oblate defeat j
TRANSCRIPT
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Oblate Defeat:Father Lefebvre, Reverend Stringer, and the Battle for
Mackenzie Inuit Allegiance,1892-1894
Primary data from diaries
and correspondence
Draft h
Intellectual Property
Corrections and Suggestions Invited
Walter Vanast
McGill
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Worldly Issues
Between 1892 and 1894 an Anglican and a Catholic missionary (an Oblate of Mary Immaculate)
competed for the allegiance of the Mackenzie Delta Inuit, and when Oblate lost, it set a trend for the
tribe¶s religious course for much of the following century. So the strife is worth a look and might
show light not only on local events but on evangelization elsewhere. The questions one might pose
are many.
To what extent did a cleric¶s warm personality help shift ³heathens´ to the Christian side, and to his side
in particular where churches competed? Did the faith of non-mission whites such as Hudson¶s Bay
Company traders affect native response? Was a ³heathen people¶s´ contact with an already
Christianized tribe (in this case, the Gwich¶in branch of the Dene people) of import? Why did tribes
act in unison and (seemingly) of a sudden when new religious ideas were about? What was the part of
chiefs1, whose influence, in the case of the Inuit, is downplayed in non-mission literature? Was it
crucial for clerics to befriend them, or would time spent with others have brought similar results?
Though religious faith per se is beyond understanding, worldly issues affecting it are fair game for
study. In the case of missions to the Mackenzie Inuit, one might look at three prior decades of
intermittent evangelization that had brought no converts; vagaries of mission funding (the Church
Mission Society in London had in the 1880s begun to demand that the Anglican Church in Canada
take over and pay for evangelization of the country¶s own native peoples), and the shortage of
mission recruits in Europe (hence the use of young clerics from Eastern Canada).
Ethnic pride played a role in that Stringer came from Ontario, spoke English, and thoroughly believed
in the God-given rule of the British Empire; Lefebvre, from Quebec, spoke French. Prior missionaries
to the Inuit had (except for R. McDonald) were born in Europe. Most Oblates were from France, and
held a sense that those from other nations lacked strength for missions. In Britain the Church
Missionary Society had begun to insist that the Angican Church in Canada train and fund its own
mission recruits. Canadians, the argument went, could do as well as Britons if only they made the
effort.
The status and efficacy of senior clerics also played part. On the Catholic side, two ageing bishops
(Faraud and his auxiliary Clut) in the late 1880s saw weakness on the Anglican side, and found two
1
Toweachiuk for the Catholics; Kokhlik and Takochikina for the Anglicans.
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recruits in Quebec to work at Fort McPherson: Constant-Alarie Giroux to take care of the region¶s
Catholic Gwich¶in and draw Anglican ones to his faith; Camille Lefebvre to convert the Inuit. Giroux
in early 1890 moved there, built a simple mission, and remained year round. Lefebvre stayed with
him two summers in a row, and on the first brough with him a vigorous young French Oblate priest,
Father Grouard, who, acting as Bishop¶s Faraud¶s representative, was there to inspect and encourage
this new start.
The Protestant bishop was William C. Bompas, a bizarre man who related poorly to people, spent much
time alone translating the Bible, and supposedly finding a form of poetry in it that others had failed to
see. His arrival in the North in the mid-1860s when still a low-level cleric had soon been followed by
friction with the senior cleric (W.W. Kirkby), which was resolved temporarily by letting Bompas
give in to his endless desire to travel, a so-called traveling commission. It did not resolve issues, as
Bompas spent too much time south of the Mackenzie in the Athabasca District, and when that failed
to change, Kirkby left. .
When a new diocese was set apart that included the Mackenzie, Bompas was put in charge. He disliked
HBC men and their sins with liquor and women, made few friends, accused the Anglican Church of
adopting Catholic tenets and not caring whether natives belonged to Rome or Canterbury. Though he
married, his wife was absent for years and they had no children. One wonders about his sexual
orientation, but nothing about it appears in the archives, (except perhaps the unusual circumstance of
his 1906 death, seated in his library with an native girl¶s head on his lap). He became a figure of
bemusement and ridicule among those who saw him the most, but was much made of outside as a
courageous and highly competent missionary.
Bompas¶s negative attitude toward native catechists may have helped the Catholic Church consolidate
its hold among the Dene people along the Mackenzie River. Had he not been replaced in 1890
[check] the Inuit, too, might have gone to the Anglican side. But the new Bishop, William Reeve,
himself sought new recruits in in Toronto. There, in 1892, at Wycliffe College he met a senior
student, Isaac Stringer, who agreed to go that same year to go to Fort McPherson to counter the
Catholic threat and convert the Inuit to the Protestant side.
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used force to maintain it. Hence no Inuit reached Fort Good Hope on the Mackenzie ( initially situated
two days¶ canoe travel south of the Delta).
A few decades after its founding Good Hope was moved further south, but in 1840, in part to continue
its links with the Gwich¶in, the HBC built Fort McPherson on the Peel. Killings by Gwich¶in
occurred if bands from the Delta approached (the former had guns, the latter did not), so it was not
until 1853 that Inuit entered the site. Thereafter they established a pattern of visiting in large numbers
in spring, and leaving a week or two later for the outer Eastern Channel to hunt belugas (small white
whales). In September a few came back to meet the HBC trader as he returned with new goods from
his summer journey to Fort Simpson, HBC headquarters on the Mackenzie.
That seasonal pattern changed after the Wrigley started service. The Inuit still arrived at McPherson after
ice had left the Delta, but many stayed till the steamer arrived and discharged its goods. During this
visit their number was larger than before, but almost none came in September, if they came at all. The
only time a missionary could now meet them at Peel¶s River was in late June and early July, and if he
arrived himself on the Wrigley, there was but a day or two of contact before they took off.
To spend more time with the Inuit, clerics had no choice but to visit their home at Kittigazuit (called the
Eskimo Village by whites) in the outer Eastern Channel of the Delta, and stay through August and
early September. Another means was to reach them by snowshoes on the ice in late fall or in spring.
In the case of the latter, the missionary could travel south with the Inuit in their umiaks, or women¶s
boats, to McPherson. So if mission success had to do with the number of contact days with potentialconverts (a very large if), then a cleric like Camille Lefebvre, who was loath to travel under hard
conditions, had a disadvantage vis-à-vis an opponent such as Isaac Stringer, who relished such
challenges, and always felt best on the trail.
II. Whalers
Two years after the Wrigley appeared on the Mackenzie, other steam vessels, larger still and in far
greater number, altered the Inuit¶s world. In 1889 whalers from San Francisco first came west along
the coast from the Behring Strait to the mouth of the Mackenzie²though driven by sail they had
extra power from steam engines, which lessened fear of getting stuck in summer ice. Finding many
whales, they returned the next year and set up base at Herschel Island, off the Yukon Coast near the
Delta. Overwintering there, they hunted off the edge of the ice in spring and as soon as conditions
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permitted, resumed hunting with ships. That way not a day of whaling was lost. So vast were profits
that by 1895 a dozen ships and six hundred men spent the entire cold season waiting for another
chance to get rich.
The whalers brought with them Inuit from Alaska, then referred to by whites as Nunatagmiut, whose
number, about two hundred, equaled that of the region¶s main original group of native people, who
lived in the Eastern Delta. Whites referred to the latter with local terms such as Kogmolliks (meaning
people from the East) or Kukpugmiut (people of the large water) and it is they who are the subject of
the story told here. For until the arrival of the Nunatagmiut, bands from the Delta¶s western side
seldom went far south in the Delta or visited Fort McPherson.
Tension between Nunatagmiut and Kukpugmiut
What that happy story does not tell is that the Kukpugmiut were a jealous people²though they took to
Stringer during his summer stays in the Eastern Delta, they were concerned about his visits
immediately afterwards to the Nunatagmiut at Herschel Island . And when in 1897 he moved there
fulltime it was proof he had abandoned plans to live at Kittigazuit. His home was now among
Nunatagmiut, a people who had only recently arrived in the region, and who were, in many a sense,
intruders.
Though the Kukpugmiut traded with whalers, they otherwise kept their distance, and with few
exceptions took no employ with the fleet. Kokhlik, their chief, led the tribe in keeping to its ownways.
Liquor, Nunatagmiut, and Conversion
The whalers¶ presence altered the Kukpugmiut¶s world. Within a week¶s travel by boat or sled across
the mouth of the Delta they had access to a white community many times their own size, with
tobacco, tea, a wide variety of trading goods, and alcohol brought from San Francisco.
The whalers used liquor, among other things, for access to native women, and to barter for meat and
furs. Most of that affected the Nunatagmiut, but the Kukpugmiut in the early 1890s began a pattern of
fall and spring travel on the ice to the ships, and whalers sent Nunatagmiut delegates with liquor and
other items to trade in the Eastern Delta.
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Stringer was in the Eastern Delta in the 1894 spring when Inuit traders from the ships arrived and the
chief and many others got drunk. Determined to stop the traffic, he composed an appeal to the
whalers in conjunction with others at Fort McPherson (visitors such as his bishop and an HBC
inspector, along with the local HBC clerk) and in summer presented it to the captains in person. It
cost him no friends, as he was liked by officers and crews, and it raised the respect he held.
Early Mission history.
From the time in the late 1850s that competing Anglican and Catholic clerics first appeared in the
Mackenzie District, the region¶s Indian almost uniformly joined the Roman side. Contrary to what
Anglican clerics said back home, they had almost no converts. The swath of Roman adherents
extended to Point Separation, the upstream tip of the Mackenzie Delta, where Inuit terrain began.
