Notes

Introduction

1. Giuseppe Bottai, Diario 1935–1944, ed. Giordano Bruno Guerri, Milan: Rizzoli, 1982, p. 468.

2. Ibid.3. Ibid., p. 149.4. Ibid., p. 186 (April 15, 1940).5. Reference should first of all be made to the classic studies by George L.

Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964; and Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of Germanic Ideology, 2nd ed., Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1974.

6. On Italy, see Mario Isnenghi, Il mito della grande guerra, new ed., Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997 and, for greater detail, Emilio Gentile, The Origins of Fasicst Ideology, 1918–1925, trans. Robert L. Miller, New York: Enigma Books, 2005 (orig. ed. Bologna, 1996). Gentile emphasizes the appeal to Mazzini in critiques of the liberal and Giolittian state in the context of what he refers to as “national radicalism” (“radicalismo nazionale”) in Id., Il mito dello Stato nuovo: Dal radicalismo nazionale al fascismo, 2nd ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999, pp. 5–9.

7. Gentile recalls these remote influences, yet with respect to the way Fascism appealed to them, and not in terms of their actual direct or historical influence. See Gentile, The Origins of Fasicst Ideology. They are examined as one of the myths of Fascism by Pier Giorgio Zunino, L’ideologia del fascismo. Miti, credenze e valori nella stabilizzazione del regime, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1995. By contrast, these roots of fascism have definitively been underestimated by Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, and Maia Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, trans. David Maisel, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994 (orig. ed. Paris, 1989).

8. See Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair, pp. 276–282. On the origi-nally humanitarian bent of Herder’s nationalism, however, see F. M. Barnard, Herder’s Social and Political Thought: From Enlightenment to Nationalism, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967, pp. 88–108. Concerning

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Fichte’s cosmopolitan vision, see Hans Kohn, “The Paradox of Fichte’s Nationalism,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 10, 3, June 1949, pp. 319–343. This contrasts with Fichte’s later popularity as a nationalist: see H. C. Engelbrecht, Johann Gottlieb Fichte: A Study of His Political Writings with Special Reference to His Nationalism, New York: Columbia University Press, 1923, pp. 160–190.

9. On the way the term “nation,” for instance, is conveyed and decoded, see Umberto Eco, La struttura assente, 2nd ed., Milan: Bompiani, 1983, p. 94. Eco echoes the observations on the “ideological” use of the word made by Roland Barthes, Mythologies, Paris: Seuil, 1957, p. 247. On the “appropri-ation” of “discourses,” see Michel Foucault, Che cos’è un autore? (1969), in Id., Scritti letterari, ed. and trans. Cesare Milanese, 3rd ed., Milan: Feltrinelli, 2004, p. 9 (English translation: “What is an author?,” in The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow, New York: Pantheon Books, 1984, 101–120).

10. For an initial overview of the concept of ideology, see Mario Stoppino’s entry in Dizionario di politica, 3rd ed., Turin: UTET, 2004, 487–499.

11. It is useful to refer here to the methodological suggestions made by John G. A. Pocock, according to whom not only texts are historical “events,” but languages are the “matrices” within which texts as events occur. Texts, Pocock explains, “have readers and outlive their authors. The author, in creating the text, creates the matrix in which others will read and respond to it.” Mazzini’s words and language, therefore, were not just historical events in their own time, but linguistic matrices that contributed to establishing a “continuity of discourse” and meanings which, aside from being objects of interpretation in themselves, also fostered other interpretations. With regard to Mazzini’s texts, we might say then—quoting Pocock—that they “surviv[e] in language matrices that modify the actions performed with them but that they continue to modify through their surviving capacity to act in themselves as matrices for action.” See John G. A. Pocock, “Texts as Events: Reflections of the History of Political Thought” (1987) in Id., Political Thought and History: Essays on Theory and Method, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009, 106–119 (especially pp. 114 and 116).

12. On this point, see chapter 1 in this book.13. As we shall see, the roots, if not the onset, of the democratic appropria-

tion of Mazzini, based on a new historiographical interpretation, are probably to be found in the publication of Luigi Salvatorelli’s work Il pen-siero politico del Risorgimento italiano, Turin: Einaudi, 1935 (although the previous interpretations by Gaetano Salvemini and Alessandro Levi also represent important precedents). Prior to that, in the 1920s and early 1930s, democratic political readings of Mazzini—or, to be more exact, democratic ideological appropriations of his thought—played an utterly marginal role in antifascist theory and discourse.

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14. For all these quotes and their context, see chapter 5, part 3 in this book.15. Raoul Girardet, Mythes et mythologies politiques, Paris: Seuil, 1986, p. 73.16. See Jean Tulard, Le mythe de Napoléon, Paris: Armand Colin, 1971; Lucy

Riall, Garibaldi: Invention of a Hero, New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2006; Mario Isnenghi, Garibaldi fu ferito. Storia e mito di un rivoluzionario disciplinato, Rome: Donzelli, 2007; Dino Mengozzi, Garibaldi taumaturgo, Manduria: Lacaita, 2008; Barry Schwartz, George Washington: The Making of an American Myth, New York: Free Press, 1987; Schwartz. Abraham Lincoln and the Forge of National Memory, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. One might also want to consider the—no doubt rather different—case of the appropriation of literary authors and icons: see, for instance, Rodney Symington, The Nazi Appropriation of Shakespeare: Cultural Politics in the Third Reich, Lewinston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2005.

17. This parallel was first drawn by Carducci in a speech on Mazzini’s death, quoted in “Per la morte di Giuseppe Mazzini” (1882) in Giosue Carducci, Confessioni e battaglie, Second series, Rome: Sommaruga, 1883, p. 219. On Napoleon as Prometheus, as well as a “demigod,” “messiah” etc., see Tulard, Le mythe de Napoléon, passim.

18. Mazzini was described as “the Christ of the [19th] century” by Jessie White Mario in her biography of the Genoese; a parallel with Christ and Socrates is drawn in Giovanni Bovio, Mazzini, Milan, Sonzogno, 1905, p. 40. Both references may be found in Alessandro Levi, La filosofia politica di Giuseppe Mazzini, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1917, p. 311. The myth of Mazzini as Christ also raises the more general question of his role as a martyr-hero or “sad hero” (particularly famous are his melancholy portraits and his “face that never laughed,” to quote the poet Giosue Carducci). On this, see Alberto Mario Banti, “La memoria degli eroi,” in Storia d’Italia. Annali 22, Il Risorgimento, ed. Alberto Mario Banti and Paul Ginsborg, Turin: Einaudi, 2007, pp. 641–645.

19. Girardet, Mythes et mythologies, pp. 78–80. However, one should also take account of the “legislator” variant (ibid., pp. 77–78), with reference, for instance, to Mazzini’s Duties of Man.

20. Girardet, Mythes et mythologies, p. 83.21. See Steven E. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, 1890–1990,

Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1992, pp. 1–16, from which the subsequent quotes have been drawn. With regard to Italy, see Domenico M. Fazio, Il caso Nietzsche. La cultura italiana di fronte a Nietzsche, 1872–1940, Milan: Marzorati, 1988 and Mario Sznajder, “Nietzsche, Mussolini and Italian Fascism,” in Nietzsche, Godfather of Fascism? On the Uses and Abuses of a Philosophy, ed. Jacob Golomb and Robert S. Wistrich, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 235–262.

22. Different views on this issue emerge from the aforementioned volume Nietzsche, Godfather of Fascism?

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23. This issue has been raised—albeit without taking into account the influ-ence of Mazzini, which fascism openly embraced—first of all by Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986 (orig. ed. Paris, 1983), and by Gentile, The Origins of Fascist Ideology. By contrast, it does not seem to me that Mazzini’s thought can easily be associated with the so-called totalitarian democracy Jacob Talmon has studied, even less used to explain—on account of its alleged Jacobin origin—the veer-ing of maximalist socialists, starting from Mussolini himself, toward stances that eventually led to the emergence of fascism (as has indeed been argued by Giovanni Belardelli, “Il fantasma di Rousseau: Il fascismo come democrazia totalitaria,” in Belardelli, Il Ventennio degli intellettuali: Cultura, politica, ideologia nell’Italia fascista, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2005, pp. 245–246 and 252–254; and, more recently, Belardelli, Mazzini, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010, p. 244; see also Roberto Vivarelli, Il fallimento del liberalismo: Studi sulle origini del fascismo, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1981, p. 137; Vivarelli, Storia delle origini del fascismo: L’Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1991, vol. II, pp. 396–398). Again with reference to Talmon, we might say that Mazzini was an exponent not of “totalitarian democracy” in the tradition of Rousseau and the Jacobins, but rather of the later “romantic messianism” (see Jacob Talmon, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, London, 1952; Talmon, Political Messianism: The Romantic Phase, New York and Washington: Praeger, 1960, pp. 256–277 focusing on Mazzini). If the invoking of Mazzini led to fascism, or at any rate was used to justify it, this is precisely because of the markedly antisocialist component of his thought and his criticism of the French revolutionary tradition. What is an altogether dif-ferent matter is the adoption on the part of Mazzini (as we shall see), and later of fascism, of the “political style” of the French Revolution—as has been studied, partly through an engagement with Talmon, by George L. Mosse, “Political Style and Political Theory: Totalitarian Democracy Revisited” (1984), in Mosse, Confronting the Nation: Jewish and Western Nationalism, Hanover and London: University Press of New England for Brandeis University Press, 1993, pp. 60–69; see also Mosse, “Fascism and the French Revolution” (1989), in Mosse, The Fascist Revolution. Toward a General Theory of Fascism, New York: Howard Fertig, 1999, pp. 69–93.

24. See Giovanni Papini, 24 cervelli (1912), 4th ed., Milan: Studio Editoriale Lombardo, 1918, p. 163 (originally published as “Preghiera per Nietzsche” in La Voce, II, 6, January 20, 1910, pp. 247–248). The episode in ques-tion is described in slightly different terms by a first-hand witness, namely the philosopher’s sister: see Elizabeth Förster-Nietzsche, The Life of Nietzsche I: The Young Nietzsche, trans. Anthony M. Ludovici, New York: Sturgis and Wolton, 1912, pp. 143–144. Later, in his Italian period, Nietzsche visited Mazzini’s grave at Staglieno: see Förster-Nietzsche, The

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Life of Nietzsche II: The Lonely Nietzsche, trans. Paul V. Cohn, New York: Sturgis and Wolton, 1915, p. 116.

25. Benito Mussolini recalled the episode of the encounter between Mazzini and Nietzsche in an article from 1930, “Itinerario nietzschiano in Italia” (a review of Guido De Pourtalès’ book Nietzsche en Italie, Paris: Grasset, 1929, which was published anonymously in Popolo di Roma, January 4, 1930: see Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol. XXXV, Florence: La Fenice, 1962, pp. 89–91). This article ends, however, in the name not of Mazzini but of Nietzsche: “Oggi la ‘volontà di potenza’ in Europa è rap-presentata soltanto dal fascismo.” (“The ‘will to power’ in Europe today is only represented by fascism.”)

1 Giuseppe Mazzini and the Religion of the Nation

1. I have used the following English translation: Joseph Mazzini, The Duties of Man, London: Chapman & Hall, 1862.

2. For the many Italian editions of Duties printed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and on their popularity worldwide, see Terenzio Grandi, Appunti di bibliografia mazziniana: La fortuna dei “Doveri,” Mazzini fuori d’Italia, la letteratura mazziniana oggi, Turin: Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, 1961.

3. On the genesis and complex texual development of Duties, see Vittorio Parmentola, Doveri dell’uomo: La dottrina, la storia, la struttura, in Mazzini e i repubblicani italiani: Studi in onore di Terenzio Grandi nel suo 92° compleanno, Turin: Palazzo Carignano, 1976, pp. 355–420. On the more philological aspects of the text, see the edition published on the centennial of the author’s death, ed. Guglielmo Macchia, Rome: Camera dei Deputati, 1972.

4. See Alessandro Levi, La filosofia politica di Mazzini (1922), Naples: Morano, 1967, p. 101.

5. Already before then, for instance, Mazzini had written the following words in “Ai lettori Italiani: Un esule” (1832), Giuseppe Mazzini, Scritti editi ed inediti, Edizione Nazionale (henceforth quoted as SEI, followed by the Roman numeral of the specific volume), vol. II, pp. 241–251. “Find therefore unity and make it preceed all attempts of reform. Present your-self to your nation with the table of duties and rights. Preach using words, that the masses will understand: [those will be] the moral principles pre-siding over regeneration. Religion will sanction those rights, those duties, those principles.” Besides, one should bear in mind the introductory for-mula used for the oath of Giovine Italia: “In the name of God and of Italy / In the name of all the martyrs of the holy Italian cause who have fallen beneath foreign and domestic tyranny / By the duties which bind me to the land wherein God has placed me, and to the brothers whom God has

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given me,” see Istruzione Generale per gli Affratellati nella Giovine Italia [1831], in SEI, vol. II, pp. 54–55 (italics mine).

6. Quoted in Levi, La filosofia politica, pp. 106–107 (English translation from Joseph Mazzini, Essays: Selected from the Writings, Literary, Political and Religious, trans. E. A. Venturi, London: Walter Scott, 1887, pp. 37–38). Again, not long after Faith and the Future, Mazzini wrote the following words about “duties” (connecting them to Christianity and Jesus’ teaching): “You must reform, change and somewhat transform these men; you should teach them not only their rights, but their duties; [ . . . ] This is the work of principles, of beliefs, of religious thought, of faith. This was the work of Christ.” See Giuseppe Mazzini, “Des intérêts et des principes,” La Jeune Suisse, December 30, 1835, January 2 and 9, 1836, SEI, vol. VII, p. 186.

7. See Parmentola, Doveri dell’uomo: La dottrina, la storia, la struttura, p. 363, note 22.

8. See Nicola Abbagnano, “Dovere,” in Grande Dizionario, 4th ed., Turin: UTET, 1986, pp. 911–912, on Fichte’s concept of “Duty.” Still Mazzini would not appear to have had any first-hand knowledge of Fichte, pace Otto Vossler, Il pensiero politico di Mazzini, Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1971 (orig. ed. Munich and Berlin, 1927).

9. See Dei Doveri degli Uomini: Discorso ad un giovane di Silvio Pellico da Saluzzo, Venice: Tipografia di Paolo Lampato, 1834 (cf. Levi, La filosofia politica, p. 103; see, too, Parmentola, Doveri dell’uomo, pp. 361–362).

10. See Opuscoli inediti di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, Paris: Delaforest, 1835, later known as Niccolò Tommaseo, Dell’Italia: Libri cinque.

