ensuring ‘appropriate payment’ of

temporary workers from third-party services, as well as legally-mandated social security

contributions; a commitment to continue operations; and a commitment not to retaliate against

employees involved in the NCP instance.

In a consideration of this case, Brookes (2017) noted:

By signing onto the OECD Guidelines, Unilever had publicly committed to an array

of social standards. Although these international codes of conduct are voluntary,

they signal to employees and the international community a willingness to meet

certain expectations, and if these expectations are not met, then there are grounds

for raising the matter with an investigative body (p. 936).

Brookes further noted that the IUF’s use of the OECD Guidelines ‘assist(ed) in shaping

the employment relationship’ (p. 938, emphasis added). This is a relatively strong statement that

hints at some potential for the Guidelines in the realm of labour standards.

Deutsche-Post DHL

Another example of the potential of the Guidelines for labour standards was taken up by

the German NCP in 2012 with cooperation from the Colombian and Turkish NCPs. This case

concerned the operations of Deutsche-Post DHL in a large number of host countries (Bahrain,

Colombia, Guatemala, Hong Kong, China, India, Indonesia, Malawi, Norway, Panama, South

Africa, Turkey, United States, and Vietnam).17 The complaint was brought by the UNI Global

Union and the International Transport Workers’ Federation. It alleged that Deutsche-Post DHL

violated workers’ rights to join unions, that it had discriminated against African American and

Hispanic workers in the United States, had excessively used agency workers, and used

inappropriate polygraph tests on workers.

The German NCP’s work on this complaint was very detailed at both the issue and country

level. The agency worker and polygraph issues were dismissed, citing the Guidelines and national

legal systems. The focus then became workers’ rights to form and join trade unions in Colombia,

India, Indonesia, Turkey and Vietnam. Mediation efforts were conducted in 2013 on these issues.

Though quite detailed, they were not to the complete satisfaction of the complainants. All parties

agreed, however, that the mediation efforts were conducted in good faith.

Fédération Internationale de Football Association

A third example of the potential of the Guidelines for labour standards involves activities

of the Switzerland-based Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) in Qatar. This

was submitted by the Building and Woods Workers’ International (BWI) in 2015 through the

Swiss NCP. At issue were alleged human rights violations of migrant workers constructing

facilities for the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar.18 These violations included lack of safe

accommodations, non-payment of wages, discrimination, and the bonded-labour ‘kalafa’ system

that gives employers undue control over employees.19

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The Swiss NCP offered to mediate between FIFA and BWI, and both parties accepted. As

a result, six mediation sessions took place during 2016, and a mutually-agreed outcome was

reached in early 2017. This outcome included five areas of agreement: FIFA’s use of its leverage

on Qatari-based actors; the recognition of new FIFA human rights statutes; a labour condition

monitoring process; the establishment of a mechanism for worker complaints and grievances; and

the establishment of an oversight/advisory body.

Beyond these five areas of agreement, FIFA explicitly committed itself to the OECD

Guidelines, to continue to work with BWI in periodic meetings, and to eschew the kalafa system.

Beyond this instance, BWI has played an important role in addressing labour standards issues in

the construction industry (e.g., Davies et al., 2011). The fact that this organization reached for the

OECD Guidelines as a tool and followed through with the NCP process is notable and perhaps

indicative of some forward progress, although allegations of labor violations continued.20

KOMSCO Daewoo

We stated above that freedom from forced labour is an ILO core labour standard about

which there is significant international consensus. In at least one NCP instance, the issue of forced

labour was front and center. This was the case of the Korea-based KOMSCO Daewoo’s operations

in Uzbekistan.21 In 2014, the Korean Transnational Corporations Watch, Cotton Campaign, and

Anti-Slavery International submitted a complaint to the Korean NCP regarding KOMSCO

Daewoo’s cotton linter pulp factory in Uzbekistan supplying material to produce Korean

banknotes. The concern was with the use of forced labour in the Uzbek cotton sector, something

that has been well documented (e.g., ILO, 2015).