Here, near the river¶s northernmost point, was the only instance of a sharp tribal division along
Christian religious lines. Adherent to Rome was the south-eastern branch of the Gwich¶in (a Dene
tribe then referred to by whites as Loucheux), who lived along the (Arctic) Red River and the nearby
Mackenzie; adherent to Anglicans were Gwich¶in to the west and north on the Peel and across the
mountains in the Yukon.
One reason why the Catholic church did so well along the Mackenzie was natives¶ long exposure to
French-speaking men from Quebec. From the late eighteenth century on, when Montreal-based
traders entered the district, their oar-driven boats were powered by Quebec voyageurs from deeply
religious Catholic homes. Many stayed on site and had children with native women. When in 1858
competing Christian clerics arrived on the Mackenzie on the same HBC brigade (a group of vessels),
the crews favored the Catholic priest and eased his contact with natives. As it was, Dene flocked to
the former and ignored his Protestant opponent.i
Because of the early connection to voyageurs, French was the main European language along the
Mackenzie River, and combined with native terms served as a commercial and social bridge between
low-rank fur trade employees and native people.
Why Gwich¶in along the Mackenzie became Catholic has to do with those same dynamics²Fort Good
Hope, founded in 1804, sat within their terrain just a day or two¶s travel south of the Delta. The
extent to which French played a role in the local white economy is reflected in one of the post¶s early
names²Fort de Nancy (after a trader¶s daughter). When in 1826 the Hudson¶s Bay Company took
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joined ageing Father Séguin at Good Hope. The summer after saw the arrival at Fort Norman (on the
Mackenzie near Great Bear Lake) of Father Camille Lefebvre, another novice from Quebec. He
joined Séguin and Giroux in early 1900. As soon as he reached them, Giroux left for Fort McPherson
to start building a mission.
Fort McPherson in 1890
In 1890 Fort McPherson had for decades consisted of two main structures: the HBC post and the
Anglican mission. When that year the Oblates sent Father Constant-Alarie Giroux to build a structure
(a small chapel combined with a residence), they faced two strongly anti-Catholic characters, each of
mixed blood, born in what is now southern Manitoba, and trained at the Anglican school at the Red
River Settlement to go north as missionaries. Though Joseph Hodgson, the HBC man, had left the
mission for the fur trade, he remained an ordained deacon. Yet solidarity was not what it seemed:
Hodgson detested the archdeacon, and few people got along with the latter and his Loucheux wife.
Victory turned into Disaster
The Oblates¶ withdrawal, as Isaac Stringer found out, did not translate into adoption of h is creed or to a
change in native ways. After Father Lefebvre had lost the Roman cause, the Inuit did not become
Christian. Part of that, one might argue, was due a social insult to Kokhlik, the Kukpugmiut chief, by
the white community at Fort McPherson just days after he had declared he would no longer visit the
Catholic side, and told the priest not to visit the Inuit in the Delta.
After having left his own son with Stringer an entire winter to live with the missionary in the latter¶s
room at the mission, Kokhlik was denied access to a dinner at the HBC post to which all of
McPherson¶s important whites (other than the priests ) were invited. His attitude toward the
Protestant mission shifted abruptly, and though he and Stringer retained respect for each other
(Kokhlik sold him meat in 1899 his camp by the Eskimo Lakes when Stringer was short of it at
Herschel Island) warmth toward the mission and the Christian cause never returned.
In 1900 Inuit were still taking on extra wives, and the next year when Stringer left the North, there was
not a single native Christian to show for his work. It took nearly another decade of mission work (by
a cleric much less liked, and often feared) for Inuit conversion to occur²a wave that included nearly
all the tribe.
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Stringer had used every technique known to missionaries: handing out and trading much-sought-after
southern goods, visiting Inuit in their homes (missionizing from below), developing close
relationships with the chiefs (missionizing from above), taking a young man home with him for the
winter to Fort McPherson (extraction), traveling with the Inuit on their sleds and in their boats during
their spring migration and showing he could shoot caribou with a gun as well as they (they said he
was ³as good as a Kukpugmiuk) , becoming a trader (from 1897 on he lived in and operated the
trade-post of the Pacific Whaling Company on nearby Herschel Island), teaching the Inuit to sing
hymns and other songs (they loved music), and bringing his wife north so that his family grew up
among his future congregation. None of this made any visible difference.
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1877
Petitot¶s psychiatric disorder, as intrusive as ever,
spoils a visit to the Inuit at Fort McPherson
1878, 03, 22. Séguin to Fabre, OAR
Je serais peut-être resté plus longtemps avec eux [les Loucheux] , mais je craignais pour le P. Petitot, car
il n¶était pas content de ceux qui avaient été au fort, il les avait entendu (commîson ordinaire) débiter
mille calomnies aux Esquimaux à son sujet et il était surexcité autant qu¶on peut l¶être. Il avait la
figure comme lorsqu¶il avait eu autre fois des accès et je craignais en restant plus longtemps avec eux
de le voir tomber dans un de ces accès. Nous arrivâmes saint et sauf le 1 juillet à Good Hope. Le P.
Petitot étant assez bien rétabli quelques jours après il se mettait à peinturer notre petite chapelle. . .
1881 and 1887
Father Séguin¶s Fears
that Protestants will gain Inuit hearts
1881
Seguin¶s visit to Fort Mission
comes to nil as he does not know their language
1882, 06, 06. Séguin to Fabre, OAR.
Je fus reçu à ce poste [Peel¶s River] à bras ouvert pour ainsi dire, par les serviteurs catholiques qui
m¶avaient fait demander pendant l¶hiver. . . Les Esquimaux font aussi bien pitié. Il y en avait 35
loges. C¶étaient nos plus fidèles visiteurs, ma tente en était encombrée toute la journée. Mais je
n¶avais point d¶interprète pour les instruire. Ils ne veulent point du ministre, qui a une femme comme
eux. Jusqu¶à présent ils résistent à toutes les sollicitations des ministres, mais s¶il ne nous arrive
point de renfort à Good Hope, je crains bien qu¶ils n¶embrassent l¶hérésie, car il vient [illegible],
l¶automne prochaine, un frère morave du Groenland pour s¶occuper de leur conversion. En somme,
mon voyage a été à peu près inutile.
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1887
Séguin thinks the Anglican Loucheux who visit McPherson
would all turn Catholic if a priest stayed longer nearby each year. Many dislike the
Protestant faith, and four claim to have visited heaven and come back with
new religious tenets.
Séguin to Fabre, 1887, 06, 01, OAR.
A pareille époque l¶année dernière j¶avais le bonheur d¶être en compagnie de Mgr. Clut. Mais Sa
Grandeur est bien loin d¶ici maintenant et depuis qu¶elle m¶a quitté je suis resté seul avec le bon frère
Kearney. Aussitôt après le départ de Monseigneur je me rendis comme à l¶ordinaire sur les terres des
Loucheux.
Je les trouvai bien peinés de ce que Sa Grandeur n¶avait pas pu m¶accompagner chez eux. Pour marquer
leur douleur, les pauvres gens, surtout les femmes, se prenaitent le nez entre le pouce et l¶index et se
le tortaient dans tous les sens en criant chacun de son coté: ³chi chia ane chi chia ane,´ ce qui veut
dire c¶est ma faute, c¶est ma faute. Si le Grand Priant est malade et n¶a pas pu venir me voir. Si mon
idée (personnifié par le nez) n¶était pas si mauvais, il n¶en aurait pas été ainsi; pour ta peine attrape
cela. Et ils torturaient leurs nez à qui mieux mieux et jusqu¶a le faire saigner.
Tout le temps que je restais avec eux ils disaient tous les jours un chapelet pour la guérison de Sa
Grandeur et ils promirent de continuer après mon départ. J¶espère que le bon Dieu aura écouté leurs
prières et que Monseigneur pourra venir bientôt les visiter et donner le Saint Esprit par la
confirmation que la plus grand nombre n¶ont pas encore reçue.
Si un prêtre pouvait rester plus longtemps que j¶en fais au milieu d¶eux, je ne doute pas qu¶avant peu de
temps, la plus grande partie des Loucheux de Peel¶s River²qui sont maintenant protestants²se
feraient catholiques. Ceux qui ont envie de bien faire sont de plus en plus dégoutés de leur
protestantisme.
Dans un seul hiver il y a eu quatre des leurs qui ont été faire un voyage, disent-ils, au ciel et ils en sont
revenus avec chacun un sorte de religion. Le ministre a tout approuvé et les a établis priants pour
leurs parents. Chacun veut faire prévaler son idée et ce sont parmi eux des disputes sans fin. . .
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1887
An HBC Steamboat began service on the Mackenzie
Séguin to Fabre, 1888, 06, 06, OAR
Le printemps dernier nous avons eu le plaisir de voir à Good Hope un steamboat que la compagnie à fait
construire pour le transport de ses marchandises et de ses pelletteries. En le voyant ma première
pensée a été celle-ci. Jusqu¶à présent nous avons été comme des enfants abandonnés. . . [Oblate
visitors to diocese will now be able to come further north, to Good Hope, etc. ]
1888 Spring
Giroux learned that a new Oblate priest, Father Constant-HilarieGiroux ,
would come to Good Hope in midsummer
Giroux
J¶ai été ordonné le 17 juillet 1887 dans le scholasticat [St. Joseph] d¶Archville par le vénérable Mgr.
Grandin.ii
Séguin to Fabre, 1888, 06, 06, OAR
Par l¶exprès du printemps, arrivé ici le 18 Avril, j¶ai reçu une bonne nouvelle. Mgr. Faraud m¶annonçait
dans sa lettre qu¶il m¶envoyait le jeune Père Giroux et qu¶il m¶arriverait au milieu de l¶été. Deogratias.