11. Mazzini, for instance, wrote the following words to his mother about Pellico’s Duties as soon as he had finished reading the work: “I have found it very mediocre indeed. Why on earth did Pellico decide he wanted to be a new Thomas à Kempis? The old one was enough. But there are two or three chapters on love and women that are most delicate and square very well with my own sensibility” (Bern, April 7, 1834, SEI, IX, p. 283, in Parmentola, Doveri dell’uomo, p. 361). Generally speaking, Mazzini criti-cized liberal Catholics for being resigned and quietistic, branding them with the (in his view) disparaging label of “Christianisme à la Manzoni” (Christianity Manzoni-style): this is how he described Tommaseo’s “idées bien arrêtées” (fixed and conservative ideas) in a letter to Giuditta Sidoli, Bienne, April 2, 1834, in SEI, vol. IX, p. 277.

12. See Felicité Lamennais, Le livre du Peuple, Paris: Delloye et Lecou, 1838, chapters IX–XIV. This model for Duties has largely been overlooked by scholars of Mazzini and is only mentioned by Levi, La filosofia politica, p. 103 (who claims to be following [Ernesto Nathan], “Cenni e proemio al testo” in Scritti editi ed inediti di Giuseppe Mazzini, edizione Daelliana, vol. XVIII, p. LX). See also the recurrent references made to Lamennais in Mazzini’s letters from the years 1838–1839, which is to say the period just before his first articles for Apostolato Popolare, leading up to Duties.

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In these letters Mazzini also expresses his intention to compose a work on, or inspired by, Lamennais (see SEI, XIV–XV, ad indicem).

13. See Adolfo Omodeo, Studi sull’età della Restaurazione, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1974, pp. 105–115 and 135–145; Guido Verucci, Félicité Lamennais: Dal cattolicesimo autoritario al radicalismo democratico, Naples: Istituto italiano per gli studi storici, 1963.

14. Lamennais, Le livre du Peuple, p. 96.15. An Italian pioneer of the reflection on “duties” was the Catholic poly-

graph and educator Francesco Soave. His Trattato elementare dei doveri dell’uomo e della società was first issued in 1803 and reprinted through-out the nineteenth century. However, Mazzini does not seem to have known this text, or for that matter to have used it. Joseph Mazzini, Essays: Selected from the Writings, Literary, Political and Religious, trans. E. A. Venturi, London: Walter Scott, 1887, p. 41 (the translation was partly modified).

16. See Levi, La filosofia politica, p. 104 (pp. 107–108 for the previous quotes).

17. Word frequency distributions for Duties of Man may be checked at the following address: http://www.intratext.com/IXT/ITA1290/_INDEX.HTM (last accessed in December 2014).

18. The second time it appears in the sentence: “The republic is the only legitimate and logical form of government.”

19. On this, see Alberto Asor Rosa, Scrittori e popolo. Il populismo nella let-teratura italiana contemporanea (1965), Turin: Einaudi, 1988, pp. 35–36; Giulio Bollati, L’italiano. Il carattere nazionale come storia e come inven-zione, Turin: Einaudi, 1983, pp. 61–62 and 108–110; and Nicola Merker, Filosofie del populismo, Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2009, pp. 87–97.

20. Giuseppe Mazzini, Dei doveri dell’uomo (1860), SEI, vol. LXIX, pp. 16–17 (Mazzini, Duties of Man, pp. 18–19).

21. “Every Revolution is a question of Education which replaces the previous one”: “La réforme intellectuelle et morale di Ernesto Renan” (1872), SEI, vol. XCIII, p. 236, quoted by Levi, La filosofia politica, p. 152.

22. Joseph Mazzini, Thoughts upon Democracy in Europe, SEI, vol. XXXIV, p. 112 and 107, quoted by Salvo Mastellone, Mazzini scrittore politico in inglese: “Democracy in Europe” (1840–1855), Florence: Olschki, 2004, pp. 162–163 (the full paragraph is drawn and translated from the Italian ver-sion: Giuseppe Mazzini, Pensieri sulla democrazia in Europa, ed. Salvo Mastellone, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1997, p. 89). See also Salvo Mastellone, La democrazia etica di Mazzini (1837–1847), Rome: Archivio Guido Izzi, 2000, esp. pp. 99–110 and 173–180.

23. On the first stage of development of Mazzini’s thought, see Salvo Mastellone, Mazzini e la “Giovine Italia” (1831–1834), Pisa: Domus Mazziniana, 1960; Franco Della Peruta, Mazzini e i rivoluzionari ital-iani: Il “partito d’azione” 1830–1845, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1974. Broad

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biographical profiles have recently been drawn by Jean-Yves Fretigné, Giuseppe Mazzini: Père de l’unité italienne, Paris: Fayard, 2006; Roland Sarti, Mazzini: La politica come religione civile, trans. Annalisa Siboni, Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2000 (orig. ed. Westport, CT, 1997); and Dennis Mack Smith, Mazzini, trans. Bettino Betti, Milan: Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, 2000 (orig. ed. New Haven and London, 1993).

24. On Saint-Simonism, see Sébastien Charlety, Histoire du Saint-Simonisme (1825–1864), 2nd ed., Paris: Hartmann, 1931; Georg Iggers, The Cult of Authority: The Political Philosophy of the Saint-Simonians, 2nd ed., The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1970; Robert B. Carlisle, The Proffered Crown: Saint-Simonianism as the Doctrine of Hope, London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987. For the influence of Saint-Simonianism dur-ing the Risorgimento, see Renato Treves, La dottrina sansimoniana nel pensiero italiano del Risorgimento (1931), Turin: Giappichelli, 1973; and Francesco Pitocco, Utopia e riforma religiosa nel Risorgimento: Il sansi-monismo nella cultura toscana, Bari: Laterza, 1972.

25. See esp. Gaetano Salvemini, “Mazzini” (1925), in Id., Scritti sul Risorgimento, ed. Piero Pieri and Carlo Pischedda, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1973, p. 223; Franco Venturi, “La circolazione delle idee,” Rassegna Storica del Risorgimento, XLI (II–III) April–September 1954, p. 17 (of the off-print); Alessandro Galante Garrone, “Mazzini in Francia e gli inizi della Giovine Italia,” in Mazzini e il mazzinianesimo, Atti del 46° Congresso di Storia del Risorgimento (Genoa, September 24–28, 1972), Rome: Istituto Italiano per la Storia del Risorgimento, 1974, pp. 231–232. See also Jacob Talmon, Political Messianism: The Romantic Phase, London: Secker & Warburg, 1960, p. 263.

26. See Andrzej Walicki, Philosophy and Romantic Nationalism: The Case of Poland, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982; and Stanislaw Elie, Literature and Nationalism in Partitioned Poland, 1795–1918, London and New York: Macmillan and St. Martin, 2000. I have examined Mazzini’s relations with Polish émigrés, and especially the historian and patriot Lelewel (as well as Mickiewicz, of course), in “Costruire un nazionalismo e un ‘gran convegno de’ popoli’: Giuseppe Mazzini tra Europa e Polonia,” in L’eredità di Giuseppe Mazzini: La democrazia tra coscienza nazionale e coscienza europea, ed. Giampietro Berti, Padua: Il Poligrafo, 2006, pp. 49–64 (with further bibliographical references).

27. Felicité de Lamennais, Paroles d’un croyant, Paris: Renduel, 1834.28. See L’Avenir, 1830–1831: Antologia degli articoli di Félicité-Robert

Lamennais e degli altri collaboratori, ed. Guido Verucci, Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1967. The very title of Mazzini’s 1835 pamphlet, Foi et Avenir, recalls that of Lamennais’ periodical.

29. Mazzini also explicitly refers to Lamennais’ “Dieu et liberté” in his text “Intorno all’Enciclica di Gregorio XVI, Papa: Pensieri ai preti italiani,” Giovine Italia, V, 1833, SEI, III, p. 139.

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30. In September 1834, Mazzini wrote to Nicolò Tommaseo from Lausanne, also stressing the difference between his own views and those of Lammenais: “You should render at least this justice to me, since [ . . . ] I was the first to give shape to the revolutionary symbol in two words: God and the People; these were much more comprehensive words than the call of the Catholic school, claiming in L’Avenir for: Dieu et la liberté (God and Liberty)” (quoted in Angiola Ferraris, Letteratura e impegno civile nell’ “Antologia,” Padua: Liviana, 1978, pp. 169–170).

31. See the two articles by Mazzini titled “Lamennais” in The Monthly Chronicle, April 1839, SEI, XVII, pp. 345–396; and in Apostolato Popolare, July 25, 1841, SEI, XXV, pp. 61–68.

32. Livre des pélerins polonais, traduit du polonais d’Adam Mickiewicz par le Comte Ch. De Montalembert; suivi d’un hymne à la Pologne par F. De La Mennais, Paris: Eugene Renduel, 1833. On the relations and mutual influences between Lamennais and Mickiewicz, see Manfred Kridl, “Two Champions of a New Christianity: Lamennais and Mickiewicz,” Comparative Literature, 4, 3, Summer 1952, pp. 239–267.

33. On Mickiewicz’s life and work, see Le Verbe et l’Histoire: Mickiewicz, la France et l’Europe, sous la direction de François-Xavier Coquin et Michel Maslowski, Paris: Institut d’études slaves, Paris 2002. On his reception in France: Adam Mickiewicz aux yeux des Français, ed. Zofia Mitosek, Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Paris: CNRS, 1992.

34. “I read Mickiewicz’s Pélerin Polonais—it is written in the same style [as Lamennais’ Paroles]—perhaps it is less intense, but with a different beauty equally valuable—Lamennais mimicked the Prophets; while the other took as model the New Testament” (July 6, 1834), quoted by Giovanni Maver, “Le rayonnement de Mickiewicz en Italie,” in Adam Mickiewicz, 1798–1855: Hommage de l’UNESCO à l’occasion du centième anniversaire de sa mort, Paris: Gallimard and UNESCO, 1955, p. 113.

35. See Giuseppe Mazzini to Maria Mazzini, November 18, 1834, in Maver, Le rayonnement de Mickiewicz en Italie, p. 113.

36. I am drawing here upon the definition of “political religion” proposed by Emilio Gentile, who describes it as “a system of beliefs, myths, rituals, and symbols that interpret and define the meaning and end of human existence by subordinating the destiny of individuals and the collectivity to a supreme entity,” see Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion, trans. George Staunton, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006 (orig. ed. Rome and Bari, 2001), p. XIV. In our case, the “supreme entity” is the nation. The interpretation I am offering, however, differs from that of Gentile—who draws a distinction between the “civil religion” of democracies and the “political religion” of totalitarian regimes—insofar as I believe that Mazzini’s ideology, his religion of the nation, foreshad-owed certain aspects of twentieth-century religions (especially the fas-cist), or at any rate may be regarded as an indispensable precondition

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for them, on account of its absolutely faith-based dimension. I have outlined this interpretation in my article “The Moses of Italian Unity: Mazzini and Nationalism as Political Religion,” in Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism 1830–1920, ed. C. A. Bayly and Eugenio F. Biagini, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008, pp. 107–124. Gentile himself has acknowledged Mazzinianism to be one of the roots of the religious politics of fascism—the endpoint of the “search for a civil religion for Third Italy”—in his book The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans. Keith Bosford, Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1996 (ed. orig. Rome and Bari, 1993), pp. 3–6. Maurizio Ridolfi has instead spoken in terms of “religione politica mazziniana,” especially with reference to the wor-ship of Mazzini and rituals performed to keep the memory of him alive among his followers and heirs: see Maurizio Ridolfi, Interessi e passioni: Storia dei partiti politici italiani tra l’Europa e il Mediterraneo, Milan: Bruno Mondadori, 1999, pp. 182–188. Among recent studies linking the emergence of nationalism to changes in religion and religiosity, see Mary Ann Perkins, Nation and Word, 1770–1850: Religious and Metaphysical Language in European National Consciousness, Aldershot and Brookfield: Ashgate, 1997; Anthony Smith, Chosen Peoples: Sacred Sources of National Identity, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003; David A. Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1800, Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2001. For an attempt to apply the category of “political religion” to nationalist move-ments in nineteenth-century Europe, see Michael Burleigh, Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe, from the French Revolution to the Great War, New York: HarperCollins, 2006; this label is applied to nationalism in general by Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Nazionalismo. Storia, forme, conseguenze, trans. Marica Tolomelli and Vito Francesco Gironda, Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2002 (orig. ed. Munich, 2001), pp. 62–72. On the application of the “political religion” category to totali-tarian regimes, from a comparative perspective (often based on a mark-edly conservative political outlook), see Totalitarianism and Political Religions: Concepts for the Comparison of Dictatorships, ed. Hans Maier and trans. Jodi Bruhn, London and New York: Routledge, 2004 and 2007, 2 vols. (orig. ed. Paderborn, 1996 and 1997).

37. This expression was first used by Mona Ozouf, La festa rivoluzionaria, 1789–1799, Bologna: Patron, 1982 (orig. ed. Paris, 1976). On early ante-cedents of this process, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, “Pro Patria Mori in Medieval Political Thought,” American Historical Review, 56, 1951, pp. 462–492, reprinted in Kantorowicz, Selected Studies, New York: Augustin, 1965, pp. 308–324.

38. See the pioneering, classic studies by François-Alphonse Aulard, Culte de la raison et culte de l’être supréme (1793–1794), Paris: Alcan, 1892; and

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Albert Mathiez, Les origines des cultes révolutionnaires (1789–1792), Paris: Bellais, 1904. For a recent take on the topic, see Lynn Hunt, “The Sacred and the French Revolution,” in Durkheimian Sociology: Cultural Studies, ed. Jeffrey C. Alexander, 2nd ed., Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, pp. 25–43.

39. “D’alcune cause che impedirono finora lo sviluppo della libertà in Italia,” Giovine Italia, I and II, [June and November 1832], SEI, II, p. 189.

40. Ibid., p. 194.41. Ibid., p. 202.42. Ibid., p. 208.43. Ibid., p. 219.44. Istruzione Generale per gli Affratellati nella Giovine Italia [1831], SEI, II,

pp. 54–56 (italics mine).45. On the Saint-Simonian idea of God, see Paul Bénichou, Les temps des

prophètes. Doctrines de l’âge romantique, Paris: Gallimard, 1977, pp. 277 and 281.

46. Doctrine de Saint-Simon. Exposition: Première année, 1829, ed. Charles Bouglé and Elie Halévy, Paris: Rivière, 1924, pp. 404–406.

47. Doctrine saint-simonienne (Nouveau Christianisme): Exposition par Bazard au nom du Collége: Deuxième Année (1829–1830), in Oeuvres de Saint-Simon & d’Enfantin, vol. XLII, Paris: Leroux, 1877, pp. 293–294.