As it turned out, the Korean NCP did not take up this issue. In its opinion, KOMSCO

Daewoo was not in a position to influence the supply of cotton for the factory because they could

not influence what was effectively a state-owned enterprise. It is worth quoting from Korea

National Contact Point (2015) to appreciate the limits of the NCP process in cases such as this:

In this specific instance, it is hard to deny the existence of link between the

respondents’ business conduct and the issue raised, as the respondents are in the

same supply chain with the government of Uzbekistan. However, Korean NCP

found that it does not seem that the respondents breached due diligence duties on

human rights required by the Guidelines or contributed to child labor and forced

labor. Furthermore, the respondents also do not seem to be in a position of using

leverage to the government of Uzbekistan (no page number).

With this statement, the Korea NCP dropped the case. This illustrates the limitations of the

Guidelines to address GVCs once these include state-owned enterprises. As documented by Soh

and Nam (2018), it also reflects a lack of independence of the Korean NCP.

Starbucks

A final instance to be considered in this paper is that of Starbucks in Chile. This instance

was brought to the Chilean NCP by the Central Unitaria de Trabajadores de Chile (CUT) in 2014.

The allegations brought by CUT were of alleged anti-union activities, including violations of the

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right to organize, that went against both the employment and industrial relations and the human

rights provisions of the Guidelines.22 Starbucks initially took a very defensive position, incorrectly

alleging that the OECD Guidelines did not apply to its Chilean subsidiary. At issue was whether

Starbucks Chile was really an MNE, and the Chilean NCP determined that it was, Starbucks being

a horizontally-integrated entity.23

A further issue was the use of the term ‘partner’ Starbucks Chile used to refer to its

employees. The implication being that as ‘partners’ they were not in need of unionization, but the

Chilean NCP disagreed with this point of view given that employees did not own equity in the

company. Marzan (2016) noted the significance of this outcome:

The (Chilean) NCP frowned upon Starbucks’ attempt to call workers anything other

than employees or workers. Starbucks is only one of many companies that use any

term but the statutory one. Statutory terms generally connote legal meanings that

provide specific, protective rights. Many companies that use nonlabor terms to refer

to their employees are headquartered in the United States, which is more lax than

other countries in this regard. These companies attempt to extend the same labels

to their overseas employees. The Starbucks case shows how the practice violates

international norms (p. 176).

While we do not want to claim too much here, this does seem to be a case where a leading

US-based MNE encountered an emerging system of global governance on this issue. As noted by

Marzan (2016), this could also apply to Walmart and Home Depot, two other US-based retail

MNEs.

As part of its process, the Chilean NCP offered both an initial assessment and its mediation

services, meeting with both parties. As it turned out, the Chilean NCP found a lack of good faith

on the part of Starbucks and therefore halted it mediation efforts. Subsequent to the release of its

final statement in 2015, there was a strike by Starbucks workers in Chile. However, the two parties

did reach an accord, including on a new collective bargaining agreement. While we cannot imply

direct causality, it does appear that the NCP process ultimately helped the two parties reach

agreement.

ASSESSMENT

Brookes (2017) suggested that what she termed transnational labour alliances (TLAs) can draw

upon institutional power to help to enforce labour standards. She also noted that the OECD

Guidelines can function as a source of institutional power. There is indeed evidence that the

content of the OECD Guidelines, together with the (imperfect) functioning of the NCP system has

been a source of institutional power in some notable instances. As we have seen here, TLAs of

various kinds have chosen to utilize the NCP progress. This might just be the result of few viable

alternatives, but progress should be recognized where it exists.

That said, the instance on forced labour in the Uzbek cotton sector speaks to the limitations

of the actual application of the OECD Guidelines through GVCs. Despite language in Guidelines

12 and 13 supporting the application of the Guidelines upstream to suppliers, the barrier of a state-

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owned enterprise made this impractical.24 In this case, despite some forward progress, the forced

labour issue has not yet been completely resolved (e.g., ILO, 2018 and McGuire and Laaser,

forthcoming).

CONCLUSION

The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises are an emerging set of global norms with

some significant relevance for labour standards. However, they fall short of what would be

required if we were to take such standards seriously (as this volume does). For example, in their

review of the role of FDI in development processes, Goldin and Reinert (2012) call for binding,

de minimus standards on MNEs. Similarly, Anderson (2009-2010) called for a ‘mandatory legal

framework’ in this area. The Guidelines do not offer any such features.