New HBC trade rules and hunger had kept the Hareskins away from Fort Good
Hope in winter, and only a few had shown up at Easter. Their number was swelled
by seven Inuit families who had taken a week and a half to reach there, and
remained on site another. Seguin thought the Loucheux a a more religious tribe
than the Hareskins, which made it a pity
there was permanent mission among them. Many had become the prey of Protestant
missionaries, and that for want of Oblate priests. For for a large number it was in
name only, and they yearned to join the Catholic Church. But a priest was too far
off so they were likely to stay as they were. The only ones who had joined the Roman
Church were fifty families along the Mackenzie.Séguin to Fabre, 1888, 06, 06, OAR
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L¶automne dernier les sauvages étaient partis pour le bois mal contents des nouveaux règlements de la
Compagnie, [et] n¶ont fait que de rares apparitions pendant l¶hiver. A Pâques seulement il en est
venu quelques uns. Sept familles Loucheuses sont venues grossir leur nombre. Ils ont mis dix jours
pour venir de leurs camp, et sont restées ici huit jours. Le manque de vivre seule les a fait partir.
Quand ils sont prêts du prêtre et de la maison de Dieu, ils ne savent plus s¶en aller. Ils sont bien plus
religieux que les Peaux de Lièvres et c¶est bien dommage qu¶il n¶y ait point de mission établie parmi
eux. Ce serait les sauvages ui donneraitent le plus de consolation à leur missionnaires. Mais ils sont
devenus en grande partie, faute de prêtres, la proie des protestants. Les ministres au nombre de 4 ont
quatre stations parmi eux. Nous n¶avons que les cinquante familles dont les terres longent la rivière
Mackenzie. Un grand nombre qui appartiennent au protestantisme, mais de nom seulement,
voudraient bien devenir catholiques, mais le prêtre est trop loin pour eux, et faute de mieux ils restent
ça que l¶on les a fait.
1887-1890
Prelude to a new mission:
Fathers Giroux and Lelebvre
A sub-plot in this story concerned the Canadian nationality of the two priests who founded the
Oblates¶ Fort McPherson mission in 1890. Nearly all Oblates in the Mackenzie Valley watershed
were French, and there was a perception on the part of some that such an origin was essential to
carrying out the most diff icult tasks. Problems inF
rance, however, made it hard to find recruits,so the elder Bishops of the Northwest, Grandin and Faraud (both of French birth) sought
candidates in the novitiates of Quebec and located two candidates, Constant-Alarie Giroux and
Camille Lefebvre.
Because the Mackenzie was so distant and because it included the Arctic Coast (it was said to
extend all the way to the Pole), being assigned to that region was one of the greatest honors that
could be bestowed on a newly ordained Oblate.
In 1887 Father Constant-Alarie Giroux was ordained in Archville, Quebec, and by the next
summer had joined Father Séguin at Good Hope.
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Father Camille Lefebvre, ordained in Québec in 1889, asked Bishop Faraud to pray that he might
all his life as a missionary he would be saintly and zealous.iii
Meeting Faraud in western Canada in
Julyiv, and was given the task of converting the Mackenzie Inuit. Father Giroux was assigned to
the Gwich¶in.v
By October Lefebvre reached Fort Norman,vi
where he spent the winter studying the Hareskin
Indian language (not useful to his future work in the Mackenzie Delta). vii
Father Giroux thanked the bishop profusely for sending Lefebvre (they were from the same
Quebec town and had studied at the same collegiate)
viii
and submitted in deep obedience to ordersto start McPherson¶s ³double mission.´ The bishop, he responded in the groveling style then
expected of clerics, was capable of all, would do all that was necessary to make the mission
succeed, and thereby save many souls. God never let his children down, and would make the new
venture come about. ix
In April, when Lefebvre reached Good Hope, Giroux left from there for McPherson to cut logs for
a mission. x Initially he was the guest of Joseph Hodgson, the HBC clerk, who had himself come
north decades earlier as a teacher in the Anglican missions--though he had left churchly employ,
he had remained an ordained deacon. Hodgson¶s wife, a Dene from further south on the
Mackenzie, took tender care of Lefebvre¶s feet, injured and frozen during the snowshoe journey to
the post--a rapid one, as he went north with the so-called ³express´ or ³packet´, the team of two
native men and a sled who delivered the winter mail from post to post, tramping north from Fort
Simpson in the fastest time possible..
Lefebvre¶s first summer at McPherson
Lefebvre
In June Father Emile Grouard visited the Mackenzie on the HBC steamer for a tour of inspection
for Bishop Faraud. At Good Hope he picked up Father Lefebvre and left him at Fort McPherson
for the summer.xi
Hodgson laconically noted in the post journal that Lefebvre had come ³to try to
evangelize the Esquimaux. ´ The latter usually left shortly after the steamer unloaded its goods,
but were kept from leaving by a contrary wind.xii Yet Lefebvre¶s contact with them, it seems, was
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minimal, and other than a vague comment that there were signs he might succeed in future, he left
no record.
Lefebvre asked his bishop for permission stay the winter, as that would permit quicker learning of
the Inuit language, and thereby let him do more for these ³poor abandoned´ souls. It might take
years of effort to make them grasp Christian truths, and besides, given the work that also had to
be done among the Gwich¶in, there was work enough for two priests.
What he failed to mention was that Inuit would not be at the post the next ten months, and that
instruction in Inuktitut would come from a local translator, George Greenland, who worked for
the HBC and the Anglican mission, but who was willing to earn extra income behind his
employers¶ back. Born among the Inuit of the Eastern Delta (whom whites referred to at the time
as the Kukpugmiut) George had been been left at some point at Fort McPherson, and had at an
early age in xxxx gone south with Father Petitot to Good Hope to help compile an Inuit dictionary.
Language and George would turn out to be Lefebvre¶s Achilles¶ heel. Although no one realized it
yet, he had no no aptitude for learning tongues. And George¶s irascible ways turned people
against himself and those he represented.
Lefebvre¶s request to stay year-round at McPherson was not granted, as he was needed in winter
at Good Hope to assist the agingFather Séguin, and the vicariate lacked recruits to take up that
duty. What also concerned the bishop was scarcity of food at McPherson. So on Sept. 1 the young
priest headed south. xiiixiv
1891
Lefebvre¶s second summer
at Fort McPherson
When in mid-June the next year Lefebvre returned to McPherson, he was astounded by the work
Father Giroux had done. Logs for a building fifty by thirty feet had been cut in distant woods and
hauled to the fort, though early thaw had prevented dragging in the largest pieces.
Séguin at Good Hope
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Le P. Lefebvre m¶a été d¶un grand secours pendant la mission, soit pour le chant soit pour enseigner les
prières aux petits et aux grands qu¶il réunissait chaque jour à midi. C¶est le 15 juin qu¶il est parti en
squiff avec un jeune sauvage [Beziulle] pour se rendre à Peel¶s River ou l¶attendait avec impatience
le P. Giroux qui y était seul depuis le 1er Septembre dernier.xv
McPherson Codex
June 20. Arrivée du P. Lefebvre à 2 h. a.m. avec Beziulle.xvi
Séguin at Good Hope
Le premier juillet je recevais de leurs nouvelles. Le P. Lefebvre avait fait un heureux voyage et était
arrivé là la sixième journée. Le P. Giroux était en bonne santé et avait fait de l¶ouvrage comme
quatre, ayant tous les bois rendus en place pour une maison de 50 pieds sur 30, sauf 21 morceaux des
plus gros que la fonte des neiges lui avait empêché de charroyer.xvii
When the Inuit arrived and stayed two weeks, Lefebvre had the field to himself, but he
accomplished little, for language remained the barrier though he had taken some lessons from
George. But then a break occurred: a sick man, Kapalayak, stayed behind when his people went
home and just before his death was baptized Joseph Kapalayak by Lefebvre²which according to
Catholic doctrine of that time meant he received God¶s grace and after a period in purgatory
would reach heaven. Lefebvre was about to bury the man when interference by George stopped
him.
George had been willing to secretly teach Lefebvre the Inuit language, but would not go so far as
to help the fathers send Kapalayak to an after-world different from that of the Anglican church,
as retribution from McDonald and Hodgson might have been nasty. So he arranged for a native
Anglican catechist, a Gwich¶in), to lay Kapalayak to rest. When in early August Lefebvre left for
Good Hope, there was nothing to show for his work.xviii
1892Lefebvre·s third summer at McPherson.
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In June 1892 Lefebvre went north again to McPherson, this time to for a year-round tenure that
was meant to last a long time. From now on he planned to see the Kukpugmiut during their spring
visit to the post, and in summer to visit their homes in the outer Delta, where they hunted belugas.
Codex [date?]
Arrivée définitive du P. Lefebvre.xix
Codex (Nadeau), WV version
Father Lefebvre arrived, this time to live year-round with Father Giroux, and resumed taking language
lessons from George Greenland. Nadeau¶s words ³Chaque printemps, il attendra l¶arrivée des
baleinières esquimaudes remontant la Peel jusqu¶à MacPherson, chargées de fourrures, puis, la traité
finie, il descendra avec ses ouailles séjourner à l¶embouchure du Mackenzie, tâchant de pêcher les
âmes de ses pêcheurs de baleine.´xx
In July Bishop Clut visited the mission.
Séguin
[Le père Lefebvre] n¶aura pas beaucoup d¶Esquimaux à présenter pour la confirmation, car jusqu¶ici il
n¶a fait qu¶un baptême [Joseph Yapalayak] et son baptisé est mort quelque temps après.xxi
While headed north on the Wrigley, Clut had as fellow passenger Isaac Stringer, a novice Anglicanmissionary (ordained the deacon level) whose task it was to to convert the Inuit, and counter
Lefebvre¶s efforts.