48. Doctrine de Saint-Simon: Exposition: Première année, p. 484.49. See Iggers, The Cult of Authority, p. 38. See also Bouglé and Halévi’s

detailed notes to Doctrine de Saint-Simon: Exposition: Première année.50. The origin of the concept of “mission” in De Maistre and its influence

on Mazzini were noted by Adolfo Omodeo, “Primato francese e inizia-tiva italiana” (1929), in Adolfo Omodeo, Difesa del Risorgimento, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1955, p. 19. On De Maistre’s idea of the divine origin of the nation, see also by the same author Un reazionario. Il conte J. De Maistre, Bari: Laterza, 1939, pp. 87 and 95.

51. Considérations sur la France par M. le Comte J.ph De Maistre [1796], Nouvelle édition, Lyon: Rusand, Libraire, Imprimeur du Roi; Paris: Librairie Ecclésiastique de Rusand, 1829, p. 10 (see, more generally, ch. II, “Conjectures sur les voies de la providence dans la révolution française”).

52. See Joseph Perron and Pierre Grelot, “Mission,” in Vocabulaire de théol-ogie biblique, sous la direction de Xavier Léon-Dufour et alii, 7th ed., Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1991, coll. 772–778.

53. See Perkins, Nation and Word, chapter 9, “Revelation and Mission,” chapter 10, “Chosen Nations,” and chapter 11, “The Nation as Messiah.” On the presence of the idea of “chosen people” “in all variants of nation-alism,” see also Wehler, Nazionalismo: Storia, forme, conseguenze, p. 63. One might also refer to the biblical patterns to be found in various forms of nationalism, as revealed by Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins

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of Nations, Oxford and Cambridge MA: Blackwell, 1993, and esp. Chosen Peoples.

54. Mazzini had strongly been influenced in the formulation of this defi-nition by which a few years earlier had been proposed by the Saint-Simonian and later nationalist Catholic Philippe Buchez. See Buchez’s articles “De la nationalité,” L’Européen, December 31, 1831, pp. 67–68; January 21, 1832, pp. 113–114; February 4, 1832, pp. 145–148 (also quoted by Mastellone, Mazzini e la “Giovine Italia,” vol. I, p. 321. See also Franco Venturi, “L’Italia fuori dall’Italia,” in Storia d’Italia, vol. III: Dal primo Settecento all’Unità, Turin: Einaudi, 1973, p. 1248).

55. See “Nationalité: Quelques idées sur une Constitution Nationale,” La Jeune Suisse, 24, 25 and 27, 19, 23 and 30, September 1835, SEI, VI, pp. 125, 127, and 133. Further down in the text the aim of each nation is described as “the accomplishment of the task which God assigned to it in the world” (p. 135).

56. See Gaetano Salvemini, Mazzini, trans. I. M. Rawson, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957, p. 62 (This translation was partly altered from the original Italian by the same Salvemini). Strangely enough, no allowance is made for God in the definition of “voluntaristic nation” illustrated—largely by reference to Mazzini’s conception—in Federico Chabod, L’idea di nazione (1943), ed. Armando Saitta and Ernesto Sestan, 13th ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2002, especially pp. 70–72.

57. On the notions of “constituent power” and the “absolute sovereignty of the nation” in the French Revolution, see Pietro Costa, Civitas: Storia della cittadinanza in Europa. 2. L’età delle rivoluzioni (1789–1848), Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2000, pp. 16–17.

58. This coincides with the passage from “monarchical sovereignty” to “national sovereignty” described by Pierre Nora, “Nation,” in Dictionnaire critique de la Révolution Française: Idées, sous la direction de François Furet et Mona Ozouf, Paris: Flammarion, 1992, pp. 354 and 351. On the transcendence or negation of the idea of a “contractual foundation of sovereignty” on the part of De Maistre and De Bonald, see Costa, Civitas, pp. 175 and 179–180.

59. Foi et Avenir, SEI, VI, pp. 209–290.60. Ibid., pp. 278–279 (footnote).61. Giuseppe Mazzini to Luigi Amedeo Melegari, [November 1836], SEI, XII,

p. 230 (italics mine).62. Giuseppe Mazzini to Luigi Amedeo Melegari, [January 1, 1837], ibid., pp.

268–269 (italics mine).63. Mazzini to Ippolito Benelli, Paris, Marseilles, October 8, 1831, SEI, V,

p. 55. In the same letter we read: “Throw amid the crowds that old term—as old as the world: national sovereignity, popular revolution, republic: rewaken all those memories that people from Bologna, from Tuscany, from Genoa connect to it—and you will then see.”

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64. Mazzini to Luigi Amedeo Melegari, Geneva, October 1, 1833, SEI, IX, pp. 95–96.

65. Di alcune cause che impedirono finora lo sviluppo della libertà, p. 203.66. See George L. Mosse, “Political Style and Political Theory: Totalitarian

Democracy Revisited” (1984), in Mosse Confronting the Nation: Jewish and Western Nationalism, Hanover and London: University Press of New England for Brandeis University Press, 1993, pp. 67 and 61. See also Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movements in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars to the Third Reich, New York: Howard Fertig, 1974.

67. Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and Class in the French Revolution, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984, pp. 24 and 26 (but see esp. the chapter “The Rhetoric of Revolution,” pp. 19–51). Neither Hunt nor her sources, however, refer explicitly to the concept of “cha-risma of speech” which Max Weber had invoked when studying the transformations of “charismatic power”: see Max Weber, Economia e società (1922), vol. IV, 2nd ed., Milan: Comunità, 1980, p. 238. On the role of language in the political transformations of the French Revolution, see also Bell, The Cult of the Nation in France, pp. 169–197.

68. Jean Vidalenc, “Les techniques de la propagande saint-simonienne à la fin de 1831,” Archives de sociologie des religions, 10, July–December 1960, pp. 3–20.

69. I first grew aware of the emphasis placed on rites, as well as of symbols, particularly in relation to the religious and political transformations brought about by secularization, when reading Clifford Geertz, “Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example,” (1957), in Id., The Interpretation of Cultures, New York: Basic Books, 1973, pp. 142–169.

70. I am borrowing the expression “religious revolution” from Tocqueville’s writings about the French Revolution. Tocqueville first came up with this formula when reflecting on religion in American democracy: see Alexis De Tocqueville, La democrazia in America (1835–40), ed. Giorgio Candeloro, 3rd ed., Milan: Rizzoli, 2002, pp. 293–296, and Tocqueville, L’Antico Regime e la Rivoluzione (1856), ed. Giorgio Candeloro, ibid., 2nd ed., 1989, pp. 48–51. The expression might come from Edgar Quinet, “De l’avenir de la religion” [June 1831], in Quinet, Allemagne et Italie. Philosophie et Poésie, Bruxelles: Société Belge de Librairie. Hauman et Ce, 1839, vol. II, pp. 15–27. It is also to be found in Jules Michelet, Le peuple, Paris: Hachette & Pauline, 1846, esp. in Part III, chapters VI–IX (the work is dedicated to Quinet).

71. Giuseppe Mazzini, Note autobiografiche, ed. Roberto Pertici, Milan: Rizzoli, 1986, p. 137 (the English translation is drawn from Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini, vol. II: Critical and Literary, London: Smith, Elder, 1890, pp. IV–V).

72. Perkins, Nation and Word, p. 131.

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73. See Giovanni Pirodda, Mazzini e Tenca: Per una storia della critica romantica, Padua: Liviana, 1968, pp. 31–39 and 71–73 (esp. with refer-ence to Mazzini’s essays “Faust: Tragédie de Goethe,” Indicatore livor-nese, May 11 and 18, 1829, SEI, I, pp. 127–151, and “Letteratura poetica della Boemia,” Giovine Italia IV, [1833], ibid., pp. 377–381). On Mazzini’s notion of “Genius,” see also Anna T. Ossani, Letteratura e politica in Giuseppe Mazzini, Urbino: Argalìa, 1973, pp. 7–57.

74. See Carlo Pisacane’s Saggi storici-politici-militari sull’Italia, penned between 1851 and 1855, but posthumously published between 1858 and 1860, and quoted in Franco della Peruta’s introduction to Carlo Pisacane, La rivoluzione, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1976, p. XLIV (the italics are in the original text). As one of the fiercest left-wing critics of Mazzini’s thought in the 1850s we should also mention Felice Orsini: Memorie polit-iche di Felice Orsini scritte da lui medesimo e dedicate alla gioventù itali-ana, Quarta edizione aumentata di un’appendice per Ausonio Franchi, London: A. Suttaby, 1859, pp. 301–309.

75. Ausonio Franchi is the pseudonym adopted by the Ligurian priest Cristoforo Bonavino (1821–1895) after he was suspended a divinis in 1849 and left the priesthood to embrace rationalist theories. He taught Philosophy at Pavia University and the Accademia Scientifica in Milan. Toward the end of his life he reverted to Catholicism and became a priest again. See the entry for him in Maria Fubini Leuzzi, Dizionario biogra-fico degli Italiani, Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia italiana, 1969, vol. and Ausonio Franchi, La religione del secolo XIX, Lausanne: n.p., 1853.

76. Pisacane, La rivoluzione, p. 217 (the English translation is drawn from: Carlo Pisacane, La rivoluzione, trans. R. Mann Roberts, Leicester: Matador, 2010, p. 186); and more generally pp. 214–223. No mention is made of the source of this quote from Mazzini.

77. Ibid., p. 219.78. See Nicola Raponi, “Farini, Luigi Carlo,” in Dizionario biografico degli

italiani, vol. 45, Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia italiana, 1993, pp. 31–42.

79. Luigi-Carlo Farini, The Roman State from 1815 to 1850, trans. W. E. Gladstone, London: John Murray, 1852, vol. III, p. 304.

80. Alberto Mario to Francesco Campanella, May 5, 1863, quoted by Fulvio Conti, “Alberto Mario e la crisi della Sinistra italiana dopo Aspromonte: fra rivoluzione nazionale e rivoluzione democratica,” in Alberto Mario e la cultura democratica italiana dell’Ottocento, Atti della Giornata di Studi (Forlì, May 13, 1983), ed. Roberto Balzani and Fulvio Conti, Bologna: Boni, 1986, pp. 87–88. Mario expressed awareness of the fun-damental matrix of Mazzini’s political and religious though, adding “his current theories are ill-determined and draw from the Globe, published in Paris before 1830 and by J. Reynaud; that is they are fragments of Saintsimonianism.”

NOTES 135

81. Alberto Mario, “Appendice” in Id., Teste e figure: Studii biografici, Padua: Fratelli Salmin Editori, 1877, pp. 529–539 (the quotes are from pp. 529–530). Partly referring to these pages of his, a few years later Mario talked about the “need to exclude [God] from the teaching of ethics” in schools (see Id., “Il catechismo e la scuola, Dio e la morale,” La Lega della Democrazia, Rome, October 25, 1880, now in La repubblica e l’ideale: Antologia degli scritti, ed. Pier Luigi Bagatin, Lendinara: n. p., 1984, p. 272).

82. Repubblica e Monarchia: A Giuseppe Mazzini: Lettera di Francesco Crispi, Deputato, 2nd ed., Turin: Tipografia V. Vercellino, 1865, pp. 10 and 27 (the English translation is drawn from: W. J. Stillman, Francesco Crispi: Insurgent, Exile, Revolutionist and Statesman, London: Grant Richards, 1899, pp. 229 and 267).

83. Ibid., p. 61 (cfr. Stillman, Francesco Crispi, p. 267).84. Ibid., p. 11 (cfr. Stillman, Francesco Crispi, p. 230).

2 From Poetry to Prose

1. Crispi’s republicanism and even his unitarism were both post 1848 and of Mazzinian origin. Mazzini also converted Crispi to the unitary ideal causing him to gradually turn his back on his Sicilian independentism, see Eugenio Artom, “L’uomo Francesco Crispi,” Rassegna storica toscana, XVI, 1, 1970, p. 14; see also Arturo Carlo Jemolo, Crispi (1922), Florence: Le Monnier, 1972, p. XV.

2. Artom, “L’uomo Francesco Crispi,” p. 14, identifying Mazzini and Bismarck as Crispi’s principal “masters and models.”

3. The quote is taken from a parliamentary speech of July 1, 1861, quoted in Umberto Levra, Fare gli italiani: Memoria e celebrazione del Risorgimento, Turin: Comitato dell’Istituto per la storia del Risorgimento Italiano, 1992, p. 316.

4. The erection of the monument on the Aventine Hill, promoted by a bill already in 1890, did not take place until 60 years later, in 1949, follow-ing a protracted controversy regarding Mazzini’s commemoration, see Jean-Claude Lescure, “Les enjeux du souvenir: le monument national à Giuseppe Mazzini,” Revue d’histoire moderne e contemporaine, XL, 2, April–June 1993, pp. 177–201.

5. Ferdinando Martini, Confessioni e Ricordi (1859–1892), Milan: Treves, 1928, p. 151, quoted in Christopher Duggan, Francesco Crispi 1818–1901: From Nation to Nationalism, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, p. 436.

6. Levra, Fare gli italiani, pp. 307 and 328. 7. Ibid., from an undated note, p. 311. 8. On collaboration between the classes and “Mazzini’s hostility to class

struggle” in Crispi, ibid., p. 341.

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9. For both citations see Francesco Crispi, “Programma sociale,” May 15, 1886, in Id., Scritti e discorsi politici (1849–1890), Rome: Unione Cooperativa Editrice, 1890, pp. 551 and 552. A few years earlier the “great mission” of the democratic party was to “eliminate class differences, and gather the people into one sheaf [fascio]” see Id., Il riordinamento del partito democratico, Palermo, September 10, 1882, ibid., p. 509.

10. “L’Unità nazionale con la monarchia” was the title under which the Rome speech of March 23, 1884, and the Palermo speech of April 2, 1884, were published in Crispi, Scritti e discorsi politici.

11. Ibid., pp. 445–446.12. Ibid., p. 451.13. From a thought, n.d., cited in Jemolo, Crispi, p. 122.14. Federico Chabod, Storia della politica estera italiana dal 1870 al 1896,

3rd ed., Bari: Laterza 1965, vol. I, p. 227; for this evolution in general, pp. 222–227.

15. Ibid., p. 328, note 47, from Mazzini’s 1871 text, Politica internazionale, SEI, XCII. See also Daniela Adorni, “Presupposti ed evoluzione della politica coloniale di Crispi,” in Adua. Le ragioni di una sconfitta, ed. Angelo Del Boca, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1997, pp. 59–60, note 9, who found Mazzini’s citation in a publication originating in Crispi’s circles, [Un italiano], La colonia italiana in Africa e F. Crispi, il Parlamento ed il Paese, Rome: Tipografia Voghera, 1896, pp. 171–172.