Why is a more binding structure needed? Take for example the review of the Guidelines

by Ruggie and Nelson (2015). One of their conclusions was that: ‘What remains generally unclear

from the available documentation is what actual remedy complaints receive or what changes in

company policies and practices result from NCP findings and remediation’ (p. 121). If these

fundamental outcomes remain ‘generally unclear’, then the Guidelines are clearly unsatisfactory.

Violations of the Guidelines in the realm of labour standards or other covered issues must result

in remediation. If remediation is not undertaken, then there must be meaningful consequences.25

To take one counterexample, nearly the entire structure of the World Trade Organization

is binding on member countries due to a robust dispute settlement mechanism. The conditionality

structures of the IMF and World Bank also offer a significant degree of binding in their dealings

with those countries partaking of their grant and lending services. Given the far-reaching impacts

of FDI on multiple aspects of development processes (including labour standards), it would seem

reasonable to expect binding, de minimis governance system for MNE behavior.

One example of strengthening the global governance system with regard to MNE behavior

would be to begin to move investor state dispute settlement (ISDS) provisions in the direction of

MNE responsibilities rather than just MNE rights. As suggested by Elliott (2019) and Compa

(2019), the arbitration processes of ISDS could be invoked by labor organizations to seek remedies

for labour standard violations. This is one potentially-fruitful example of an alternative approach.

Other approaches at the national level are also possible. For example, in the South Korea

context, Soh and Nam (2018) made a number of suggestions. These include both increased non-

financial reporting requirements focused on due diligence and the imposition of obligations via

civil or even criminal liability. Such decisions would rest with signatory country governments.

Although the 2011 Guidelines are an improvement upon previous versions, they are

inadequate as a system of labour standards narrowly and global governance more broadly. To

quote Ruggie and Nelson (2015) once again, ‘Forty years of pure voluntarism should be long

enough to conclude that companies cannot be counted on to do the job by themselves’ (p. 122).

Consequently, the reasonable expectation for robust global governance of MNE behavior,

including in the area of labour standards, remains to be fulfilled.

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investment law’, Michigan State Journal of International Law 18(1), 1-31.

Arnold, D.G. (2016), ‘Corporations and human rights obligations’, Business and Human Rights

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Backer, L.C. (2018), ‘The arc of triumph and transformation in the OECD Guidelines’, in OECD

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Brookes, M. (2017), ‘Labour as a transnational actor: Alliances, activism and the protection of

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Business at OECD (2016), ‘OECD due diligence guidance for responsible supply chains in the

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Clark, T. and M. Boersma (2017), ‘The governance of global value chains: Unresolved human

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Compa, L. (2019), ‘Trump, trade, and trabajo: Renegotiating NAFTA’s labor accord in a fraught

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Davies, S., N. Hammer, G. Williams, R. Raman, C.S. Ruppert and L. Volynets (2011), ‘Labour

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Elliott, K.A. (2017), ‘Labor standards’, in K.A. Reinert (ed), Handbook of Globalisation and

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Elliott, K.A. (2019), “Developing a more inclusive US trade policy at home and abroad’, Center

for Global Development Policy Paper 146.

Ganji, S.K. (2016), ‘Leveraging the World Cup: Mega sporting events, human rights risk, and

worker welfare reform in Qatar’, Journal on Migration and Human Security, 4(4), 221-259.

German National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (2014),

‘Joint final statement on the complaint from the UNI Global Union and International Transport

Workers’ Federation against Deutsche-Post DHL’.

Goldin, I. and K.A. Reinert (2012), Globalization for Development: Meeting New Challenges,

Oxford: Oxford University Press.

International Labour Organization (2015), ‘Third party monitoring of the use of child labour and

forced labour during the Uzbekistan 2015 cotton harvest’.

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International Labour Organization (2018), ‘Major progress on forced labour and child labour in

Uzbekistan cotton fields’.

Kaufmann, C. (2018), ‘Making responsible business conduct work for better lives’, in OECD

Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises: A Glass Half Full, Paris: Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development, pp. 29-36.

Korea National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (2015),

‘Initial assessment’.