Lefebvre
A Protestant minister arrived here recently on the [Hudson¶s Bay] Company steamer. He was barely off
the boat when he began to equip a canoe to go and spend the rest of the warm season with the
Eskimos, down by the sea. Like a good shepherd, I could not ignore the danger that was about to face
my sheep, which, alas, still roamed far away from their proper home [i.e.Rome]...
The bishop arrived just as most of them were taking to their boats, but time remained to shake hands.
Three families, including the chief mentioned above, had not yet broken camp. When I told the
bishop of the minister¶s intent to go to the Arctic Ocean, he answered ³That¶s unfortunate²if he gets
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there, your infidels may give themselves to him, leaving none for you.´ ³There¶s a remedy,
Monseigneur,´ I answered, ³A chief here [Toweachiuk, or Squint Eyes] holds me in high regard. If
you give permission, I¶ll leave with him, live with him, and return with the Eskimos who visit the fort
in the fall.´ ³Yes,´ he replied, repeating it twice, ³it must be done.´xxii
On July 22 Lefebvre left for Kittigazuit with Toweachiuk, whom he considered his protector.
Stringer diary
Huskies leaving. Toweachiuk up to mission. Priest left with him.xxiii
Codex
Le P. Lefebvre part avec Toredzek [i.e. Toweachiuk].xxiv
Lefebvre
I left McPherson; happy knowing I was ahead of the minister. Sitting in the omiark (a whale-skin bark),
I occupied the place of honor beside my adopted father. The dogs came behind, and then the women.
It¶s for a good reason they sit further back, for they have the heavy task of moving the large paddles
from morning to night. Still, they know how to fulfill that role without getting too tired, for, most of
the time, they let the paddles rest on the water. Besides, the Eskimo are rather happy-go-lucky on
their trips; as long as they have food, they show little concern for the future.
[At Kittigazuit] I profited from the general levity by paying a brief visit to each house and made on this
occasion a small distribution of gifts. You should have seen the joy with which they received me,
constantly repeating the word mat chi (mer ci pronounced in the Eskimo way). All wanted to follow
me from house to house, but the narrow entrance passage prevented them.
Most of the men I had not seen ... now began to arrive [having ended the day¶s hunt]. They spent all
evening with us, drinking tea, which they are as eager to get this as we are a good glass of wine.
I had spent eight days amongst my infidels when, as I walked on the beach reciting my breviary, I saw
the approach of a canoe with three men. I soon realized it was the minister accompanied by his two
acolytes, one of which was the well-known interpreter George.
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On seeing them, my heart began to pound; but, putting all my faith in God, I continued to pray. A few
hours went by and the new arrival, accompanied by his interpreter, started a visit to all the camps.
Poor Devil! His entry into the village was less than triumphal and he was almost chased out.
Up until now the Eskimos had seemed completely aloof to my mission, and it took this interference from
the minister to make them aware that I was no ordinary stranger. ³You are our honorable minister,´
they kept saying from that day on, ³the other one is nothing but a white trader, for he takes a wife like
the rest of us. We don¶t care for him.´xxv
Stringer Diary
As we paddled up the inlet a young man came out in a kaiyak bringing an invitation from one of the
chiefs named Towaachiuk (or ³squint eye´) to go to his tent. The Roman Catholic priest was staying
there, so, as we had a tent with us, we paddled up past the village and pitched our tent about two
hundred yards away from the nearest camp.xxvi
Stringer letters
There is a Romanist priest here and he is doing what he can to work against me. He has been at Peel's
River for more than a year but never came down amongst the Huskies till I came.xxvii
The priest had been giving presents all around²mostly needles and sweeties²and I was continually
hearing of this and of how good he was to them. However, I stuck to my plan and gave away very
little except to some sick people and to the chiefs when leaving. Things were looking rather ³blue´
for me when I was there about a week. I went up one day with George to the chief¶s tent [i.e. that of
Takochikina, the junior chief]. He did not receive me very cordially. After a while he said he did not
see why I did not give them more presents. He thought there was no use in my staying any longer
and that I had better leave the village. George told me what he said.
Perhaps you know that I sometimes become rather determined and stubborn. Well, I did then. I knew a
great deal depended on that day and that visit to the chief. I just said to myself²I am here now, and
here I am going to stay till I have to go. I think I prayed pretty hard in silence also. I did not say
much²a few earnest words as to the object of my visit and the way they seemed to misunderstand
that object.
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I don¶t know how it came about, but I know that in a very short time the chief asked me to come into his
private room. He said he wanted to go to heaven and wished to know more about it. I had a very
satisfactory talk and from that time this chief was my friend.xxviii
I put in the time as best I could. Walked around the village a good deal and got acquainted with the
children. I did not see much of the priest. I called on him once and had a friendly chat, but we were
not very friendly, I imagine. He tried in different ways to put the Huskies against me. Time will tell
how he succeeded. He gave the Huskies many crosses and I had the satisfaction of seeing some
thrown in the water. I am not a bigoted anti-Romanist but when I see a man doing what he can to
oppose me, I am human enough to find a little pleasure in anything that indicates the lessening of his
influence, especially as it increases the chances of the pure Gospel being preached as I believe it
should be.xxix
Stringer diary
Aug. 7. One woman said that the priest told them they would go to heaven, but their children would
have to stay here. They wanted their children there too. Other women told me that the priest told
them not to go near me [and] that I did not want to see them because I pitched my tent up so far from
them. One woman had a cross tied around her neck. I told them the Gospel simply.xxx
Stringer diary
Aug. 08. But why so discouraged? I think there is a combination of causes. I do not feel very wellmyself. It is a dull day. The morning¶s work has not been all encouraging. The whole work is difficult
and needs much patience. It is discouraging to have that priest working dead against one. Not
knowing the language it is a little uninteresting. But I must take all these [problems] to a higher
being. I must not be thus cast down. There is a brighter day coming on.xxxi
Aug. 9. Taligoak [one of the men] asked why I did not give them tea or something. The priest gave each
one two needles. I was a miser. This put me out of sorts again. I wonder what will be the result of all
this. Will my refusing them what they ask do good or harm in the end? I wish I knew what to do. I
shall go on in my usual way . . . [I] ReadRomanism and H oly S cripture C ompared . . . . Priest told
the Huskies that I was not a minister--only men who wore dress like he were ministers.
Aug. 10. Huskies began to complain that I did not give them anything. The priest gave them something.
If I would give them a little tea now and again they would like it better. George¶s cousin said they
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were like a lot of children or dogs. They did not know anything about a God and all they thought of
was what they could get. They grabbed at everything like children. This seemed very true.xxxii
August 13. Went with George up to see young chief [Takochikina]... Priest passed us.xxxiii
August 15. The priest just left for the Fort, and I am not sorry that he has gone.xxxiv
When Stringer turned homeward and stopped at Singigizyooak, he again met Father Lefebvre
and chief Toweachiuk. But several things turned in Stringer¶s favor. His men had shot some
caribou on the way south from Kittigazuit, and since the Inuit lacked food, he shared it. Then
Toweachiuk left, so that the priest no longer had someone to care for his best interests. This was
followed by the arrival of Takochikina, the junior chief with whom Stringer had developed a good
relationship at Kittigazuit. By the time Stringer left, all present had expressed their loyalty to his
faith. As he left and his boat drifted from shore, Takochikina shouted he wanted the minister for
his religious guidance, not the priest who sat nearby (and who had no way to get home).
Stringer diary
Aug. 18. Reached Singigizyooak...Three camps there. Toweachiuk there. Priest also. We went ashore
and camped on way between camps. Put up tent and got things ready. Gave some meat away.
Aug. 19. Toweachiuk came over as also did other Huskies. A couple more arrived. Talking around fire.
Priest came over with accordion. Chatted for a while then went on. . . Over with Huskies. Had a
good talk with them about God and Jesus.
Aug. 20. Toweachiuk preparing to start. He came over to our tent first, and we had a chat with him. [He]
Started off. . . Priest went over to another tent. . . . Young chief [Takochikina] arrived with four
others. Came over to our camp after a while. Gave them a thigh of beef and some tea and they had a
feast. We had dinner in tent. Talked around fire. Spoke to Huskies. They all assured me they would
be Protestant. . . . Chief and others in talking. . . . Very encouraging for us in leaving.
The priest looked rather disconsolate sitting beside the chief as we left. The chief yelled to us that he
hoped I would come back soon. He wanted me for their minister, not this man (the priest). If we see
any Indians, tell them to come after this man, he said. And so we left Singigizyooak.xxxv
Stringer letters
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While at this place, a good many Huskies arrived and we were able to treat them to fresh meat and some
things I had in the cache. We spent a few pleasant days here and were much encouraged.1xxxvi
Before we left, Takochikina arrived with a good many others and he urged me to go back in the winter
to stay with them. As we started off, the whole crowd was standing looking²priest and all. The
chief (Takochikina) seemed earnest in his good wishes. He urged me to come back soon. And when
we were out a piece he yelled, again telling me to be sure and come²that he wanted me for the
minister to this people²not this priest. Thus the tables were turned and the chief who a short time
before said he did not want me with them now urged me to come back soon. Truly our ways are not
God¶s ways. I have not seen any of them since, but I hope to soon again.xxxvii
Lefebvre had not realized how quickly the Steamer Wrigley¶s July trip had changed the Inuit¶s
longstanding pattern of each year returning to McPherson in early September, which is when the
post¶s trader arrrived with new goods from Fort Simpson. Now new goods all arrived in late June
or early July, much trading occurred at that time, and there was no point for Inuit to go the post a
second time. But it was not until he Lefebre was at Singigizyooak and Toweachiuk left, that the
reality hit him of having no way to go home. No one would take him until he showed a willingness
to pay. But a day or two into the journey the Inuk who headed the boat soon changed his mind
and dropped the father off on shore (without returning the fare) so that the father was reduced to
walking along shore. After the indignity inflicted on him at Singigyzooak, he had now been
fleeced, and the story of his scrambling south could only increase the ridicule now attached to him.