16. Speech in Milazzo, on July 20, 1897, cited in Adorni, Presupposti ed evoluzione, p. 62, note 21 (p. 37 for the “conversion” and his vision of the Mediterranean). “We are also carrying out a civilizing mission in Africa: this mission belongs to Italy and we cannot abandon it,” said Crispi in 1888 (from a speech to the Senate of December 6, 1888, ibid., p. 43).

17. On the distinction between the Mazzinian “Risorgimento dictatorship” and “revolutionary dictatorship,” see the following, even though it is not entirely convincing with regard to the historical semantics of the two concepts, Cesare Vetter, Dittatura e rivoluzione nel Risorgimento italiano, Trieste: Università di Trieste, 2003. For the interpretation of the plebi-scites as a Mazzinian “national pact” and for Crispi’s citation, from an undated note, see Levra, Fare gli italiani, p. 328. Later, according to Levra, Crispi would continue to draw upon his “old Mazzinian background” when expressing a desire for convergence within the State, born of the plebiscites and to be defended from socialist demands for a “national” and a “social” (ibid., p. 343).

18. Chabod, Storia della politica estera italiana, pp. 61 and 57; but also Levra, Fare gli italiani, pp. 312–313.

19. See Duggan, Francesco Crispi, pp. 233, where he underlines the relations with Mazzini’s conception and from which I also took the previous cita-tion, from a speech given by Crispi to the Chamber on June 29, 1863.

NOTES 137

20. From a note by Crispi, n.d., in Levra, Fare gli italiani, p. 312, which insists upon the “split from the original Mazzinian conceptual model” (ibid., p. 314).

21. From a speech to the Chamber on March 6, 1890, ibid., p. 316.22. For a reflection on this same link inspired by the same citation, but

without reference to the Mazzinian model, Adorni, Francesco Crispi, pp. 157–158.

23. Duggan, Francesco Crispi, p. 233.24. Artom, L’uomo Francesco Crispi, p. 15.25. See Gugliemo Ferrero, La reazione, Turin: Olivetti, 1895, cited in Luisa

Mangoni, Una crisi di fine secolo: La cultura italiana e la Francia fra Otto e Novecento, Turin: Einaudi, 1985, p. 188, which places these pages within a contemporary Italian reflection on “Crispism” as “Caesarism.” A few years later Ferrero would place Mazzini among the “modern Messiahs” in his celebrated L’Europa giovane: Studi e viaggi nei paesi del Nord, Milan: Treves, 1898, p. 367. A year earlier, Scipio Sighele, his sociologist colleague and future militant nationalist, had similarly placed Mazzini among the “apostles who stirred up the soul of the crowd” in La delin-quenza settaria. Appunti di sociologia, Milan: Treves, 1897, p. 94.

26. For a comprehensive interpretation of Crispi’s politics laying par-ticular emphasis on its Garibaldian roots and its alliance-shifting and Bonapartist tendencies, as well as for the subsequent evolution of the Crispi political myth, see Francesco Bonini, Francesco Crispi e l’unità: Da un progetto di governo un ambiguo “mito” politico, Rome: Bulzoni, 1997.

27. Garibaldi’s support to the house of Savoy dated from 1854, when it was first proclaimed by the general in a letter to Mazzini (see on this point, Giuseppe Monsagrati, “Garibaldi, Giuseppe,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 52, Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1999, p. 322).

28. Pietro Finelli, “È divenuto un Dio”: Santità, Patria e Rivoluzione nel “culto di Mazzini” (1872–1905), in Storia d’Italia. Annali 22, Il Risorgimento, ed. Alberto M. Banti and Paul Ginsborg, Turin: Einaudi, 2007, pp. 665 and 667 (the citation was taken from a newspaper of the time).

29. Martini, Confessioni e Ricordi, p. 71.30. Examples and observations on the marginalization of Mazzini in the offi-

cial memory of the Risorgimento in the early post-unification decades, and on his later, gradual reintegration through an increasingly conser-vative key, can be found in Massimo Baioni, La “religione della patria”: Musei e istituti del culto risorgimentale, Treviso: Pagus, 1994.

31. Finelli, “È divenuto un Dio,” p. 670. I briefly described the criticisms by Mario, supra, chapter 1, part 5.

32. Letters referring to a “clearly partisan idolatry [ . . . ], Mazzini worshipped as a demigod” and to the clerical press that “mocks these stories” dated

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April 11, 1872, in Antonio Labriola, La politica italiana nel 1871–1872: Corrispondenze alle Basler Nachrichten,” ed. Stefano Miccolis, Naples: Bibliopolis, 1998, p. 121. On Labriola’s sympathetic attitude to Mazzini, see Stefano Miccolis, “Giuseppe Mazzini nella vicenda intellettuale di Antonio Labriola,” Archivio Trimestrale, 3, July–September 1981, pp. 431–437. Labriola was later able to support Italian colonization in Africa in the form of a “practical socialist experiment” entrusted to poor farmers, also in the name of Mazzini’s “semisocialism” (in an article in the Florentine Risveglio, taken up by Il Messaggero, March 15, 1890, in Roberto Battaglia, La prima guerra d’Africa, Turin: Einaudi, 1958, p. 489).

33. On this matter and its wider implications, see Sergio Luzzatto, La mum-mia della Repubblica: Storia di Mazzini imbalsamato 1872–1946, Milan: Rizzoli, 2001. But this also gave rise to Mazzini’s appropriation, from a conservative point of view, by the Freemasons: see Fulvio Conti, “Mazzini massone? Costruzione e fortuna di un mito” in Conti, Massoneria e reli-gioni civili: Cultura laica e liturgie politiche fra XVIII e XX secolo, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2008, pp. 187–211.

34. Toward the end of the 1860s, Bertrando Spaventa polemically associ-ated the spiritual obscurantism of Mazzini’s followers and Catholics, invoking a Hegelian “philosophical, religious, moral inner liberty” writ-ing with bitter irony that “We need it because we have in our house, as our thing or person, our greatest enemy, the enemy of the free spirit, the infallible spiritual authority (Pope Pius, Pope Mazzini)!” See his letter to Angelo Camillo De Meis, Paolottismo, positivismo, razionalismo (1868), in Bertrando Spaventa, Unificazione nazionale ed egemonia culturale, ed. Giuseppe Vacca, Bari: Laterza, 1969, p. 229. Moreover, this stance docu-ments Spaventa’s evolution, from his political beginnings to his republi-can and democratic beliefs, which remained unwavering until the early 1850s. Besides, in mid-1860s Naples, there were still some in his circles who followed Hegel in philosophy and Mazzini in politics, despite the fact that Mazzini himself polemicized with the Hegelism of the University of Naples (see Giuseppe Vacca, Politica e filosofia in Bertrando Spaventa, Bari: Laterza, 1967, pp. 50–51).

35. For insights into the shifts typical of this crisis, which led not to social-ism but to radical democracy, through a study of Felice Cavallotti and his political area, see Alessandro Galante Garrone, Felice Cavallotti, Turin: Utet, 1976 (especially certain ironic verses about Mazzini composed soon after his death by the politician who began his career as a Scapigliatura poet, pp. 279–280). The radical area, which began to distance itself from Mazzini from the time of his condemnation of the Paris Commune, also included those like Agostino Bertani, who would continue to be the guardians of a kind of Mazzinian orthodoxy, despite having accepted a compromise with the liberal monarchist state. For the various shifts taking place throughout this area and the respective attitudes toward

NOTES 139

Mazzini, see Id., I radicali in Italia (1849–1925), 2nd ed., Milan: Garzanti, 1978.

36. La corrispondenza di Marx e Engels con italiani, 1848–1895, ed. Giuseppe Del Bo, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1964, p. 22 (the English translation is taken from The Collected Works of Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels: Letters 1844–1895, vol. 44, London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2001, p. 64).

37. Among the critical commemorations written on the occasion of Mazzini’s death a particularly authoritative one by Giovanni Bovio was published as a pamphlet titled Poche parole del professore Giovanni Bovio alla memoria di G. Mazzini, Naples: Fratelli Testa, 1872. Even though he had extolled Mazzini as a “propagator of civilisation,” Bovio considered his political message to be exhausted, claiming that the Genoese had died “when his God withdrew from nature and history” (in Alfonso Scirocco, “Bovio, Giovanni,” in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. XII, Rome: Istitituo dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1971, p. 553). See also the fragment of a posthumous work which analyses aspects of Mazzini’s thought on the link between “God and People,” published in the year of the centenary of his birth: Giovanni Bovio, Mazzini, foreword by Carlo Romussi, Milan: Sonzogno, 1905.

38. M.[ikhail] Bakounin, La théologie politique de Mazzini et l’Internationale, Neuchatel: Commission de Propagande Socialiste, 1871, pp. 3–4. See also Id., Il socialismo e Mazzini: Lettera agli amici d’Italia, October 19–20, 1871, only published in 1886, now in Michele Bakounine et l’Italie, 1871–1872, ed. Arthur Leining, vol. II, Leiden: Brill, 1963, pp. 1–49. For the context, see also Nello Rosselli, Mazzini e Bakunin: Dodici anni di movi-mento operaio in Italia (1927), Turin: Einaudi, 1982.

39. Francesco De Sanctis, La letteratura italiana nel secolo XIX. II. La scuola liberale e la scuola democratica, ed. Franco Catalano, Bari: Laterza, 1953, especially pp. 355–371. For the context, see Sergio Landucci, Cultura e ideologia in Francesco De Sanctis, 2nd ed., Milan: Feltrinelli, 1977, pp. 442–458, which goes to the point of theorizing an influence of, or at least a convergence with Bakunin’s critique (ibid., pp. 453 and 458).

40. Jessie White Mario, Della vita di Giuseppe Mazzini, Milan: Sonzogno, 1886. Like her previous biography of Garibaldi (1885), Mario’s highly cel-ebratory and apologetic work on Mazzini was written in close collabora-tion with and under the watchful eye of Giosue Carducci. See Cosimo Ceccuti, “Le grandi biografie popolari nell’editoria italiana del secondo Ottocento,” in Il mito del Risorgimento nell’Italia unita, special issue of Il Risorgimento, XLVII, 1–2, 1995, pp. 110–123 (I cited p. 118). It should be noted that Sonzogno brought out several editions of Mario’s biography in the following decades, at least seven until 1933. Another biography that was extremely successful, but more accurate in historiographic and scientific terms (placing it in a different phase of the biographical recon-struction of Mazzini), was written by the English historian Bolton King;

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Barbera published five editions of the Italian translation between 1903 and 1926.

41. See Ceccuti, “Le grandi biografie,” pp. 121–122. On the “decontextualisa-tion” of Mazzini, in the name of a “Mazzinian spirit” that was depoliticized when not openly censored, I have already referred to Finelli, “È divenuto un Dio,” pp. 682–684. See also Dante Della Terza, “L’eroe scomodo e la sua ombra: L’immagine di Mazzini e la letteratura del Risorgimento,” in Terza, Letteratura e critica tra Otto e Novecento: Itinerari di ricezione, Cosenza: Edizioni Periferia, 1989, pp. 9–44.

42. Edmondo De Amicis, Cuore: libro per i ragazzi, Milan: Treves, 1886. For the context, see the essay by Gilles Pécout, “Le livre Cœur: éducation, cul-ture, nation dans l’Italie libérale,” in Edmondo De Amicis, Le livre Cœur, Paris: Éditions Rue d’Ulm, 2001, pp. 357–483.

43. Alberto Asor Rosa, Carducci e la cultura del suo tempo, in Carducci e la letteratura italiana: Studi per il centocinquantenario della nascita di Giosue Carducci, Bologna: Conference Proceedings, October 11–13, 1985; Padova: Antenore, 1988, p. 23.

44. It has been remarked that Carducci had always loved to “echo the myths of the majority,” see Luigi Russo, Carducci senza retorica (1957), 3rd ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999, p. 97.

45. Benedetto Croce, Giosue Carducci: Studio critico, Bari: Laterza, 1920, p. 45.46. Carducci to Silvio Giannini, October 25, 1859, in Russo, Carducci senza

retorica, p. 93.47. See Alla regina d’Italia, November 20, 1878, in Odi barbare, then in Poesie

di Giosue Carducci (1855–1900), 20th ed., Bologna: Zanichelli, 1937, pp. 888–890; “Eterno femminino regale,” Cronaca Bizantina, January 1, 1882, in Prose di Giosue Carducci, 1859–1903, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1925, pp. 865–885.

48. Ibid., pp. 872–874.49. Ibid., p. 877.50. Ibid., pp. 874–875.51. Al direttore della “Gazzetta dell’Emilia,” February 1, 1895, in Opere, ed.

Naz., vol. XIX, p. 376.52. Francesco Crispi, June 29, 1893, ibid., p. 368.53. For example, “Un anno dopo,” Alleanza and Voce del Popolo, Bologna,

March 10, 1873, in Ceneri e faville, Serie seconda, 1871–1876, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1923, pp. 19–20. “Decennale della morte di Giuseppe Mazzini,” Cronaca Bizantina, March 1, 1882, in Ceneri e faville, Serie terza e ultima, 1877–1901, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1902, pp. 3–13.

54. Giuseppe Mazzini (February 11, 1872), in Giambi ed Epodi (1882), and in Poesie (English translation in A Selection from the Poems of Giosuè Carducci, translated and annotated by Emily A. Tribe, London: Longmans, Green, 1921, p. 10). “Per la poesia e per la libertà: Speech to the voters in the Lugo district,” November 19, 1876, in Confessioni e

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Battaglie, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1890, pp. 327–328. “Discorso al popolo nel Teatro Nuovo di Pisa,” May 20, 1886, in Confessioni e battaglie, p. 482. “Aurelio Saffi,” Resto del Carlino, April 15, 1890, in Confessioni e batta-glie, Serie seconda, 2nd ed., Bologna: Zanichelli, 1921, p. 365.

55. Del Risorgimento italiano (1896), in Poesia e storia, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1905, pp. 177 and 180–181.

56. The statement, made on May 11, 1893, is cited by Russo, Carducci senza retorica, pp. 95–96.

57. “XVIII dicembre” (1882), in Opere, ed. Naz., vol. XIX, p. 191.58. “Al feretro di G. Regaldi” (1883), in Ceneri e faville, Serie terza e ultima,

1877–1901, Zanichelli: Bologna, 1902, pp. 312–313.59. “Agli studenti di Padova,” Il Veneto, June 12, 1889, in Confessioni e batta-

glie, Serie seconda, 2nd ed., Bologna: Zanichelli 1921, pp. 337–339.60. “La libertà perpetua di San Marino,” Speech to the Senate and to the

People, September 30, 1894, in Studi, saggi e discorsi, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1898, pp. 330–332.