Locke, R.M., F. Qin and A. Brause (2007), ‘Does monitoring improve labor standards? Lessons

from Nike’, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 61(1), 3-31.

Maheandiran, B. (2015), ‘Calling for clarity: How uncertainty undermines the legitimacy of the

dispute resolution system of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises’, Harvard

Negotiation Law Review, 20, 205-244.

Marzan, C.F.R. (2016), ‘NCP Starbucks decision helps advance compliance with OECD

Guidelines’, International Human Rights Case Law, 2(2), 175-180.

McGuire, D. and K. Laaser (forthcoming), ‘You have to pick: Cotton and state-organized forced

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Murray, J. (2001), ‘A new phase in the regulation of multinational enterprises: The role of the

OECD’, Industrial Law Journal, 30(3), 255-270.

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Ruggie, J.G. and T. Nelson (2015), ‘Human rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational

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Affairs, 22(1), 99-127.

Santner, A.L. (2011), ‘A soft law mechanism for corporate responsibility: How the updated OECD

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Soh, C. and S. Nam (2018), ‘Business and human rights case study of Korean companies operating

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Swiss National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (2017),

‘Final statement on the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) submitted by the

Building and Wood Workers’ International (BWI).

ter Harr, B. (2018), ‘FIFA, Qatar, Kalafa: Can the World Cup Create a Better World of Work?’,

International Labor Rights Case Law, 4, 128-132.

United Kingdom National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises

(2009), ‘Final statement on the complaint from the International Union of Food, Agricultural,

Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Association against Unilever on

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Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations ‘Protect, Respect and Remedy’

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‘Updating the guidelines for multinational enterprises discussion paper’, New York: United

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Multinational Enterprises: A Glass Half Full, Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and

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Wilde-Ramsing, J.M. and M.G. Ingrams (2018), ‘High time for government action to make the

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Table 1: The 2000 and 2011 OECD Guidelines

Number

in 2011

Version

2000 Version 2011 Version

1 Contribute to economic, social and

environmental progress with a view to

achieving sustainable development.

Contribute to economic, environmental and

social progress with a view to achieving

sustainable development.

2 Respect the human rights of those affected

by their activities consistent with the host

government’s international obligations and

commitments.

Respect the internationally recognized human

rights of those affected by their activities.

3

Encourage local capacity building through

close co-operation with the local

community, including business interests,

as well as developing the enterprise’s

activities in domestic and foreign markets,

consistent with the need for sound

commercial practice.

Same as 2000 version.

4

Encourage human capital formation, in

particular by creating employment

opportunities and facilitating training

opportunities for employees.

Same as 2000 version.

5 Refrain from seeking or accepting

exemptions not contemplated in the

statutory or regulatory framework related

to environmental, health, safety, labour,

taxation, financial incentives, or other

issues.

Refrain from seeking or accepting exemptions

not contemplated in the statutory or regulatory

framework related to human rights,

environmental, health, safety, labour, taxation,

financial incentives, or other issues.

6

Support and uphold good corporate

governance principles and develop and

apply good corporate governance

practices.

Support and uphold good corporate

governance principles and develop and apply

good corporate governance practices,

including throughout enterprise groups.

7 Develop and apply effective self-

regulatory practices and management

systems that foster a relationship of

confidence and mutual trust between

enterprises and the societies in which they

operate.

Same as 2000 version.

8 Promote employee awareness of, and

compliance with, company policies

through appropriate dissemination of these

policies, including through training

programs.

Promote awareness of and compliance by

workers employed by multinational

enterprises with respect to company policies

through appropriate dissemination of these

policies, including through training programs.

9

Refrain from discriminatory or disciplinary

action against employees who make bona

fide reports to management or, as

appropriate, to the competent public

authorities, on practices that contravene

the law, the Guidelines or the enterprise’s

policies.

Refrain from discriminatory or disciplinary

action against workers who make bona fide

reports to management or, as appropriate, to

the competent public authorities, on practices

that contravene the law, the

Guidelines or the enterprise’s policies.

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Number

in 2011

Version

2000 Version 2011 Version

10 Encourage, where practicable, business

partners, including suppliers and

subcontractors, to apply principles of

corporate conduct compatible with the

Guidelines.