Lefebvre was fortunate in that, after a difficult overnight march, he found a Gwich¶in who gave
him passage the rest of the way. On Sept. 1, he reached McPherson.
Lefebvre
Aug. 18. I got the idea of hiring a family (since the Eskimos would not undertake such a trip without
compensation) to take me home. A favorable reply soon arrived.xxxviii
In an assessment of the trip for his bishop, Lefebvre claimed the Inuit were attached to him rather
than the minister and at the same time spelled out reasons why he might loose the battle. In effect,
he was preparing the bishop for a defeat--not because of shortcomings on his part, but because of
the unfair advantages enjoyed by his opponent. The Protestants, to put it another way, were
playing dirty.
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Despite their oft-repeated declaration [that they will be loyal to me and not the minister], I am far from
believing myself absolute master of this terrain. I worry greatly that these poor unbelievers, tied as
they are to material values, might let themselves be swayed by the various temptations the Protestant
minister is likely to offer them the next time he visits them.
For, besides his one-thousand-louis salary, he also receives quite a large number of trunks [filled with
gifts for the Eskimo]²I myself saw them come off the boat. What have I to do battle against such
riches? Nothing, except for my faith in the goodness of divine grace. If God is for us, who can be
against us?xxxix
The 1892-93 winter
Stringer was secretly engaged to Sadie Alexander, a lively young woman in Ontario, but saw no
way to leave the North to be married. His absence, he feared, would let Lefebvre win. Ironically,
he thought Lefebvre was making strides in learning the Inuit language.
Stringer to Sadie
A Roman Catholic priest has been here three years now and is working among the Eskimo. He has quite
a start of me in learning the language and I must do my best for the first few years in order to teach
those people what I believe is the truth.xl
If the priest of Romanism were not here I could go home anytime, but I feel sure that one short year's
absence would give him a greater foothold. And Sadie, much as I long for home, and much as I
would like to have you here my first duty is the work. I believe I have been truly called of God to
this place and with His blessing I mean to do the little I can do till he shows me I can leave.xli
The 1893 Summer
In early 1893 Stringer visited the whalers at Herschel Island and reached McPherson just before
the Inuit arrived for their annual visit. Cause for worry was the conduct of Lefebvre, who left for
Kittigazuit shortly after the minister got home. The tactic made no sense, since most Inuit were at
McPherson and few remained in the village in the outer Delta.
Stringer letter
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The day I came home [from Herschel Island] the Roman Catholic priest started for the village
[Kittigazuit] and is away yet. The most of the Eskimos came here and I don¶t see in what way he
would gain any advantage by going. Nearly every day I have had the Eskimo up to the church and
have taught them through the assistance of George Greenland.xlii
I hope to be with him [i.e. Father Lefebvre] soon. He is bestirring himself since I came. He does not
appear to have made much impression yet, but he is working very slyly and must be watched or the
Eskimos may become Romanized and my work be in vain.xliii
When Stringer reached Kittigazuit it seemed the priest¶s going north early had badly hurt the
Anglican cause.
Stringer diary
Aug. 4. Went for walk up beach. Fine day. Mosquitoes bad. Met priest as I was returning. Had a little
chat with him and passed on. . . . According to first appearances the priest appears to have got a
foothold. He has been dealing out tea and sugar very freely, giving them feasts quite frequently, and
in that way getting them together. He has learned a good deal of the language. I must give him the
credit for all he has done. But I don't by any means despair. I can only do my duty. Truth will prevail
sometime, and if this work is not for me I must be resigned to it. However, I think there is something
for me here yet to do.
Aug. 5. Went to council house and lo, the priest was there. I went in and sat down and told him not to let
me interrupt him. We had a chat then about the country, the fort etc., and the Huskies. Most of the
Huskies left after a while and I did also. . . . [My helper] Kenneth returned. Priest had big talk with
him about religions etc.
Aug. 6. The priest is to start tomorrow for the fort. . . . Had chat with him and asked him to take letter to
archdeacon. Also asked him to help himself to moose meat [Stringer had killed a moose on route
north and left a cache]. Our intercourse so far has been friendly. . . . Heard tonight that priest is
getting a cripple to go with him to fort.
Aug. 7. Wrote letter to archdeacon in council house. Ate breakfast, intending to go over to priest with
letter immediately afterwards, but while we were eating we saw the priest's craft out on the way.xliv
Stringer letter
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The first few days were very trying and I came to the conclusion that I could not stand this very long.
But times have changed and I am quite at home now. The Romanist priest was here some time
before I was and had gained some ground. I could not come any sooner as I had to stop till the
steamer arrived at the fort [so the bishop could consecrate me to the priesthood]2.
A few days after I came here the priest left for the fort and I have been here ever since. At first I had a
regular string of requests for tea, sugar, tobacco, matches, knives, and in fact I was asked for nearly
everything I possessed. I gave more away than I did last summer, but my supplies soon ranshort and
since then I have had peace. I have been out of tea for some time, but one of the chiefs kindly lent
me a little.xlv
Oblate Codex
1893, 08, 22. Retour avec P. Lefebvre arrivé du 16 avec Toshen.xlvi
While at Kittigazuit, Stringer learned of the priest¶s attempt to apply the well-known tactic of
extraction: the taking of a ³heathen´ from his home to a mission site to learn the evangelizers¶
language and the Christian faith. Sent back to the tribe later, it was hoped the convert would help
bring souls to the Christian. Thus, Lefebvre had tried to have a crippled Inuk come south to Fort
McPherson with him (possibly a male with severe rheumatoid arthritis). But arrangements fell
apart, and the priest went home alone.
Stringer, however, obtained Kalukotok, teenage adopted son of Kokhlik, the Kukpugmiut¶s senior
chief. The boy stayed at McPherson from September through June, sharing Stringer¶s room at the
mission house. Stringer had up to then eaten with Archdeacon McDonald, but after Kalukotok¶s
arrival he cooked his own meals.
Stringer letter
One of the things that encourages me the most is that I have a real live Husky boy living with me and
that his friends were willing that he should come with me. It seems hard for the Huskies to part with
a boy. I felt that it would be hard to get one. The priest tried to get different ones this last summer
and the summer before, but failed. I asked the chief Kokhlik (who adopted the boy) if he would let
2
Stringer had been ordained a deacon in Toronto in 1892 before coming north. In 1893 Anglican Bishop William Reeve at Fort McPherson
ordained him to the priesthood.
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him come with me . . . his wife . . told me with tears in her eyes that I might have the boy for this
winter.xlvii
1893-1894
During the winter George Greenland gave Lefebvre further lessons in the Inuit tongue, and
plotted how to make the Inuit from visiting Stringer. The latter knew of the deception, and both
Greenland and Lefebvre lost out.
Stringer letter
Feb. 2. I find George Greenland as unstable as ever. When I returned from Herschel Island in December
last, I found that he had been teaching the priest. He came to me with a long story about how the
priests had got him into debt and then would not take payment in any other way. There was a good
deal of truth in this but I imagine that gain or the desire of gain is at the bottom of it so far as
George¶s willingness is concerned. The priest said that when their bishop came down in the spring
he would give him presents. They also paid him at the rate of a skin for half an hour¶s teaching,
which is twice as much I was paying him. He has gone on giving me lessons at the old rate and
seems as well pleased as before. But I have learned to depend on him only while having him in hand
with a rein on him, so to speak. However, I should not trouble you with these little things.xlviii
When the Inuit came to McPherson, Lefebvre used fear, warning them they would burn in hell if they continued to see Stringer. Pressure, however, was a tactic that never worked in dealing with
the Kukpugmiut, who were very proud. And that held especially for Kokhlik, their chief. Lefebvre
lost what gains he thought to make and was warned never again to visit the Inuit at their home in
the Eastern Delta.
Stringer diary
July 2. Met the chief [Kokhlik] ... He and some others came into the archdeacon¶s room and told us that
they had determined not to go to the Roman Catholic mission any more. It seems that today he
[Father Lefebvre] rang the bell for them and they did not turn up as expected. He told them yesterday
through George that those who wished to be saved were to come when he rang the bell. So today,
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when some came in afterwards, he tore up a book of Husky words3, threw it into the fire and told
them if they were going to be Protestants they would be burned like that, but if they would turn [to
the Catholic faith] he would save them.
He was quite angry at the time, and frightened some of the Huskies, who came right over to tell us about
it. They said they were not going again to hear him. The archdeacon and I had a long talk with them.
They seem quite determined, and I hope and trust they will be steadfast. . . . Had chat with
archdeacon. The Hand of God seems to be in the whole matter, and I trust the Eskimo will soon
accept the Gospel in all its fullness.xlix
George Greenland lost influence on both the Anglican and Catholic Side,
as he had offended all parties, including the Inuit.
Stringer letter
This spring a number of Eskimos came here as usual. The archdeacon and I have been doing what we
can to teach them. George Greenland has not been as satisfactory as one would wish. A week ago
Sunday he got them to attend the priest¶s service. The priest told them when he would the bell the
next day, those who wished to be saved were to come. Well, next day when he rang the bell none
came and when a few stragglers happened in after a while he became angry, tore an Eskimo book in
pieces and threw it into the fire, saying that was the way the Eskimos would be burned if they went
on as they were going (meaning, I suppose, coming to our mission).