61. “La libertà perpetua,” p. 339. See also the clarifications added in 1896 to the preface to the San Marino speech, published in Confessioni e batta-glie, Serie seconda, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1921, pp. 425–427. Shortly before the San Marino speech Carducci also reflected in private on the religios-ity of the Italian people and on the existence of God which he wished to “believe in even more.” He felt Christian but not Catholic (see a letter dated September 1, 1894, cited in Laura Fournier Finocchiaro, “Carducci et l’anticléricalisme,” in L’Italie menacée: Figures de l’ennemi du XVI au XX siècle, Id., Paris: L’Harmattan, 2004, p. 85. Some years later in La chiesa di Polenta (1897) he would celebrate the Church’s civic role, a role of moral unification (see ibid., p. 88).

62. On Oriani, see above all Oriani e la cultura del suo tempo, ed. Ennio Diriani, Longo: Ravenna, 1985; Vincenzo Pesante, Il problema Oriani: Il pensiero storico-politico, le interpretazioni storiografiche, Milan: Franco Angeli, 1996; Massimo Baioni, Il fascismo e Alfredo Oriani: Il mito del precursore, Ravenna: Longo, 1988.

63. See Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, ed. Valentino Gerratana, vol. III, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 2001, p. 2196.

64. Alfredo Oriani, La lotta politica in Italia: Origini della lotta attuale (476–1887) (1892), vol. I, 3rd ed., Florence: Libreria della Voce, 1917, pp. 261–262.

65. Ibid., pp. 353–354.66. Ibid., vol. II, p. 61.67. Ibid., pp. 76–77.68. Ibid., pp. 77–78.69. Ibid., p. 80.70. Ibid., p. 85.71. Ibid., pp. 79–87.

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72. “A Staglieno,” Il Resto del Carlino, December 2, 1900, in Alfredo Oriani, Fuochi di bivacco, Bologna: Cappelli, 1927, p. 143.

73. Alfredo to Giacomo Oriani, February 1894 (but 1892), in Id., Le lettere, ed. Piero Zama, Bologna: Cappelli, 1958, pp. 102–104.

74. See Pesante, Il problema Oriani: Il pensiero storico-politico, passim.75. Alfredo Oriani, La rivolta ideale (1906), Bari: Laterza, 1918, pp. 108–109.76. Ibid., pp. 148–149.77. Ibid., p. 95.78. Ibid., pp. 154–158.79. Oriani goes to the point of prophesying the day in which the “religion of

the White Race” would prevail in the East, even asking his readers the rhetorical question: “Can you imagine a Jewish Garibaldi and Mazzini?” (See “I deicidi,” L’attualità, January 31, 1904, in Oriani, Fuochi di bivacco, p. 254). He also stated that “Goethe and Bismark, Napoleon and Garibaldi could not have been Jewish” (see “La testa di Bismark” in Alfredo Oriani, Ombre di occaso, Bologna: Cappelli, 1927, p. 207).

80. Id., La rivolta ideale, p. 258.81. Ibid., p. 346.

3 Mazzini in the New Century

1. See Terenzio Grandi, Appunti di Bibliografia Mazziniana: La fortuna dei “Doveri” e Mazzini fuori d’Italia, Turin: Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, 1961, p. 37.

2. Ibid., pp. 38–39. 3. Ibid., p. 41. 4. Ibid., p. 42. Unorthodox Republican Arcangelo Ghisleri instead criti-

cized the adoption of the Doveri, considering it to be “too theological and too dogmatic” (cited in Napoleone Colajanni, Preti e socialisti contro Mazzini (1903), Rome: Libreria Politica Moderna, 1921, p. 16). For the complicated evolution of the Ghisleri’s attitude toward Mazzini, which was critical of the theistic aspects and against the contemporary nation-alistic interpretations of the war in Libya; then democratic intervention-ist also in Mazzini’s name; and finally defender of the factory councils in the 1919 turmoils of the so-called biennio rosso (the two-year “red period” of factory occupations inspired by contemporary events in the Soviet Union), and against the bourgeoisie and the government, in the name of a Mazzinian “education” of the workers, see Aroldo Benini, Vita e tempi di Arcangelo Ghisleri (1855–1938), Bari: Lacaita, 1975.

5. Grandi, Appunti di bibliografia mazziniana, p. 44. 6. Ibid., p. 46. 7. Two years later, though, a decree signed by the king, Victor Emanuel III,

and by Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando gave orders for the

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publication of a national edition of the works of Mazzini, now recog-nized—in view of the centenary of his birth—as “the apostle of unifica-tion.” See Michele Finelli, Il monumento di carta: L’Edizione Nazionale degli Scritti di Giuseppe Mazzini, Villa Verrucchio (Ravenna): Pazzini, 2004, pp. 59–70.

8. See Colajanni, Preti e socialisti, p. 22 (also for the citation of Treves), which responded to the Socialists’ harsh criticisms of the Doveri dell’Uomo and of the adoption of the text in schools. Colajanni’s pamphlet contains a reconstruction of the lively debate for and against Mazzini in this period. There is no mention of Preti e socialisti in the wide-ranging study by Jean-Yves Fretigné, Biographie intellectuelle d’un protagoniste de l’Italie liberale: Napoleone Colajanni (1847–1921), Rome: École Française de Rome, 2002.

9. Gaetano Salvemini, Mazzini (1925), in Gaetano Salvemini, Scritti sul Risorgimento, ed. Piero Pieri and Carlo Psichedda, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1973, pp. 200–201. As mentioned, I usually refer here to the English-language translation, Mazzini, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957, trans. I. M. Rawson, revised and enlarged by the author, with some changes of my own.

10. Tommaso Gallarati Scotti, Giuseppe Mazzini e il suo idealismo politico e religioso: Discorso, Milan: Cogliati, 1904, pp. 37 and 47.

11. Ibid., p. 18 (quotation marks in original).12. Ibid., pp. 9–10.13. Ibid., pp. 5–6.14. See Antonio Fogazzaro, Lettere scelte, ed. T. Gallarati Scotti, Milan:

Mondadori, 1940, p. 533, letter of July 21, 1904.15. Fogazzaro to Elena, June 26, 1893, ibid., p. 283. For the context of the

exchange with Gallarati Scotti and a hint of Fogazzaro’s admiration for Bolton King’s biography of Mazzini, see Paolo Marangon, Il modernismo di Antonio Fogazzaro, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998, pp. 89–90.

16. Among those drawn to Mazzini in the early 1900s, also through a mod-ernist reading, was the young Giovanni Amendola (see infra ch. 5, note 28).

17. The main evocations of Mazzini in Pascoli’s verses are, on the occasion of the centenary of his birth, Inno secolare a Mazzini (this poem, with a strong Carduccian inspiration, appeared in Il Marzocco in June 1905, and was later collected in Pascoli’s Odi e Inni, 1906) and, in 1911, two episodes of the Poemi del Risorgimento, an incomplete work published posthumously in 1913. See Mazzini nella poesia, ed. Terenzio Grandi, Pisa: Domus Mazziniana, 1959, pp. 192–201 and 272–281.

18. I follow and cite Mario Isnenghi, Le campagne di un vate di campagna: Fra mandati sociali e autorappresentazioni degli intellettuali, in Pascoli e la cultura del Novecento, ed. Andrea Battistini, Gianfranco Miro Gori, and Clemente Mazzotta, Venice: Marsilio, 2007, pp. 13–18.

19. See Una sagra, speech given at the University of Messina, June 1900, in Giovanni Pascoli, Pensieri e discorsi. MDCCCXCV–MCMVI, Bologna:

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Zanichelli, 1906, p. 216. In 1908 he would speak of “Latin socialism” (see Isnenghi, Le campagne di un vate, p. 16).

20. L’eroe italico, speech read at Messina, June 2, 1902, in Pascoli, Pensieri e discorsi, p. 261.

21. Antonio Mordini in patria, speech read at Barga, 1905, in Pascoli, Pensieri e discorsi, p. 371–372.

22. “IX gennaio: Nel cinquantenario della patria,” in Patria e Umanità (1914), in Isnenghi, Le campagne di un vate, p. 20.

23. Ibid., p. 12. And he added: “But the king is our national right, the king of our plebiscites, the king of our revolution.” It should be noted that Crispi used the formula “revolutionary monarchy” (see above, chapter 2, para-graph 2 in this book).

24. Ibid., pp. 13–14.25. “L’eroe italico,” in Isnenghi, Le campagne di un vate, p. 22.26. “Nell’Università di Bologna: Un’uomo di pensiero e un uomo d’azione,”

1908, in Giovanni Pascoli, Patria e umanità: Raccolta di scritti e discorsi, ed. Maria Pascoli, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1914, p. 24.

27. See “La grande proletaria si è mossa . . . ,” Barga, November 26, 1911, in Pascoli, Patria e umanità, p. 238. It should not be forgotten that Pascoli considered Mazzini one of the greatest sources of inspiration, if not the founder of modern Italian eloquence, although the context in which Mazzini’s legacy was inherited had by now changed: “Along with many other things, our literature lacked eloquence. Afterwards, and to some extent in his time, eloquence did finally emerge! The eloquence of Giuseppe Mazzini [ . . . ] In any case Mazzini is the precursor, the baptizer, the prophet; and I am speaking of the third Italy that he announced and created but in which he did not live” (see “In morte di Giosue Carducci,” Il Resto del Carlino, February 17–18, 1907, in Pascoli, Patria e umanità, p. 79).

28. On nationalism as a “modern variant of Mazzinian Italianism,” which did however “alter its original spirit,” see Emilio Gentile, Il mito dello Stato nuovo: Dal radicalismo nazionale al fascismo, 2nd ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999, p. 9.

29. See Enrico Corradini, Discorsi politici (1902–1923), Florence: Vallecchi, 1923, p. 134. It should be remembered that Corradini, before Pascoli, had in that same year described Italy as a “proletarian nation,” speaking of the people’s “love of their fatherland” and of the “national conscience” as a “religion” and as a “school of discipline and duty” (Id., Le nazioni proletarie e il nazionalismo, January 1911, ibid., pp. 105 and 114). With the exception of these echoes of Mazzini’s religion of the nation, there are relatively few direct references to Mazzini in Corradini’s political writings.

30. See in particular Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution,

NOTES 145

trans. David Maisel, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994 (orig. ed. Paris, 1989); Emilio Gentile, The Origins of Fasicst Ideology, 1918–1925, trans. Robert L. Miller, New York: Enigma Books, 2005 (orig. ed. Bologna, 1996).

31. See Georges Sorel, “Étude sur Vico,” Devenir Social, II, 1896, pp. 783–817, 906–941, and 1013–1046; Georges Sorel, Préface (1905) to Matériaux d’une théorie du proletariat, Paris: Rivière, 1919; Id., Considerazioni sulla violenza, trans. Antonio Sarno and foreword by Benedetto Croce, Bari: Laterza, 1909 (orig. ed. Paris, 1908).

32. Sorel to Croce, August 7, 1897, in Georges Sorel, Lettere a Benedetto Croce, ed. S. Onufrio, Bari: De Donato, 1980, p. 43. A few months earlier (May 14, 1897) Antonio Labriola wrote a letter to Sorel mentioning the friction between Mazzini and Marx and Engels, who had challenged Mazzini’s idealistic formula “la patrie et Dieu,” in Antonio Labriola, Socialisme et Philosophie (Lettres à G. Sorel), Paris: Giard et Brière, 1899, p. 58.

33. Sorel to Croce, January 27, 1912, in Sorel, Lettere a Benedetto Croce, p.184.

34. Already at the beginning of the century Sorel had written a letter to Napoleone Colajanni, probably at the time of the debate on the adoption of the Doveri dell’uomo in schools: “It was with the greatest pleasure that I read your wonderful text in support of Mazzini. How can the Socialists be so ungrateful to the man who honored his country like no other in the nineteenth century and who so many worthy judges consider to be one of the greatest men in history?” (see the quotation from a letter to Colajanni, n.d., placed in exergue to Colajanni, Preti e socialisti contro Mazzini, p. 9).

35. Sorel to Croce, March 20, 1914, in Sorel, Lettere a Benedetto Croce, p. 200.

36. Sorel to Missiroli, April 1, 1914, ibid., p. 200 note (Georges Sorel, Lettere a un amico d’Italia, Bologna: Cappelli, 1963, p. 113).

37. Mario Missiroli, La monarchia socialista: Estrema destra, Bari: Laterza, 1914, pp. 34–35.

38. See the entire chapter “Il dissidio di Mazzini,” ibid., pp. 31–51 (the quota-tions are on pp. 42, 49, 50). This conclusion probably contains an echo of Salvemini’s interpretation that Missiroli was probably aware of, even if he does not cite it in his bibliography. His assessment of Mazzini’s antidem-ocratic slant was not linear because he also underlined the Mazzinian dream of a “universal democracy,” which Missiroli still defined as “mys-tic republic” at one point (ibid., pp. 33 and 50).

39. See Sorel to Missiroli, April 18, 1915 (in Sorel, Lettere a un amico, p. 162), which again emphasized Italians’ failure to understand Mazzini, as well as the value of his “philosophy.” Sorel would return to Mazzini one last time in his correspondence with Croce on September 15, 1918, asking himself (in response to an article by Paolo Orano) “what [was] the true

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reason for Mazzini’s frequent hostility to the French Revolution” (Sorel to Croce, in Sorel, Lettere a Benedetto Croce, p. 270 and note).

40. See Sorel, Matériaux d’une theorie du proletariat, p. 11.41. Considerazioni sulla violenza, p. 93.42. Benedetto Croce, Cristianesimo, socialismo e metodo storico (“A prop-

osito di un libro di G. Sorel,” La Critica, V, 1907, pp. 317–330. This was an essay on Sorel based on his work Le système historique de Renan (Paris, 1906) and which Croce would republish the following year as the intro-duction to the Italian translation of Réflexions sur la Violence). On Croce and Sorel, Stefano Miccolis, “Il ‘sorelismo’ di Croce,” Nuovi studi politici, XV, 3, July–September 1984, pp. 29–42; Sergio Romano, “Georges Sorel et Benedetto Croce,” in Georges Sorel et son temps: Sous la direction de Jacques Juillard et Shlomo Sand, Paris: Seuil, 1985, pp. 249–262.

43. On this process, revolving around the concept of myth, see Zeev Sternhell, The Birth of Fascist Ideology, chapter I “Georges Sorel,” part Antirationalism and Activism, pp. 55–71. On the irrationalist, anti-in-tellectualist, activist, and heroicizing nature of the myth in Sorel, see S. P. Rouanet, “Irrationalism and Myth in Georges Sorel,” The Review of Politics, 26, 1, January 1964, pp. 45–69. See also, Jack J. Roth, The Cult of Violence: Sorel and the Sorelians, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1980.