Carry out risk-based due diligence, for

example by incorporating it into their

enterprise risk management systems, to

identify, prevent and mitigate actual and

potential adverse impacts as described in

paragraphs 11 and 12, and account for how

these impacts are addressed. The nature

and extent of due diligence depend on the

circumstances of a particular situation.

11

Avoid causing or contributing to adverse

impacts on matters covered by the Guidelines,

through their own activities, and address such

impacts when they occur.

12 Seek to prevent or mitigate an adverse impact

where they have not contributed to that

impact, when the impact is nevertheless

directly linked to their operations, products or

services by a business relationship. This is not

intended to shift responsibility from the entity

causing an adverse impact to the enterprise

with which it has a business relationship.

13

In addition to addressing adverse impacts in

relation to matters covered by the Guidelines,

encourage, where practicable, business

partners, including suppliers and sub-

contractors, to apply principles of responsible

business conduct compatible with the

Guidelines.

14 Engage with relevant stakeholders in order to

provide meaningful opportunities for their

views to be taken into account in relation to

planning and decision making for projects or

other activities that may

significantly impact local communities.

15 Abstain from any improper involvement in

local political activities (11 in 2000

version).

Same as 2000 version.

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Table 2: National Contact Points by Country (* =OECD Member)

Country National Contact Point

Argentina Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Australia * Foreign Investment Division of the Treasury

Austria * Federal Ministry for Digital and Economic Affairs

Belgium * Federal Public Services Economy

Brazil Secretariat of International Affairs of the Ministry of Finance

Canada * Federal Government Interdepartmental Committee

Chile * Ministry of International Relations

Colombia Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism

Cost Rica Ministry of Foreign Trade

Czech Republic * Ministry of Industry and Trade

Denmark * The Mediation and Complaints-Handling Institution for

Responsible Business Conduct

Egypt Ministry of Investment and International Cooperation

Estonia * Ministry of Economic Affairs and Communications

Finland * Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment

France * General Directorate of the Treasury

Germany * Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy

Greece * Directorate of International Trade Policy, Ministry of Economy and

Development

Hungary * Ministry of Finance

Iceland * Ministry of Industries and Innovation

Ireland * Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation

Israel * Ministry of Economy and Industry

Italy * Ministry of Economic Development

Japan * Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Jordan Not listed

Kazakhstan Ministry of Industry and Infrastructural Development

Korea, South * Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy

Latvia * Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Lithuania * Ministry of Economy and Innovation

Luxembourg * Ministry of Economy

Mexico * The Ministry of Economy

Morocco Agency for Investment Development

Netherlands * Ministry of Foreign Affairs

New Zealand * Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment

Norway * National Contact Point for Responsible Business Conduct

Peru Private Investment Promotion Agency

Poland * Ministry of Investment and Development

Portugal * Directorate-General for Economic Activities of the Ministry of

Economy

Romania Department for Foreign Investment and Public Private Partnership

Slovak

Republic *

Ministry of Economy

Slovenia *

Ministry of Economic Development and Technology

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Country National Contact Point

Spain * Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Tourism

Sweden * Ministry for Foreign Affairs

Switzerland * State Secretariat for Economic Affairs

Tunisia Ministry of Development and International Cooperation

Turkey * Ministry Industry and Technology

Ukraine Ministry of Economic Development and Trade

United

Kingdom *

Department of International Trade

United States * Department of State

Source: mneguidelines.oecd.org

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Table 3: National Contact Point ‘Instances’, 2000 to 2018, by NCP Country

Country

NCP

Total

Number

of Cases

Bribery Compe-

tition

Concepts

and

Principles

Consumer

Interests

Disclosure Employment

and

Industrial

Relations

Environ-

ment

General

Policies

Human

Rights

Science

and

Techno-

logy

Taxation

Argentina 14 4 1 2 0 6 6 4 11 3 1 1

Australia 12 0 1 0 1 2 5 3 7 5 0 0

Austria 5 1 0 0 0 0 4 2 1 2 0 0

Belgium 19 3 2 5 2 7 9 5 13 3 0 2

Brazil 26 1 0 4 1 4 16 6 14 7 0 0

Canada 20 0 0 6 0 6 6 10 14 5 0 0

Chile 11 0 0 0 1 0 9 5 1 4 1 0

Colombia 3 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 1 3 0 0

Czech

Republic

6 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 1 1 0 0

Denmark 18 1 0 2 2 1 4 2 6 8 2 0

Egypt 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Estonia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Finland 4 2 0 0 0 2 0 3 4 1 0 0