The Eskimos were frightened. But while this was going on the chief (Kokhlik) and several others came
over and told the archdeacon and me that they had decided not to be on the fence any more and
would have nothing more to do with the priests. Then the frightened Eskimos came in and described
the scene with the priest. Then George came in to me, saying he had bad news. Told of how the
Eskimos refused to go to the R.C. mission and now he had got a bad name because of it (I don¶t know
what he meant by a bad name) and he thought he should not interpret for anyone now.
After a few questions I saw that he was playing a part and trying to get me to coax him and of course
reward him. He had tried the same thing often before and I felt this was a good time to let him have
his own swing. So I simply said alright, he could please himself. Since that I have not asked him to
3
Perhaps Lefebvre¶s throwing a dictionary of the Inuit language into the fire reflected his frustration at learning the language²his outburst
had to do with more than the Inuit¶s failure to obey his commands.
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interpret and I believe he is working in an underhand way against me. He may be able to do some
harm but I hope not much. He has not much time, for the Eskimos soon will be off and I¶ll be with
them.l
In the 1893 summer HBC clerk Hodgson had been transferred south and replaced by John Firth,
a fervently anti-Catholic Scot
Stringer diary
July 17. Mr. Firth [said that]... the priest was [i.e. had been planning on] going down to the Huskies this
spring, but that [instead] he was going to Good Hope... He seems to have come to the conclusion that
it would be useless to visit the Eskimos.li
Stringer letter
The priest is not keeping me company this summer. The Huskies did not encourage him to come down
and told him they did not want to have anything more to do with him. So he... went on a visit to
Good Hope instead. He boasted that he was going to make great efforts and would join the Huskies
to his faith this summer. But he found that things did not go as favorably as he had fondly anticipated
and I know you will be pleased to learn that his boasting was in vain. And it was not that I tried to
put the Huskies against him, for during my stay with them in the spring I said little or nothing about
him and nothing at all to depreciate him. But he has not given up yet I imagine, and next year I
expect to see him make another attempt. We can only pray that the truth may prevail.lii
Lefebvre came back from two Dene men from Good Hope, who would him cut building logs and
planks that winter. But it would be for expansion of the Oblates¶ Fort McPherson building, as
Stringer thought.
The R.C. priest took the strong hint that was given him by the Huskies and did not attempt to visit the
village. He went to Good Hope instead and brought down two men to help saw boards for their
house here.liii
Codex
July 19. Départ du P. Lefebvre pour Good Hope.liv
Aug. 25. Retour du P. Lefebvre de Good Hope avec Yeta et Alex qui doivent scier cette hiver.lv
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Fort McPherson, 1894-95.
Oblate attempts to win over Anglican Gwich¶in
Having abandoned missionizing the Inuit, the two Oblate priests focused on drawing the Anglican
members of the Gwich¶in tribe into the Catholic fold. That effort, too, came to nothing. By March,
Father Lefebvre was off to Arctic Red River with his native helpers to build a residence-cum-
chapel at that site. Since xxxx there had only been a rough structure that accommodated the
fathers during summer visits. In June, Father Giroux left McPherson as well. The mission
building, put up with such difficulty five years earlier, now stood empty.
Stringer Diary
Nov. 11. Sun. The Arch preached on the history of the Christian Church with special reference to
Romanism. Text 2 Thess.2: 13, 14.lvi
The Priests have been telling the Indians that thousands of
Protestants have become Romanists and are trying to influence the Indians in that way. So the Arch
spoke pretty plainly and forcibly today for about an hour at both Indian and English services and I
think it will do much good. [At Indian prayers] Arch again preached on Romanism. Text 2 Pet. 2:
11.4
The Mackenzie River [Gwich¶in] chief, although an Romanist, stopped for prayers. We had a
chat with him afterwards.
Nov. 14. Mr. Firth... told me of a conversation he had yesterday with Père Giroux on Romanism vs.
Protestantism and the talk amongst the Indians about what the priest had told them about 700,000
converts in the U.S.
Nov. 16. I read Evangelical C hur chman papers in search for Roman-Catholic vs. Protestant statistics re
perverts [i.e. converts from one denomination to the other]. Arch McDonald called and told me how
Mr. Firth had been to see the priest re his recent controversy.
Dec. 9 Sun. Much talk today and yesterday about Philemon and Stephen [both Gwich¶in] getting
married. It seems the R.C. Priest [Giroux] has been trying to get her married to his boy. She is
undecided apparently between the two religious persuasions. Stephen is willing to marry Phile but
4
(11) Whereas angels, which are greater in power and might, bring not railing accusations against them before the Lord. (12) But these, as
natural brute beasts, made to be tak en and destroyed, speak evil of the things that they understand not; and shall utterly perish in their own corruption. (verses 10 and 14 refer to sins of the flesh). The rest of the chapter contains much invective against certain types of
sinners. (Verse 22): But it is happened to them according to the true proverb, The dog is turned to his own vomit again; and the sow that
was washed to her wallowing in the mire.
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wishes to see his mother first. Phile is willing to marry Stephen and she sent word to the Archdeacon
today asking him to get her away from here that she might get away from the priest's influence. I
wonder what the result will be.
Dec. 26. Spoke to some [Gwich¶in] Roman Catholics about religion. Several wanted tea for fur but I
refused.lvii
Codex
March, n.d. Le père Lefebvre va équarrir à la Rivière-Rouge le bois nécessaire pour y construire une
maison-chapelle, où nous transportons notre résidence de la rivière Peel. Car les enfants du
bourgeois Firth, commençant à taquiner les catholiques, leur crient, lorsqu¶ils les voient se diriger
vers la mission au son de la cloche: ³Sainte Marie, Sainte Marie,´ et nos sauvages étant obligés de se
retirer dans les maisons de tous ces protestants lorsqu¶ils viennent pour chaque fête, il devient évident
que leur foi se trouve en danger, vu que ces gens sont tout-puissants dans le pays.lviii
Stringer diary
June 28. The Husky priest . . . started for Red River last night.
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Part B
What Happened After
1. Lefebvre
After losing the Inuit¶s goodwill, Father Lefebvre remained at McPherson¶s Catholic mission with
his colleague and senior priest Constant-Hillarie Giroux, whose role it was to cater to the
Gwich¶in. For a year the two of them tried for a face-saving victory by coaching Protestant
Gwich¶in to join the Catholic church. That, too, failed, and by 1895 they had left the building in
Fort McPherson (started with great difficulty by Father Giroux just four years earlier) and moved
to a new mission structure a days¶ travel south at the Arctic Red River. It was here, among the
Catholic Gwich¶in, that they stayed.
Father Lefebvre made summer journeys through the Delta, but never on the eastern side, on the
route taken by the Inuit he had offended. Using the Central and Western Channels, he went to
Herschel Island to purchase goods from the whalers to supply the Catholic mission. During those
journeys, he invariably met Isaac Stringer, who visited the whalers each summer as well, and who
from 1897 on ran their supply base. It was he who handed out to the priests the goods they had
ordered from the Pacific Whaling Company in San Francisco..
It would have been easy for Isaac and his wife to treat make the visiting Oblates ( a priest and
religious brother traveled together) with condescension, but instead they showed respect and
invited them into their home. Such encounters were easier, one gets the sense, after Father
Lefebvre, in early 1898, left the Mackenzie District.
By then Lefebvre¶s bishop had realized that Lefebvre lacked talent as a missionary²likely for a
number of reasons, but mainly because he had difficulty learning languages other than his own.
He was transferred to Whitehorse, a new city in the Yukon, where whites poured in by the
thousands to hunt gold. But even there, he did not do well (most miners spokeEnglish) and he was
eventually transferred to Edmonton, where he was supply agent for the Catholic Diocese of the
Mackenzie.
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Whites at ARR and McPherson ordered goods from San Francisco through the PSWC, which
bought them in the south and sent them north on one of their vessels. Using that route allowed the
sale of goods at Herschel Island at prices much cheaper than they could be had from the HBC,
which shipped goods from Britain via the Atlantic to Canada, cross-country to Edmonton, and
then north to the Mackenzie by cart and boat.
Lefebvre¶s 1895 and 1896 visits to Herschel Island
1895
In the 1895 summer Lefebvre went for goods at the whaling company base at Herschel Island,
where Stringer was also present²he had conducted a mission to the whalers and the
Nunatagmiut²Alaskan Inuit who worked for the whalers, and was waiting to board the J eanie,
the whalers¶ annual supply ship to make his way to San Francisco. From there he would go home
to be married.
Codex
Aug. 19 Départ du P. Lefebvre avec Toshen pour Hershell [sic] Island.lix
Stringer diary at Herschel island.
Sept. 1. Capt. Coffin came ashore and with him was Père Lefebvre, with whom I had a chat. I introduced
him to Captains Murray and Porter and others . . . Père Lefebvre is to take meals with us in Capt.
Murray¶s house.
Sept. 4. The R.C. priest started out today [for the Mackenzie River] with the J ohn and Wint hr op5
with a
whale boat loaded.lx
Codex
Sept. 16. Arrivée du P. Lefebvre à 3 h. p.m.lxi
5
Whaling ships sometimes towed visiting missionaries¶whaleboats toward the mouth of the Mackenzie, letting them loose as close as
possible to the western channel while themselves re maining in deep water.
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1896
In 1896 Lefebvre made the journey to Herschel Island with Brother Beaudet, newly assigned to
the Red River mission, and en route met Isaac Stringer and his wife Sadie, who were themselves
headed for the whalers.