44. Croce to Vossler, August 25, 1933, in Jack. J. Roth, “The Roots of Italian Fascism: Sorel and Sorelismo,” Journal of Modern History, 39, 1, March 1967, p. 43.

45. See Benito Mussolini, “Lo sciopero generale e la violenza,” Il Popolo, June 25, 1909, which I quote from Scritti politici di Benito Mussolini, ed. Enzo Santarelli, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1979, p. 116. On Mussolini and Mazzini, see infra chapter IV, part 2.

46. See Walter Adamson, Avant-Garde Florence: From Modernism to Fascism, Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1993, pp. 64–79 in particular; Id., “Fascism and Culture: Avant-Gardes and Secular Religion in the Italian Case,” Journal of Contemporary History, 24, July 1989, pp. 411–435. See also mentions by Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics, p. 13, although mainly focused on Prezzolini and La Voce.”

47. Giovanni Papini, Un uomo finito (1912), ed. Anna Casini Paszkowski, Florence: Ponte alle Grazie, 1994. p. 112 (An English translation is The Failure, New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1924).

48. Papini to Prezzolini, August 18, 1905 (concerning his emotional response to Bolton King’s biography of Mazzini), and Prezzolini to Papini, January 9, 1906 (who had also “read the King [book]”), see Giovanni Papini-Giuseppe Prezzolini, Carteggio. I. 1900–1907. Dagli “Uomini Liberi” alla fine del “Leonardo,” ed. Sandro Gentili and Gloria Minghetti, Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2003, pp. 424 and 515.

NOTES 147

49. This political project can be placed among the anti-Giolitti nationalist currents defined as belonging to “national radicalism” in Gentile, Il mito dello Stato nuovo, pp. 5–9.

50. Papini, Un uomo finito, in Adamson, Avant-Garde, p. 22.51. Papini to Soffici, September 9, 1905, in Giovanni Papini-Ardengo Soffici,

Carteggio. I. 1903–1908. Dal “Leonardo” a “La Voce,” ed. Mario Richter, Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1991, p. 78.

52. According to Roberto Ridolfi, Vita di Giovanni Papini, Milan: Mondadori, 1957, pp. 38–39 (from which I have also taken the quotes).

53. Ibid., p. 41, quotation taken from Papini’s Passato remoto (1948).54. See the unpublished fragment “Il dominio del gregge (Il socialismo)”

dated March 1902, in Giovanni Papini, Il non finito. Diario 1900 e scritti inediti giovanili, ed. Anna Casini Paszkowski, Florence: Le Lettere, 2005, pp. 182–183. But the formula and underlying theory of this text are taken up again in Gian Falco [pseudonym of Giovanni Papini], “Chi sono i socialisti,” Leonardo, I, 5, February 22, 1903, in La cultura italiana del ‘900 attraverso le riviste, ed. Delia Frigessi, vol. I, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1960, pp. 120–128.

55. See Mario Richter, Papini e Soffici: Mezzo secolo di vita italiana (1903–1956), Florence: Le Lettere, 2005, pp. 24–26.

56. Papini to Prezzolini, November 10, 1907, in Carteggio, pp. 730–731.57. Papini to Soffici, November 17, 1907, ibid., p. 156.58. Soffici to Papini, November 19, 1907, ibid., pp. 156–157.59. Papini to Prezzolini, November 10, 1907, Carteggio, p. 731.60. Soffici to Papini, December 5, 1907, in Carteggio, pp. 161–162. Soffici

would later write to Papini telling him about his patriotic emotion upon reading Ricordi dei fratelli Bandiera (1843) by Mazzini (August 19, 1908, ibid., p. 316) and about having shared his enthusiasm for Mazzini with Miguel de Unamuno, who had written telling him of his attraction for Mazzini’s “concepciòn mística de la patria” (December 12, 1908, ibid., p. 453, and Soffici’s reply of December 16, 1908, ibid., p. 458).

61. A couple of decades later, Papini, who had in the meantime undergone his conversion to Catholicism, dismissed Mazzini, writing, “[He] was one of the many lay prophets emerging after the French Revolution, immersed in a rather pedantic yet possibly sincere evangelism, a romantic, and ultimately unsuccessful follower of Lamennais—who did not live to see either the Republic or the Third Rome, and died while the monarchy was consolidating itself and Pius IX was beginning to appear a saint-like figure” (See Piero Bargellini-Giovanni Papini, Carteggio 1923–1956, ed. Maria Chiara Tarsi, Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2006, p. 49, letter to Bargellini, August 31, 1928).

62. See also the contemporary recording: “I have just been reading all of Mazzini’s works [ . . . ] This year I have only been reading works from the Italian Risorgimento. After so much Middle Age, a little contemporary

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age will do me good,” Salvemini to Arcangelo Ghisleri, [after April 18, 1899], in Gaetano Salvemini, Carteggio (1894–1902), ed. Sergio Bucchi, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1988, p. 216.

63. See Marino Berengo, “Salvemini storico e la reazione del ‘98,” in Atti del Convegno su Gaetano Salvemini, Florence, November 8–10, 1975, ed. Ernesto Sestan, Milan: Il Saggiatore, 1977, pp. 69–85, although no men-tion is made of Salvemini’s interest in and works on Mazzini.

64. Salvemini’s interest in Cattaneo culminated, on the editorial level, in the editing of the book Le più belle pagine di C. Cattaneo, ed. Gaetano Salvemini, Milan: Treves, 1922. On his close ideal, methodological and political relationship with Cattaneo, see Norberto Bobbio. “La non-filo-sofia di Salvemini,” in Bobbio, Maestri e compagni, Florence: Passigli, 1984, pp. 39–40.

65. Gaetano Salvemini to Ettore Rota, March 23, 1919, in Gaetano Salvemini, Carteggio 1914–1920, ed. Enzo Tagliacozzo, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1984, p. 457.

66. Mazzini is hardly ever cited, while Garibaldi is a political hero, in Un travet [pseudonym of Gaetano Salvemini], “Le origini della reazione,” Critica sociale, July 1, and August 1, 1899, in Id., I partiti politici milanesi nel secolo XIX, Milan: Linea d’ombra, 1994, pp. 173–196.

67. Ibid., pp. 121–122. The text was originally published separately, as a small volume.

68. Rerum Scriptor [pseudonym of Gaetano Salvemini] “Giuseppe Mazzini nel 1848,” L’Educazione Politica, March 31, 1900 in Id., Scritti vari, ed. G. Agosti and A. Galante Garrone, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1978, p. 213; Giuseppe Giarrizzo, “Gaetano Salvemini: la politica,” in Gaetano Salvemini tra polit-ica e storia, ed. Gaetano Cingari, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1986, p. 20.

69. Salvemini to Novello Papafava, August 13, 1899, in Salvemini, Carteggio (1894–1902), p. 236. Some lines earlier in the same letter, he wrote, “I do not have a great opinion of Mazzini—in terms of his political judgement” (ibid., p. 235).

70. Salvemini to Leonida Bissolati, March 17, 1903, in Gaetano Salvemini, Carteggio 1903–1906, ed. Sergio Bucchi, Manduria (Taranto): Lacaita, 1997, p. 47.

71. Ibid., p. 50. These worries and criticisms bring Salvemini closer to the position of Claudio Treves (mentioned favorably in the letter) who had on that occasion defined the Doveri as “a conservative moral tool.” For Treves Mazzini was “too much of a priest, too much of a prophet” (in Giarrizzo, Gaetano Salvemini: la politica, p. 21).

72. On the “finally historicized” Mazzini of Salvemini, while he had pre-viously been a “divinity” for his “followers and admirers,” see Ernesto Sestan, “Lo storico,” in Gaetano Salvemini, Bari: Laterza, 1959, p. 19.

73. There is a contemporary mention of another writing on Mazzini by Ferri in a letter from Salvemini to Enrico Leone, December 22, 1903, in Salvemini, Carteggio 1903–1906, pp. 199–200.

NOTES 149

74. Salvemini to Ettore Rota, March 23, 1919, in Salvemini, Carteggio 1914–1920. This part of the letter is also mentioned by Giarrizzo, Gaetano Salvemini: la politica, pp. 18–19, who interprets the genesis of Salvemini’s work as a response to the polemic with the Republican Napoleone Colajanni, with regard to Minister Nasi’s initiative (ibid., p. 20).

75. See Gaetano Salvemini, Il pensiero religioso politico sociale di Giuseppe Mazzini, Messina: Libreria editrice Antonio Trimarchi, 1905, pp. 1–3. For reasons of contextualization I refer here to the first edition of Salvemini’s Mazzini and mostly translate directly from there (though I have used also Mazzini, trans. I. M. Rawson, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957).

76. Ibid., pp. 34–35.77. Ibid., p. 40.78. Salvemini quotes this phrase of Mazzini’s: “One would say that no one

has glimpsed the only reasonable solution to the problem, a transfor-mation of the Church that would harmonize with the State, guiding it, gradually and without tyranny, onto the path of good” (ibid., p. 41). And Salvemini also mentions Mazzini’s criticism of Cavour’s formula: “The men who reduce the problem to the triumph of the formula ‘free Church in free State’ are either afflicted by a fatal, despicable cowardice, or they do not have a single spark of moral faith in their soul” (ibid.).

79. Ibid., p. 42.80. Identifying Saint-Simon’s decisive influence upon Mazzini’s religious

thought would lead Salvemini to a radical conclusion: “Four-fifths of Mazzini’s ideas are Saint-Simonist in origin” (Salvemini, Il pensiero reli-gioso, politico, sociale, p. 123).

81. Ibid., pp. 65–66. Below he explicitly mentions an “excessively heteroge-neous mixture of liberalism and authoritarianism” (ibid., p. 82).

82. Ibid., pp. 79–80.83. Ibid., p. 82.84. Ibid., p. 110.85. See “Italia e questione balcanica,” L’Unità, I, no. 47, November 2, 1912, in

Gaetano Salvemini, Come siamo andati in Libia e altri scritti dal 1900 al 1915, ed. Augusto Torre, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1963, pp. 257–258.

86. See at least Alessandro Galante Garrone, Prefazione to Umberto Zanotti-Bianco, Carteggio 1906–1918, ed. Valeriana Carinci, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1987, pp. VII–VIII, XI, and XV.

87. Zanotti-Bianco to Salvemini, July 18, 1913, and Salvemini to Zanotti-Bianco, July 21, 1913, in Alessandro Galante Garrone, Zanotti-Bianco e Salvemini: Carteggio, Naples: Guida, 1983, p. 69.

88. Ibid., pp. 29–31; Id., Salvemini e Mazzini, Messina-Firenze: D’Anna, 1981, pp. 174–179.

89. Gaetano Salvemini, “La Dalmazia,” Il Secolo, Milan, November 9, 1914, in Id., Come siamo andati in Libia, pp. 370–373. Against the nationalist propaganda that “attributes to Mazzini ideas that he never had,” see also Id., “Ripresa,” L’Unità, III, no. 37, December 14, 1914, ibid., p. 397.

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90. To this effect, from 1905 onward, Salvemini had written: “Today, after thirty-five years of an inglorious national history, there are not many who would have the nerve to echo Mazzini’s claim that God assigned Rome and Italy a mission to begin a new era of human civilization” (see Salvemini, Le idee religiose politiche sociali, p. 153).

91. This is a passage from Salvemini’s lecture, “Le idee sociali di Mazzini,” for the third conference at the Università Popolare of Florence in 1922, quoted in Barbara Bracco, Storici italiani e politica estera: Tra Salvemini e Volpe, 1917–1925, Milan: Franco Angeli, 1998, pp. 172–173.

92. Galante Garrone, Salvemini e Mazzini, p. 450. On Salvemini’s extraneous-ness to the Mazzinian tradition, in response to the reading proposed by Galante Garrone, Roberto Vivarelli, “Salvemini e Mazzini,” Rivista storica italiana, XCVII, I, 1985, pp. 42–68. Following in the footsteps of Salvemini himself, Vivarelli underlinined Mazzini’s distance from the modern con-cept of liberty and from that of popular sovereignty (see also the response of Alessandro Galante Garrone, Mazzini e Salvemini, ibid., pp. 69–81).

93. Salvemini to Zanotti-Bianco, July 3, 1923, in Galante Garrone, Zanotti Bianco e Salvemini, pp. 50–51 (the first quotation is based on Galante Garrone’s reconstruction).

94. Gaetano Salvemini, L’Italia politica nel secolo XIX (1925), now in Id., Scritti sul Risorgimento, pp. 189 and 409–410.

95. These are Salvemini’s formulas, quoted by Galante Garrone, Salvemini e Mazzini, p. 242.

96. Ibid., p. 239.97. Ibid., pp. 242 and 383 (from a note dating to the early 1920s).

4 The Nation’s Duties between War and Postwar

1. See Adolfo Omodeo, Momenti della vita di guerra: Dai diari e dalle let-tere dei caduti, 1915–1918 (1935), Turin: Einaudi, 1968, p. 110, referring to Gian Paolo Berrini, Ai fanciulli, ai giovani, agli uomini della sua terra, Milan: Gruppo d’azione per le scuole del popolo, 1929. On Omodeo’s Mazzinian interests, see infra, p. 168, note 85.

2. Ibid., pp. 62 and 142–143. After reading Omodeo’s book and his accounts a few years later while in prison, Vittorio Foa wrote in a letter to his fam-ily (October 16, 1938) that, while not underrating Mazzini’s “idealistic patriotism” and his legacy, “the Mazzinianism of very young political virgins was different, it was the Mazzinianism of I Doveri dell’Uomo, a book widely read at the front, not for what it taught, but because sol-diers found their ideas in it” (see Vittorio Foa, Lettere della giovinezza: Dal carcere 1935–1943, ed. Federica Montevecchi, Turin: Einaudi, 1998, pp. 484–485; on the Giustizia e Libertà movement’s stance on Mazzini, see infra, chapter V, part 3).

NOTES 151

3. Omodeo, Momenti della vita di guerra, p. 160, which refers to Eugenio Vajna De’ Pava, La democrazia cristiana italiana e la guerra, Bologna: Democrazia cristiana italiana, 1919.

4. See Stefano Biguzzi, Cesare Battisti, Turin: Utet, 2008, pp. 102–103, 322, and 589.

5. See, for example, Francesco Ruffini, L’insegnamento di Mazzini, Milan: Treves, 1917. The speech in question was given in Turin by the then Minister of Public Instruction to mark the inauguration of a monument dedicated to the patriot.