France 27 3 2 3 0 6 20 4 13 6 0 0

Germany 28 2 1 0 2 1 14 5 14 12 0 0

Greece 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Hungary 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

Iceland 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Ireland 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 0 0

Israel 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0

Italy 11 0 1 0 2 3 5 2 5 5 0 1

Japan 7 0 0 2 0 1 6 1 3 2 0 0

Jordan 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Kazakhstan 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Korea, South 10 0 0 0 0 1 7 0 4 6 1 0

Latvia 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

Lithuania 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Luxembourg 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0

Mexico 5 1 0 1 0 1 5 1 0 2 0 0

Morocco 2 0 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 2 0 0

Netherlands 32 2 0 2 3 5 21 7 15 9 0 0

New Zealand 5 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 2 3 0 1

Norway 14 2 0 1 0 2 4 4 5 7 0 0

Peru 4 0 1 1 0 2 2 1 2 1 0 0

Poland 4 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 2 0 0 0

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Country

NCP

Total

Number

of Cases

Bribery Compe-

tition

Concepts

and

Principles

Consumer

Interests

Disclosure Employment

and

Industrial

Relations

Environ-

ment

General

Policies

Human

Rights

Science

and

Techno-

logy

Taxation

Portugal 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

Romania 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Slovak

Republic

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Slovenia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Spain 8 0 0 2 2 0 4 2 1 2 0 0

Sweden 6 0 0 0 0 0 3 2 5 3 0 0

Switzerland 17 1 1 1 0 1 10 2 12 7 0 2

Tunisia 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Turkey 3 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 0

United

Kingdom

51 4 2 3 1 7 17 8 35 18 0 1

United States 48 2 1 1 3 10 37 5 15 10 1 1

Percentages 7% 3% 9% 5% 17% 54% 21% 49% 32% 1% 2%

Source: mneguidelines.oecd.org/database/. Note: Because a single case can address more than one issue, summations across case themes can exceed the total

number of cases.

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Figure 1: National Contact Point Total ‘Instances’ by Year

Source: mneguidelines.oecd.org/database/.

13

16

2627

19

23

18

14

17

24

32

28

41

39

25

28

22

16

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

nu

mb

er

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Figure 2: National Contact Point Instances by MNE Host Country (numbers greater than five)

Source: mneguidelines.oecd.org/database/.

34

3029

21

1816

1312 12

11 1110

9 9 9 98 8 8 8 8 8

7 76 6 6

5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

nu

mb

er

of

inst

ance

s

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NOTES

1 The ILO core labour standards were established in the 1998 ‘Declaration of Fundamental Principles and

Rights at Work’.

2 Elliott (2017) also noted that ‘focusing on core labor standards does not mean forcing developing countries

to adopt advanced country standards. Nor does it imply uniform systems of industrial relations. The… ILO

conventions defining the core standards allow for broad flexibility in implementation’ (p. 189).

3 The non-binding, soft-law approach reflected pressure from OECD member countries and MNEs

themselves. It is for this reason that Murray (2001) referred to the 1976 Guidelines as ‘abstentionist’.

4 The 2000 revision reflected a 1998 review conference held in Budapest.

5 See United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (2011). For background, see also

Ruggie (2008).

6 Ruggie and Nelson (2015) stated: ‘The current OECD Guidelines are fully aligned with the UNGPs in

two specific ways. First, the OECD added a dedicated human rights chapter that replicates the UNGPs’

operationalization of business responsibility to respect human rights, explicitly stating that all human right

are to be respected…. Second, the UNGPs’ formulation of the corporate responsibility to respect human

rights was also enshrined in the Guidelines’ General Policies chapter, which established a new due diligence

requirement for all subjects covered by the Guidelines. With these updates, claims of ignorance… could no

longer be used as a justification by business” (pp. 105-106).