Codex
Aug. 17. 3 ½ h. a.m. Le P. Lefebvre, le fr. Louis, Narcisse et Ezin partent pour Hershel¶s Island.lxii
Sadie Alexander Stringer¶s diary
Aug. 22. [Shingle Point] Here we met the R. C. priest bound for Herschel Island... Big fire on. Slept in
tent as usual.lxiii
Aug. 23. Sun. [Shingle Point] Had service with the Huskies who live there as we sat around camp fire.
The priest called on us and seemed friendly.lxiv
ARR Codex
1896, 09, 06. A midi, retour des voyageurs de Hershel¶s Isl.lxv
1897
Tearing Down the Priest¶s House
at Fort McPherson
In early 1897 Stringer bought the priest¶s house at McP and tore it down. The structure that
reflected Oblate hopes for converting the Eskimos was now gone, and nothing remained of
Lefebvre¶s evangelization project.
IOS
Apr. 07. Mr. Whittaker started Enoch hauling priests' house.
Apr. 10. Mr. Young and I . . . helped Mr. Whittaker to finish pulling down the priests' house which we
bought from Mr. Firth.lxvi
River.
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1897
Lefebvre gets supplies from Stringer
at Hershel Island
When Father Lefebvre and Brother Beaudet reached Herschel Island in 1897, Isaac and Sadie
Stringer had taken over the whalers¶ base and ran it as both a trading post and a mission.
ARR Codex
Aug. 09. Départ du P. Lefebvre, Fr. Louis [Beaudet], Ezin et Henri pour Herschel Is.
Aug. 30. Retour du P. Lefebvre; 5 jours de montée.lxvii
1898
Lefebvre leaves the Mackenzie.
In April 1898 Father Lefebvre crossed the Mackenzie Mountains to La Pierre¶s House, and from
there made his way to the Yukon and a new career among the burgeoning mining community at
Whitehorse. The Oblates had given up on their Inuit mission and on gaining Gwich¶in converts
from the Anglican Church.
ARR Codex
1898, 04, 11. Le frère va conduire le P. Lefebvre à la Pierre House. Que notre bonne Mère le protège
toujours en récompense de son noble dévouement!lxviii
1909-1912
The Inuit join the Anglican Church
After Stringer became the Pacific Steam Whaling Company¶s commissary, the dynamics of his
mission changed greatly as he was lived with his wife Sadie in the company¶s main building. There
the two of them held services with Inuit and gave them classes in writing, English, and other
subjects. At the same time Isaac and Sadie¶s bachelor uncle Will Young, who functioned much like
a religious brother in an Oblate mission and did all the chores, ran the PSWC¶s fur trade post for
natives.
Comment [w1]: check
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Now when Inuit came to barter for goods they were put up at the mission and learned Christian
truths while their dogs rested and they themselves were fed. By that means, Stringer turned the
whaler¶s entry into the North, initially considered by him and other clerics be a source of evil, into
a means (from the Christian point of view) of doing good.
By living at Herschel Island four years, Stringer had frequent contact with Nunatagmiut, who
were more open to his teachings than the Kukpugmiut. It may be that their influence in the region
increased after a viral epidemic in 1902, when fewer of them died than among the Kukpugmiut
(eighty of two hundred among the latter). More of them moved into permanent camps in southern
and central parts of the Delta, and more lived among the Kukpugmiut in the Eastern Delta, with
some intermarriage--as between Jimmy Memoganna, a Kukpugmiuk, and Kappak, a
Nunatagmiut, who were baptized during a 1905 visit to Fort Yukon in Alaska and thus became the
first Delta Inuit couple to formally join the Christian faith (I have written up their story
elsewhere). That event and the change in demographics may have swung swung all Inuit toward
adopting the Christian faith. That process began with the baptism of a few at Kittigazuit and
Herschel Island in 1909 during a visit by Stringer (by then bishop of the Yukon) and within three
years included nearly all.
Lefebvre became Purchasing Agent
for the Diocese of the Mackenzie
In 1901 Isaac Stringer moved for several years to Ontario. He then took up a post in the Yukon,
where by 1906 he became bishop. His life now was primarily among whites, and that was also true
of Lefebvre, who was there as well. Soon his bishop (newly appointed Gabriel Breynat) recognized
the priest¶s skills as an organizer, and realized he was more competent in an office than a mission.
So he was made procureur for the Mackenzie Diocese, buying what goods it needed and shipping
them north.
Late Oblate explanations for Lefebvre¶s failure
In 1922 Bishop Grouard blamed Lefebvre¶s failure on the whalers at Herschel Island. Seeing how
badly the whalers lived and thinking them Christian, the Inuit saw no point in joining their faith:
³Alas! They brought their intoxicating drinks. Add to that the morals of the crew, who are in
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general not the flower of society and lived nine months each year in utter boredom. The Eskimos,
taught with such care by Father Lefebvre, no longer wanted to become Christians, saying µWhy
change our way of life to that of whites? They are worse than us.¶´ lxix
In referring to the Holy Name of Mary mission and why it had been moved from Fort McPherson
to Arctic Red River, Father Duport said not a word about the failure of Father Lefebvre to
convert the Inuit or to both his and Father and Giroux¶s inability to bring Anglican Gwich¶in to
their side. Instead, he blamed the move on Protestant harassment, by which he meant the taunts of
Archdeacon McDonald¶s native wife and her children. The mission had been moved by the
³strong arms´ of the two fathers.
lxx
1924
The Oblates returned to the Mackenzie Delta
Lefebvre was based in Edmonton, and from there he played a crucial rule in putting together
what was needed to launch the Oblates¶ second assault on the Delta in the 1920s. When the scows
loaded with supplies headed north in 1924, he was aboard. It was a triumphal occasion for the
Catholic cause, as there was material for an Oblate mission, and a combined Grey Nun hospital
and residential school that would also function as orphanage. One would have expected him to
stay with the Oblate vessel all the way to Aklavik, a new settlement well into the Delta on its
Western Branch, where these structures would soon be built.
Lefebvre, however, got off the barge at Arctic Red River. He felt ³at home´ at this mission and
stayed behind while the local priest (who had been alone there for a year) was given a break and
went north with the others. But one might be justified in wondering if Lefebvre did not want to
enter the Delta and see terrain in which he had failed to vanquish Isaac Stringer and the Anglican
Church.
Duport, Alphonse, O.M.I. "Une Visite aux Missions du Vicariat." Missions OMI 59 (Sept. 1925): 33-
44. Letter of 10 Aug. 1924 to Dontenwill. I have a copy.
July 1, 1924. Arctic Red River. There is little t ime. We say mass in the presence of many people. Dear
Father Lefebvre finds himself at home here and feels so well he prefers to stay until the boat has
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[gone north to Aklavik and] returned. Father Lécuyer who has spent a whole year here alone [goes
with us] and gets a break of several days.lxxi
Duport, Alphonse, O.M.I. "Une Visite aux Missions du Vicariat." Missions OMI 59 (Sept. 1925): 33-
44. Letter of 10 Aug. 1924 to Dontenwill. I have a copy.
July 1. Arctic Red River: detachée du Fort Macpherson ou les catholiques étaient en butte à des
tracasseries protestantes, transportée definitivement ici par les bras vigoreux des Pères Henri Giroux
et Camille Lefebvre en 1896 ...
Duport, Alphonse, O.M.I. "Une N ouvelle Mission au Cer cle P olaire." Rapport. Missions OMI 59
(1925): 44-54. The later portion was transcribed from the undated letter in the Duportcorrespondence.
Aklavik, qui signifie "la Place de l'Ours Brun" est une petite localite fondée, il y a une douzaine
d'années, par les ministres protestants, afin de soustraire les Esquimaux a l'influence qu'exercaient sur
eux s g mgr breynat et ses missionnaires, dans l'entrevue qu'ils avaient eue avec ces derniers, a Arctic
Red River, ou ils se rendaient, chaque année, en été.
Ils sont très superstitieux et, par suite, fidèles aux quelques pratiques extérieures qu'on leur a enseignées.
Ils en savent très peu, presque rien sur DIEU et ses touchants mystères. La croix que je porte -- ils la
considèrent chaque fois que je passe, masi sans la comprendre. C'est avec une admiration, melée de
pitié, que je les vois -- au premier signe de la cloche, agité par le ministre -- sortir, a la hâte, de leurs
tentes, ou de leurs bateaux, et se rendre, en courant, au temple pour chanter et apprendre a lire, sans
tenir compte des promeneurs étrangers qui les regardent passer. Je me dis, alors: "Que sera-ce donc,
quand ces âmes connaitront notre sainte Religion dans la vérité de ses dogmes!"
Ils semblent, en effet, etre murs pour leur conversion. Evangélisés, en 1870, par nos premiers Pères,
mais sans succès, repris en dernier lieu par les ministres anglicans, il y a, semble-t-il, certitude de les
conduire dans le droit chemin. Cette certitude est basee sur leur intelligence et l'ardeur qu'ils
manifestent a connaitre le bien. Elle repose sur l'attraction qu'exerce sur eux notre sainte Religion,
nos personnes et nos oeuvres. Enfin et pardessus tout, elle est fondee sur la grace de Dieu -- qui ne
permettra pas que des ames, si avides de le connnaitre et de l'aimer, vivent dans l'erreur our ne
puissent le connaitre qu'imparfaitement.