6. On the pervasive presence of Mazzini, particularly in the last year of the war, see Giovanni Sabbatucci, “La grande guerra e i miti del Risorgimento,” in Il mito del Risorgimento nell’Italia unita, conference proceedings, Milan, November 9–12, 1993, special issue of Il Risorgimento, XLVII, 1–2, 1995, p. 221.

7. “Il crollo,” La Voce del Piave, October 27, 1918, in Mario Isnenghi, Giornali di trincea (1915–1918), Turin: Einaudi, 1977, p. 172.

8. Isnenghi, Giornali di trincea, p. 178.9. Ibid., p. 24.

10. Gioacchino Volpe, Il popolo italiano tra la pace e la guerra, Milan: Ispi, 1941, p. 78, in Sabbatucci, La grande guerra e i miti del Risorgimento, p. 221.

11. Benito Mussolini, “Marx, Mazzini e . . . Paoloni: Dedicato al Pensiero romagnolo,” La lotta di classe, April 9, 1910, in Benito Mussolini, Opera omnia, vol. III, Florence: La Fenice, 1952, p. 67.

12. Benito Mussolini, “In tema di santità,” La lotta di classe, September 24, 1910, ibid., p. 297.

13. Benito Mussolini, “Note polemiche,” La lotta di classe, August 20, 1910, ibid., p. 167.

14. The report is cited by Mussolini himself in Benito Mussolini, “Il contrad-ditorio di Voltre,” La Lotta di Classe, July 2, 1910, ibid., p. 137.

15. On the transition toward interventionism, albeit of the democratic stream (“interventismo democratico”) of another socialist, also through a rereading of Mazzini, see Claudia Baldoli, “La classe e la nazione: La ‘guerra democratica’ di Leonida Bissolati,” in Gli italiani in guerra, vol. III, t. I, La Grande Guerra: Dall’intervento alla “vittoria mutilata,” ed. Mario Isnenghi and Daniele Ceschin, Turin: Utet, 2008, pp. 395–396.

16. Also underlining Mazzini’s influence in this transition are Gianni Belardelli, Il fantasma di Rousseau: Il fascismo come democrazia totali-taria, in Gianni Belardelli, Il Ventennio degli intellettuali: Cultura politica, ideologia nell’Italia fascista, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2005, pp. 254–255, followed by Paolo Benedetti, “Mazzini in ‘camicia nera,’ ” Annali della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, vol. XII, 2007, in particular pp. 174–175, which draw attention to the fact that even before he became an interventionist, Mazzini’s influence upon Mussolini had already begun to emerge when

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he was writing for La Voce and was later shaped by his contact with revo-lutionary syndicalism.

17. See Benito Mussolini, Il mio diario di guerra. MCMXV–MCXVII, Rome: Libreria del Littorio, 1930, pp. 29 and 33 (September 19, 1915). These phrases are partially quoted in Paul O’Brien, Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, the Soldier, the Fascist, Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005, p. 70, the first work to identify a “Mazzinian” Mussolini during the world war.

18. Mussolini also referred to this text by Mazzini in his 1932 conversations with the German writer Ludwig: “That letter is one of the most beau-tiful documents ever to have been written,” see Emil Ludwig, Colloqui con Mussolini (1932), trans. Tommaso Gnoli, 5th ed., Milan: Mondadori, 1970, pp. 70–71.

19. Mussolini, Il mio diario di guerra, pp. 170–171 (May 3, 1916, italics in the original), quoted in part in O’Brien, Mussolini in the First World War, p. 95, which draws attention to the fact that Mussolini’s Mazzini was also filtered through his readings of Nietzsche and of his Superman theory (see also ibid., pp. 44 and 185). I have already mentioned the dual refer-ence to Mazzini and Nietzsche in an article of 1930 by Mussolini, supra, foreword, note 25.

20. Benito Mussolini, Il dovere d’Italia, lecture held in Genoa on December 28, 1914, in Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, ed. Edoardo and Duilio Susmel, vol. VII, Florence: La Fenice, 1951, p. 102 (partially quoted in O’Brien, Mussolini and the First World War, p. 37).

21. Benito Mussolini, “Dopo l’adunata,” Il Popolo d’Italia, January 28, 1915, in Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol. VII, pp. 152–153 (see O’Brien, Mussolini and the First World War, p. 44, which only focuses on this last quotation, neglecting to mention the reference to De Ambris and the importance of the new ideological synthesis. In fact, Mussolini subsequently underlines “the need for this demolition and reconstruc-tion of doctrines” as the “arduous task paving the way for new socialist criticism”).

22. See Benito Mussolini, “Il monito di Oriani,” Il Popolo d’Italia, March 14, 1915, in Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol. VII, pp. 253–255.

23. Benito Mussolini, “L’ideale di Marcora,” Il Popolo d’Italia, March 24, 1915, ibid., p. 275 (see O’Brien, Mussolini and the First World War, p. 72).

24. Benito Mussolini, “L’adunata di Roma,” Il Popolo d’Italia, April 7, 1918, in Id., Opera Omnia, vol. X, p. 435. See also Benito Mussolini, “Politica estera: O con Metternich o con Mazzini,” Il Popolo d’Italia, August 17, 1918, ibid., vol. XI, p. 281.

25. Benito Mussolini, “Osanna! E’ la grande ora!,” Il Popolo d’Italia, November 4, 1918, ibid., p. 458.

26. See Mario Girardon, “La chiave del segreto di Mussolini” (1937), trans. Livia De Ruggiero, in Benito Mussolini: Quattro testimonianze, ed. Renzo

NOTES 153

De Felice, Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1976, pp. 168–169. The episode is also alluded to by Renzo De Felice, Mussolini il rivoluzionario (1883–1920), 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1995, p. 276 note 1.

27. Augusto Simonini, Il linguaggio di Mussolini, 2nd ed., Milan: Bompiani, 2004, p. 89.

28. Quoted in Paolo Benedetti, “Mazzini in ‘camicia nera,’ ” p. 185, which refers to Benito Mussolini, “Il Popolo d’Italia nel 1921,” Il Popolo d’Italia, December 7, 1920, in Benito Mussolini, Opera omnia, vol. XVI, pp. 44–46. This excerpt is also quoted by Giovanni Belardelli, Il fantasma di Rousseau, p. 255.

29. Simonini, Il linguaggio di Mussolini, pp. 88–99.30. As reconstructed by Benedetti, Mazzini in “camicia nera,” in particular

in pp. 202–203, the theme of Mazzinian “duties” was even appropriated by the fascist squads: the newspapers and promotional materials pub-lished in this area of fascism contain numerous references to the Genoese thinker and to the “duties of man.” Squadrismo’s myth of youth—later taken over by fascism—also had distant Mazzinian roots: see Michael A. Ledeen, L’internazionale fascista, trans. Jole Bertolazzi, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1973, pp. 15–16 and 32 (see Michael A. Ledeen, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International: 1928–1936, New York: Fertig, 1972).

31. Even after the move to dictatorship and again in the ten-year anniversary of the March on Rome, Mussolini mentioned Mazzini in important speeches on the genesis of Fascism as a revolutionary movement: see Maurizio Degl’Innocenti, L’epoca giovane: Generazioni, fascismo e antifascismo, Manduria, Bari, and Rome: Lacaita, 2002, p. 130 note referring to Benito Mussolini, “Il primo tempo della rivoluzione,” Gerarchia, June 1925 and to Benito Mussolini, Primo discorso per il decennale, in Benito Mussolini, Scritti e discorsi dal 1932 al 1933, vol. VIII, Milan: Hoepli, 1934, p. 119.

32. See Benito Mussolini, La dottrina del fascismo (1933), in Mussolini, Scritti e discorsi, p. 89 note 1.

33. See infra, chapter Five, part 1.34. Long excerpts from the speech are included in the Appendix to Antonino

Répaci, La Marcia su Roma, 2nd ed., Milan: Rizzoli, 1972, pp. 689–690. For the context see Giulia Albanese, La marcia su Roma, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2006.

35. Simonini, Il linguaggio di Mussolini, part Ideologia sacrificale, pp. 92–93. The quotations (apart from the 1922 quote) are taken from Benito Mussolini, Discorso a Bologna, April 3, 1921, in Id., Opera Omnia, vol. XVI, p. 243; Agli operai di Dalmine, October 27, 1924, ibid., vol. XXI, p. 125; Al popolo di Reggio Emilia, October 30, 1926, ibid., vol. XXII, p. 246.

36. As well as mentioning its presence in early fascism, Benedetti, Mazzini in “camicia nera,” p. 203, also refers to its adoption by Alfredo Rocco in 1925 and by Giuseppe Bottai in 1930.

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37. Benito Mussolini, “Intransigenza assoluta,” speech published in Il Popolo d’Italia, June 23, 1925, in Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, vol. XXI, p. 359.

38. A call for Mazzinian solidarism, free associations and the fatherland as a “vast solidarity of interests” can also be found, in the same period, in Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Democrazia futurista: Dinamismo politico (1919), in Id., Teoria e invenzione futurista, ed. Luciano De Maria, Milan: Mondadori, 1968, pp. 368–369 and 336.

39. Although dedicated to syndicalism, chapter Four, “The Socialist National Synthesis,” does not dwell on the evocation of Mazzini by the syndicalist movement, in Sternhell, Sznajder, Asheri, Nascita dell’ideologia fascista; while the influence of Mazzinianism on De Ambris and Olivetti is under-lined in Mario Sznajder, “The ‘Carta del Carnaro’ and Modernization,” Tel Aviv Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte, XVIII, 1989, pp. 439 note 1 and 458 and note 69. See also Paolo Benedetti, “Mazzini in ‘camicia nera’ ” II, Annali della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, XXIII, 2008, pp. 168–184. For a broader view, see David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1979 and Giuseppe Parlato, La sinistra fascista: Storia di un progetto mancato, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000.

40. La Carta del Carnaro nei testi di Alceste De Ambris e di Gabriele D’Annunzio, ed. Renzo De Felice, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1973, p. 44.

41. La Costituzione di Fiume: commento illustrativo di A. De Ambris ([Fiume] 1920), in La Carta del Carnaro, Appendix 2, pp. 99–100. For D’Annunzio, the corporative structure dated back to “communal liberties” and it was only in this sense—without any evident reference to Mazzini—that it was described by the poet as being “entirely Italian [ . . . ] in spirit and form” (see De Felice, Introduzione to La Carta del Carnaro, p. 20, which con-tains declarations by D’Annunzio published in the Bollettino Ufficiale of the Fiume Command on April 13 and 21, 1920). It is worth underlin-ing D’Annunzio’s apparent extraneousness to the figure and influence of Mazzini, which were probably at odds with the poet’s Nietzschean inspi-ration and rather different brand of spiritualism, one that was decadent and essentially atheist. Mazzini’s name never crops up in D’Annunzio’s speeches between the “radiant days of May” of 1915 and Fiume, or, for example, in his correspondence with De Ambris or with Mussolini. Confirmation of this missed encounter can be found in what is proably the only mention of Mazzini in the D’Annunzian verses: “L’esule smorto, tutto fronte e sguardo,/il fuoruscito senza Beatrice” (“The wan exile, all brow and burning gaze, / the refugee lacking a Beatrice” (see “Canzone del Sangue” from Gabriele D’Annunzio’s Canzoni di guerra of 1912, published for the first time in the Corriere della Sera, October 22, 1911, excerpts of which are included in Mazzini nella poesia, ed. Terenzio Grandi, Pisa: Domus Mazziniana, 1959, p. 285). An echo of Mazzini

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reverberates in the title of D’Annunzio’s Libro ascetico della giovane Italia, Milan: L’Olivetana, 1926.

42. Among those slowly turning their backs on Mazzini to embrace social-ism prior to the outbreak of the world war we must include Pietro Nenni, future socialist leader, who entered politics as a militant republican in Romagna. On his youthful Mazzinianism, which included an essay writ-ten at the age of 17 on Mazzini the economist, published in installments in Faenza’s Republican newspaper Il Popolo in 1908, see Enzo Santarelli, Pietro Nenni, Turin: Utet, 1988, especially pp. 4–5 and 12.

43. Mazzinian echoes can be found in his speech to the Milanese Syndical Union (USM), published as Alceste De Ambris, “I sindacalisti e la guerra,” L’Internazionale, August 22, 1914, in Gian Biagio Furiozzi, Alceste De Ambris e il sindacalismo rivoluzionario, Milan: Franco Angeli, 2002, p. 73.

44. This is the reconstruction made by Umberto Sereni, Il prometeo apuano (A proposito di Alceste De Ambris), in Alceste De Ambris, Lettere dall’esilio, ed. Valerio Cervetti and Umberto Sereni, Parma: Biblioteca Umberto Balestrazzi, 1989, pp. 30–36.

45. See ibid., p. 32, citing the autobiography of Luigi Campolonghi, Una cittadina italiana fra l’800 e il ‘900 (Ritratto in piedi), Milan: Edizioni Avanti, 1962.

46. Alceste De Ambris, Mazzini: torna l’ombra sua: Conferenza agli operai parmensi, March 10, 1922, in Un sindacalista mazziniano: Alceste De Ambris, Turin: Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, n.d. [1959], p. 18.

47. Ibid., p. 15. In this talk De Ambris explored his return to Mazzini, reach-ing the “sacred banks of the Carnaro” in the company of the “warrior poet and legislator” D’Annunzio (ibid., p. 17).

48. In a message of 1921, while still accepting the offer to run as member of parliament made to him by a syndicalist republican committee, De Ambris underlined his “revulsion [ . . . ] towards parliamentary action” (ibid., p. 20).

49. The letters written by De Ambris to his niece Irma between January and March 1934 appear in Renzo De Felice, “Gli esordi del corporativ-ismo fascista in alcune lettere di Alceste De Ambris” (1964), in Renzo De Felice, Intellettuali di fronte al fascismo: Saggi e note documentarie, Rome: Bonacci, 1985, pp. 259–276 (pp. 269–274 for the quotes).

50. Angelo O. Olivetti, “Manifesto dei sindacalisti,” Pagine libere, April–May 1921, in Angelo O. Olivetti, Dal sindacalismo rivoluzionario al corpora-tivismo, ed. Francesco Perfetti, Rome: Bonacci, 1984, p. 217.

51. Angelo O. Olivetti, “Da Gian Giacomo Rousseau alla Carta del Carnaro,” La Patria del Popolo, November 2, 1922; Pagine Libere, November 1922, ibid., p. 237.