7 For example, Maheandiran (2015) stated the following: ‘The 2011 update to the Guidelines reflects the

UN understanding that while states retain the duty to protect human rights, corporations must respect human

rights and avoid causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts within the context of their own

activities, have a policy commitment to human rights, seek ways to alleviate or prevent negative human

rights impacts, undertake human rights due diligence, seek ways to prevent or alleviate negative human

rights impacts and provide remedies where such negative impacts have occurred’ (p. 215). There are of

course arguments that MNEs do not have any obligations regarding human rights, but these arguments have

been shown to be fallacious. See, for example, Arnold (2016).

8 There is some resistance from the business quarter to the potential extension of the Guidelines throughout

global value chains. For example, see Business at OECD (2016).

9 See for example Locke, Qin and Brause (2007).

10 See, for example, Robinson (2014). This is made possible by Article 5 of the OECD Convention that

allows the OECD Council to ‘take decisions which, except as otherwise provided, shall be binding on all

the Members’ (emphasis added). OECD Legal Instruments state that ‘Council Decisions are legally binding

on all those Member countries which do not abstain at the time they are adopted. While they are not

international treaties, they do entail the same kind of legal obligations as those subscribed to under

international treaties. Members are obliged to implement Decisions and they must take the measures

necessary for such implementation’. Further, the 2000/2011 Council Decision on the Guidelines includes

four ‘Decisions’ on the NCPs that all use the world ‘shall’. This leads to the conclusion that there is a

binding aspect of the NCP mechanism.

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11 A statement repeated in various places on mneguidelines.oecd.org is as follows: ‘Any individual or

organisation with a legitimate interest in the matter can submit a case to an NCP regarding a company,

operating in or from the country of the NCP, which has not observed the Guidelines’.

12 See, for example, Reinert, Reinert and Debebe (2016).

13 Kaufmann (2018) noted the following: ‘Institutionally, NCPs come in different shapes and sizes, some

act as independent bodies (e.g. in Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway), other (the majority) are based

in one or more departments of the government, sometime following an interagency model (e.g. Canada,

Germany, Switzerland, UK, US)’ (p. 30). Van Putten (2018) stated: ‘The substantial differences in the

organizational structure, independence, final results of NCPs’ efforts and financial resources ultimately is

a risk of weakness for all…. The absence of an equal international level playing field in (which) one NCP

might declare a specific instance not admissible, while another does take up the case, is detrimental’ (p.

53). Robinson (2014) was blunt in this regard, stating that ‘simply put, the current reality is that the NCP

system is in poor shape’ (p. 72).

14 This third flaw was explored in some detail by Maheandiran (2015). Maheandiran pointed out that this

issue is even active in the NCP assessment stage. She stated: ‘If the method to be used is solely

determinative, then a high evidentiary bar at this stage and throughout the process is essential…. However,

if the role of the NCP is mediating a dispute, the mere existence of a dispute within the scope of the

Guidelines would be sufficient to trigger a specific instance, rather than being barred by a high evidentiary

requirement’ (p. 232).

15 The following summarises United Kingdom National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for

Multinational Enterprises (2009).

16 See Annex to United Kingdom National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational

Enterprises (2009). For the IUF statement on this NCP instance, see iuf.org/casualtea/.

17 The following summarises German National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational

Enterprises (2014).

18 The following summarises Swiss National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for Multinational

Enterprises (2017).

19 For more background, see Ganji (2016).

20 See, for example, ter Harr (2018).

21 The following summarises Korea National Contact Point (2015) and draws upon Soh and Nam (2018).

22 The final statement in this case is only available in Spanish as Punto Nacional de Contacto de Chile

(2015) but see also Marzan (2016).

23 Given the language in the OECD Guidelines regarding supply chains or GVCs, the Starbucks argument

was indeed quite off course.

24 Citing Korean sources, Soh and Nam (2018) reported dissatisfaction with the operation of the Korea NCP

on the part of civil society groups in Korea and even with the Korean National Assembly.

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25 Ruggie and Nelson (2015) also stated: ‘Few governments have publically stated that they will impose

any material consequences in the case of a company’s noncooperation with an NCP or a finding against a

company’ (p. 122). The only exception to this appears to be the Canadian government. Similar issue were

also raised by Wilde-Ramsing and Ingrams (2018).