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x
Le R. P. Lefebvre... doit descendre ici avec l¶exprès d¶avril... Quelques jours après son arrivée le R. P. Giroux chaussera ses raquettes
pour suivre l¶exprès de Peel¶s River. Il part dans l¶intention de ramasser assez de bois pour la construction d¶une maison à ce poste.1890,
02, 01, Séguin to Fabvre, OAR
xi1890, 07, 13, Lefebvre to Faraud, OAR. Nous sommes arrivés ici, le R. P. Grouard et moi, le 21 juin après avoir laissé le R. P. Séguin à
sa mission à la Rivière où il est venu pour la dernière fois il faut l¶espérer. Nous a vons trouvé ici le Père Giroux plein de santé et nous
avons été surpris de l¶ouvrage quil avait fait dans la court espace de temps qui s¶est écoulédepuis son arrivée. Déjà tout le bois pour
notre petite maison est sur place; il ne nous reste plus qu¶a unir les pièces et mater notre petit chateau. Depuis notre arrivée rien ne s¶est
fait. Le Père Giroux nous quitta le lendemain de notre arrivée pour aller rejoindre le R. P. Séguin, puis pour remonter avec lui à Good
Hope d¶où il redescendra avec tout le linge, provisions etc. nécessaires pour passer l¶hiver ici²il ne veut plus quitter ses chers
Loucheux.
xiiJune 23, 1890. Last week Pères Grouard and Lefebvre arrived here... Père Giroux left his e vening for Good Hope. June 26. Most of the
Esquimaux left and the greater part of the Indians HBC, Peel River journal, HBCA Reel IM 1018, B. 157/a/6. June 23.
xiii
xiv1890, 07, 13, Lefebvre to Faraud, OAR. Le R. P. Séguin . . . ne veut plus quitter ses chers Loucheux. Je voudrais pouvoir en faire autant,
Monseigneur, pour mes pauvres Esquimaux, car en r estant ici je pourrais travailler plus avantageusement au salut de ces pauvresabandonnés. Il a semblé au R. P Grouard et à moi aussi que notre travail ne serait pas infructueux. Il faudra prendre patience sans doute,
car quelques années pourraient s¶écouler avant d¶avoir pu réussir à leur faire comprendre et mettre en pratique les principales vérités de
notre Sainte religion, mais ils nous ont déjà donné espoir à quelques succès. Si je demande à demeurer ici à poste fixe, c¶est afin de
pouvoir étudier plus facilement leur langue, care elle me semble p as du tout facile, puis je crois qu¶il y aura ici de l¶ouvrage pour
occuper deux pères constamment. Le champ est très vaste et indéfriché [uncleared] pour la plus grande partie. Monseigneur, c¶est pour le
coup que vous allez vous récrier, car nous avons déjà beaucoup dépassé vos ordres. Soyez persuadé, cependan t, que nous marchons
toujours en fils soumis, nous voulons faire pour le mieux. Je sais d¶ailleurs que ce serait aussi de votre désir que nous fussions deux ici,
mais deux grands obstacles viennent s¶opposer à la realisation: le manque de sujets [i.e. Oblate staff] et les moyens [money]. Quant au
premier, je crois que la divine Providence s¶en est chargée en vous envoyant deux jeunes Pères cette année. Quant à l¶autre,
Monseigneur, nous nous chargeons de l¶enlever en entreprenant de faire nous-même le transport de nos pièces entre Good Hope et Peel¶s
River, comme le Père Giroux le fait cette année. Quant à la question de vivres, le R. P. Grouard aura l¶occasion de vous en parler: cette
mission offre plus d¶avantages qu¶aucun autre. . .Sept. 1. Codex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1. Le Père
Lefebvre retourne à Good Hope avec Edjitso et [?] Sym . June 1, 1891. Lefebvre to Fabre, OAR. [We were making great progress with
the mission, but] ce fut précisément à cette époque qu¶il fallut songer à nous séparer pour un intervalle de 10 mois au moins. Je dus
remonter à Good Hope pour tenir compagnie au R. P. Séguin don¶t l¶âge, les infirmités et les occupations ne permettaient pas de la
laisser seul. C¶est d¶ici que je devrai partir chaque printemps pour aller rejoindre le chère Père Giroux à Peel¶s River et y évangéliser,
autant que la connaissance de la langue me le permette, les Esquimaux qui se rendent à ce poste pour la tr aite de la pelleter ie. Oh! que je
voudrais aussi être à poste fixe à cette mission naissante et où il y a tant à faire, pour cela il me faut absolument un remplacement à Good
Hope. J¶ose espérer que je verrai bientôt mon désir se réaliser.
xv1891, 07, 07, Séguin to Fabre, OAR.
xviCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1. I¶ve combined the information from the original codex and the one
reconstituted one in Nadeau, which mentions the native helper and gives his name.
xvii1891, 07, 07, Séguin to Fabre, OAR.
xviii1891, 07, 07. Séguin to Fabre, OAR.Les paroissiens du P. Lefebvre, les Esquimaux, ne sont arrivés qu¶après lui. Mais à ce moment, il
m¶écrivait, ils étaient au complet et ne regrettait qu¶une chose, celle de ne pas pouvoir leur parler et de les comprendre.Codex Hist.
McP, reconstituted from Nadeau, Ceux Qu¶il Aima. June ±July [The codex wording suggests Father Lefevre is taking language lessons
from George Greenland.] Codex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, ite m 11891, 08, 07. Départ du Père Lefebvre avec
André et Ezin.
xixCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1.
xxCodex Hist. McP, reconstituted from Nadeau, Ceux Qu¶il Aima, p. 87.
xxi1892, 07, 15, Séguin to Fabre, OAR
xxiiLefebvre, report of 1892 Kit. Visit (transl. by WV) . Origin?. Giroux took Clut south to Good Hope, leaving on Aug. 1 and returning on
Aug. 27.xxiii
IOS diary.
xxivCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1.
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xxv
Lefebvre, report of 1892 Kit. Visit (transl. by WV) (origin?)
xxviIOS to Dear Friends at Home, from McP., 1893, 01, 10, p. 36.
xxviiIOS to Sadie Alexander, from Kit., 1892, 08, 15.
xxviiiIOS to Dear Friends at Home, from McP., 1893, 01, 11, p. 50-51.
xxixIOS to Sadie, 1893, 01, 20, part d,. p. 41-56. [p. 42]
xxxIOS diary
xxxiIOS diary.
xxxiiIOS diary.
xxxiiiIOS diary.
xxxivIOS to Sadie, from Kit., 1892, 08, 15.
xxxvIOS diary.
xxxviIOS to to Bishop Reeve from McP, 1893, 01, n.d.
xxxviiIOS to Sadie, 1893, 01, 20, part d, p. 41-56.
xxxviiiLefebvre, report of 1892 Kit. Visit (transl. by WV). Codex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), Sept. 1, PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1.
xxxixLefebvre, report of 1892 Kit. Visit (transl. by WV)
xlTo Sadie, from McP, 1893, 01, 18.
xliIOS to Sadie, July 8, 1893.
xlii1893, 07, 04. IOS to ³Dear Friends at Home,´ from McPh, p. 49-50.
xliii1893, 07, 07. [McP] IOS to Sadie.
xlivIOS diary.
xlvIOS to ³Dear Home Friends,´ from Kit., Aug. 23, 1893, part II, p . 9..
xlviCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1
xlvii1893, 10, 17. To ³My Dear Friends,´ from McPherson, p. 27.
xlviii1894, 02, 02. To Bishop Reeve, from McPherson, p. 41-76. P.41-44: p. 72.
xlixIOS diary.
lTo Bishop Reeve, from M cP, 1894, 07, 11, p. 8-9.
liIOS diary.
lii1894, 08, 16. To ³Dear Home Friends,´ Part I, from Kitigazuit, p 1-7.
liii1895, 01, nd. [probably written in January] To Bishop Reeve, p. 13.
livCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1.
lvCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1
lviIbid.
lviiIOS diary.
lviiiCodex Hist. McP, reconstituted from Nadeau, Ceux Qu¶il Aima, 91.
lixCodex Hist. ARR (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, ite m 1.
lx IOS diary.
lxiCodex Hist. McP (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1
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lxii
Codex Hist. ARR (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, ite m 1
lxiiiSAS diary.
lxivSAS diary.
lxvCodex Hist. ARR (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, item 1.
lxviIOS diary.
lxviiCodex Hist. ARR (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, ite m 1.
lxviiiCodex Hist. ARR (Nom Ste. Marie), PAA, 97.109, box 1, ite m 1.
lxixGrouard, E., 1922. S ouvenirs de mes S oixante Ans d'Apost olat dans l'At habasca-Mackenzie. Oeuvre Apostolique de Marie Immaculée,
Lyon, 352-3. Quoted in Gualtieri, A.R.C hristianity and Native Traditions . Notre Da me, Indiana: Cross Cultural Publications, 1984,
173, note.2. Tr. by WV. ³Hélas! ils apportaient aussi des liqueurs ennivrantes. Ajoutez à ceci les moeurs des engagés de ces n avires, qui
ne sont pas en général la fleur de la société et qui pendant neuf mois demeuraient dand une oisiveté complète. Scandalisés, les
Esquimaux, instruits avec tant de soin par Père Lefebvre, ne voulaient plus devenir chrétiens²à quoi bien changer notre manière de
vivre pour prendre celle des Blancs? disaient-ils. Les Blancs sont pire que nous!´lxx
Duport, Alphonse, ³Une Visite aux Missions du Vicariat,"Missions OMI 59 (Sept. 1925): 33-44. Letter of 10 Aug. 1924 to Oblate
Superior General Dontenwill, providing a diary of Duport¶s movement north on his way to take supplies to Aklavik. ³July 1. Arctic Red
River: detachée du Fort Macpherson ou les catholiques étaient en butte à des t racasseries protestantes, transportée definitivement ici par
les bras vigoreux des Pères Henri Giroux et Camille Lefebvre en 1896 [WV: the move occurred in 1825.]´