52. Francesco Perfetti, Introduzione to Angelo O. Olivetti, Dal sindacalismo rivoluzionario, pp. 79, 85, and 90.

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53. See Angelo O. Olivetti, Lineamenti del nuovo stato italiano, Rome: Libreria del Littorio, 1930, cited in Giuseppe Parlato, “Il mito del Risorgimento e la sinistra fascista,” in Il mito del Risorgimento nell’Italia unita, con-ference proceedings, Milan, November 9–12, 1993, speacial issue of Il Risorgimento, XLVII, 1–2, 1995, p. 252. Parlato’s essay should be referred to for Mazzini’s revival in the writings of Corporatists in the early 1930s, as well as in the fascist left of Berto Ricci, and even in the context of the School of Fascist Mysticism (ibid., pp. 252–258). For a broader treatment, see Giuseppe Parlato, La sinistra fascista.

54. Giuseppe Bottai also came from a family of Mazzinian traditions on both his father’s and his mother’s side—moreover his uncle, Alfredo Bottai, was a militant Mazzinian who went from fascism to the Republic of Salò, in 1943–1945, in the name of Mazzini, see Giordano Bruno Guerri, Giuseppe Bottai, un fascista critico, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1976, pp. 19 and 22. After World War II, Giuseppe Bottai claimed that he had convinced Mussolini to read Mazzini (ibid., p. 40 note; the Introduction supra also includes an account of this, although with a different reconstruction). For Bottai’s evocation of Mazzini as a precursor of corporatism, see the lecture Il pensiero e l’azione di Giuseppe Mazzini, held in Genoa on May 4, 1930, and promptly published in Giuseppe Bottai, Incontri, Rome: Libreria del Littorio, 1930, pp. 41–96 (see also some further details infra, chapter Five, footnote 24).

55. See Dino Grandi, Il mio paese: Ricordi autobiografici, ed. Renzo De Felice, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1985, p. 21. Another Republican from Romagna who became a fascist was Carlo Cantimori (father of Delio, the well-known historian of early modern heresy), author of Saggio sull’idealismo di Giuseppe Mazzini, Faenza: Tipografia G. Montanari, 1904, an essay that made a relevant contribution to the debate on Mazzini in the early twen-tieth century. Cantimori, who had already encountered Gentile’s reinter-pretation of Mazzini as early as 1922 (its profound influence is apparent in a new edition of his book), left republicanism to become a fascist for two decades, and would even become a supporter of the Repubblica Sociale Italiana in 1943–45, see Roberto Pertici, Mazzinianesimo, fas-cismo, comunismo: l’itinerario politico di Delio Cantimori (1919–1943), special issue of Storia della storiografia, 31, 1997, pp. 5–18.

56. Grandi, Il mio paese, p. 25.57. The formula, referred to earlier, was first coined by Emilio Gentile, Il

mito dello stato nuovo: Dal radicalismo nazionale al fascismo, 2nd ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999.

58. This is the summary by Paolo Nello, Dino Grandi: La formazione di un leader fascista, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1987, p. 27.

59. Grandi, Il mio paese, pp. 62–63.60. Ibid., p. 75 (the letter is dated October 17, 1914).61. See Nello, Dino Grandi: La formazione di un leader, pp. 82–84.

NOTES 157

62. Grandi’s speech at the national fascist congress held in Rome on November 7, 1921, is quoted in Grandi, Il mio paese, p. 153.

63. Ibid., pp. 155–156.64. From a page in Grandi’s diary, October 3, 1922, ibid., p. 165. During the

events leading up to the march on Rome, Grandi records his clash with Balbo who, together with the party’s leadership, chose the insurrectional approach.

65. Italo Balbo, Diario 1922, Milan: Mondadori, 1932, p. 18 (January 1, 1922).

66. Claudio G. Segrè, Italo Balbo: Una vita fascista, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1988, p. 23.

67. Sergio Panunzio, Italo Balbo, Milan: Imperia, 1923, pp. 8 and 27.68. Published in La Voce Repubblicana, December 4, 1924, cited in Segré,

Italo Balbo, p. 59.69. For all quotations see Giordano Bruno Guerri, Italo Balbo, Milan:

Vallardi, 1984, pp. 53–54, who quotes from Italo Balbo, Il pensiero eco-nomico e sociale di Giuseppe Mazzini, MA thesis, Istituto Cesare Alfieri di Firenze, 1920, thesis director Niccolò Rodolico.

70. Guerri, Italo Balbo, p. 116.71. On Alessandro Levi, see the entry by Alberto Cavaglion in Dizionario

Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 64, Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005, pp. 746–749; and accounts collected in In ricordo di Alessandro Levi, Critica Sociale, 66, supplement to Issue No. 1, January 1974.

72. See Alessandro Levi, Sulla vita e sui tempi di Ernesto Nathan, Florence: Le Monnier, 1927.

73. The patriotic atmosphere of the colonial conflict at the time of Italy’s war on Libya led Levi to accept the “imperialism of civilization,” and to rec-ognize that a nationalism that was not “excessive” could be a “good her-ald of energies as long as it proclaimed the rights and legitimate interests of the nation (and nation is a democratic concept)”; at the same time he exposed the “crisis of democracy” and faithfully affirmed the Mazzinian democratic concept of nationality, distinguishing it from nationalism. See Giulio Cianferotti, Giuristi e mondo accademico di fronte all’impresa di Tripoli, Milan: Giuffrè, 1984, pp. 23–24, which mentions Alessandro Levi, “La crisi della democrazia,” speech given on November 5, 1911, at the ceremony marking the start of studies at the University of Ferrara, in Alessandro Levi, Scritti minori storici e politici, Padua: Cedam, 1957, pp. 17–32, p. 31 in particular. In the same context, several passages from Mazzini’s writings were given a nationalist and expansionist slant by another reader and interpreter of the works of the Genoese: see Ugo Della Seta, Il pensiero religioso di Giuseppe Mazzini, Rome: Associazione itali-ana dei liberi credenti, 1912.

74. Alessandro Levi, La filosofia politica di Giuseppe Mazzini (1917), 2nd ed., Bologna: Zanichelli, 1922, p. IX (for reasons of contextualization I have

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chosen to refer here to the second edition rather than the 1967 edition used above).

75. See Prefazione alla prima edizione and Prefazione alla seconda edizione, respectively, ibid., pp. VII and X.

76. See my Foreword to Alessandro Levi, Ricordi dei fratelli Rosselli (1947), Florence: Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2002.

77. Alessandro Levi, “Asterischi mazziniani,” Rivista di filosofia XIII, 3, July–September 1921, pp. 264–265 (this article also contained a stern response to the nationalistic and imperialistic interpretation of Mazzini put forward by Giovanni Gentile, ibid., pp. 262–271).

78. Ibid., p. 116 (also for the following quotation).79. Ibid., p. 139.80. Ibid., p. 117.81. Especially Filippo Masci, “Il pensiero filosofico di Giuseppe Mazzini,”

Atti dell’Accademia di Scienze Morali e Politiche di Napoli, XXXVI, 1905, pp. 162–283. Levi had the following to say about Salvemini’s interpreta-tion in this context: “God and the people will [ . . . ] always be a theocracy; in fact, as it was rightly defined, it will be a ‘popular theocracy’ ” (see Levi, La filosofia politica, p. 135).

82. Ibid., p. 120.83. Ibid., pp. 117 and 124.84. Ibid., p. 136 (also for the previous quotation).85. Ibid., p. 89.86. Ibid., p. 90.87. Ibid., pp. 93–94 and 102.88. Ibid., p. 99 (the quotation refers directly to a page in On the Duties of

Man).89. Bari: Laterza, 1928.90. Alessandro Levi, Giuseppe Mazzini, Milan: Unione italiana dell’educazione

popolare, 1922 (I quote from pp. 111–117). Levi would confirm his criti-cal opinion 30 years later when completing his final biographical work, Mazzini, Florence: Barbera, 1953.

91. Although only an occasional contributor to this debate, Antonio Gramsci must also be included among the Marxists critical of Mazzini during World War I. At the time he made ironic remarks specifically about the heirs of Mazzini “who grope in the dark, [ . . . ] isolated from all the battles and from life overall,” and, generally, about the orthodox heirs of every doctrine: “Who will save us, O Christ, O Marx, O Mazzini, from your pure and undefiled disciples?” (see Antonio Gramsci, “Piccolo mondo antico,” Avanti! March 11, 1916, in Antonio Gramsci, Sotto la Mole, 1916–1920, 3rd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1972, pp. 69–70). In a series of articles in Avanti! on the inauguration of a monument to Mazzini in Turin, Gramsci criticized the exploitation and manipulation of Mazzini’s thought, which was “diminished, distorted, and unilaterally described

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by means of partial and well-disposed reminiscences.” However, he also recalled the page by Bertrando Spaventa in which the philosopher sarcas-tically attacked “Pope Mazzini and Pope Pius IX.” See Antonio Gramsci, “Briciole mazziniane,” Avanti! July 26, 1917, in Antonio Gramsci, La città futura, 1917–1918, ed. Sergio Caprioglio, Turin: Einaudi, 1982, p. 262; Raksha (pseudonym of Antonio Gramsci), “Abbruciamenti,” Il Grido del Popolo, July 21, 1917, ibid., p. 256 (the reference is to Spaventa’s letter to Carlo De Meis on “paolottismo, positivismo, razionalismo”—bigotry, positivism, and rationalism—of 1868).

92. See Rodolfo Mondolfo, “Imperialismo e libertà,” L’Unità, VII, 1, 1918, in La cultura italiana del ‘900 attraverso le riviste, vol. V, ed. Francesco Golzio and Augusto Guerra, Turin: Einaudi, 1962, p. 546. A patriotic Mazzini presented in an interventionist, anti-Austrian light emerged during the course of the conflict from the pages by Felice Momigliano collected in his Mazzini e la guerra europea, Milan: Società editoriale italiana, 1916. Momigliano also wrote: “More than every other precur-sor, the thoughtful apostle of the Third Italy is close to those of us who accept, want and bless this war. It was a spark of his faith that spurred the new young Italy to take part in a holy crusade that would enact his doc-trine teaching that Italy is entitled to the borders laid down by Dante and by God.” And he concludes “Nationalism is the new civil religion that found in Mazzini its most convinced and passionate apostle and martyr” (see ibid., pp. 14–15). In any case this work too contained a spiritualist definition of Mazzini’s nation, distinguished by Mazzini from its nation-alist degenerations, as reconstructed by Momigliano in his leading work, published in the centenary year of Mazzini’s birth, Mazzini e le idealità moderne, Milan: Libreria editrice Lombarda, 1905 (see also his later work Scintille del roveto di Staglieno, published in Florence in 1920 and as a new edition by Nuova Italia, in Venice in 1928). Momigliano’s version of Mazzinianism, which was veined by Jewish modernist tendencies and Tolstoyan sympathies, was essentially unique to him and cannot really be found elsewhere—certainly not among his immediate counterparts like Salvemini and Ghisleri who were far more sceptical admirers of Mazzini: see Alberto Cavaglion, Felice Momigliano (1866–1924): Una biografia, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1988.

93. On Mondolfo see Eugenio Garin, Rodolfo Mondolfo (1979), in Garin, Tra due secoli: Socialismo e filosofia in Italia dopo l’Unità, Bari: De Donato, 1983, pp. 204–234, as well as Norberto Bobbio’s essay introducing Rodolfo Mondolfo, Umanismo di Marx: Studi filosofici, 1908–1966, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1975, pp. XI–XLVIII, and his Umanesimo di Rodolfo Mondolfo (1977), in Noberto Bobbio, Maestri e compagni, Florence: Passigli, 1984, pp. 77–101.

94. Mondolfo was harshly critical of Gentile with regard to other important aspects: in particular with regard to the theory of nationality in Mazzini,

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“misunderstood and little known in terms of its informing spirit” by the philospher of actualism, “when he sees in it an imperialistic doctrine, which makes right coincide with conquest” (see Rodolfo Mondolfo, Sulle orme di Marx, 3rd ed. entirely reorganized in two volumes, vol. II: Lineamenti di teoria e di storia della critica del marxismo, S. Casciano-Trieste, Bologna and Rocca: Cappelli, 1923, p. 95 note, italics in origi-nal). Elsewhere, following the example of Alessandro Levi and implicitly contrasting the accepted interpretations, he defined Mazzini as the “proud enemy of Caesarism” (ibid., p. 109, italics in original).

95. Ibid., p. 75. 96. Ibid., pp. 77–78. 97. Ibid., p. 79. 98. Ibid., pp. 81 and 86. 99. Ibid., p. 85.100. Ibid., p. 123.101. Ibid., p. 137 and 151 (italics in original).

5 Fascism, Antifascism, and the Religion of the Nation

1. For Gentile’s intellectual and political itinerary, see Gabriele Turi, Giovanni Gentile, Florence: Giunti, 1995.

2. See Giovanni Gentile, Rosmini e Gioberti (1898), 2nd ed., Florence: Sansoni, 1955, p. 26. For Gentile’s position on the Risorgimento, see Augusto Del Noce, L’idea di Risorgimento come categoria filosofica in Giovanni Gentile (1968), in Noce, Giovanni Gentile: Per un interpretazi-one filosofica della storia contemporanea, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1990, pp. 123–194, and Gennaro Sasso, Le due Italie di Giovanni Gentile, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1998, in particular, pp. 505–564. For his relationship with Mazzini, see Roberto Pertici, “Il Mazzini di Giovanni Gentile,” Giornale critico della filosofia italiana, LXXVII, I–II, 1999, pp. 117–180, in Pertici, Storici italiani del Novecento, Pisa and Rome: Istituti editoriali e poli-grafici internazionali, 2000, pp. 105–158. I examined the relationship between Gentile’s interpretation of Mazzini and the philosopher’s sub-sequent adhesion to fascism in “Pensiero e Azione: Giovanni Gentile e il fascismo tra Mazzini, Vico (e Sorel),” Annali della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, XXXV, 2001, pp. 193–217, referred to in some places in this chapter.

3. See Giovanni Gentile, “Vincenzo Gioberti nel primo centenario della sua nascita” (1901), in Gentile, Albori della nuova Italia (1923), 2nd part, 2nd ed., Florence: Sansoni, 1969, p. 37.

4. See Giovanni Gentile, “Politica e filosofia,” Politica, August 1918, later collected in Gentile, Dopo la vittoria (1920), ed. Hervé A. Cavallera, Florence: Le Lettere, 1989, p. 154. Gentile came to Marx very early

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on in La filosofia di Marx. Studi critici (1899), ed. Vito A. Bellezza, Florence: Sansoni, 1979. The importance of Gentile’s articles for the journal Politica was first pointed out by Del Noce, Giovanni Gentile, pp. 358–367.

5. See Giovanni Gentile, “Gioberti,” Politica, 1919, then in Gentile, I pro-feti del Risorgimento italiano (1923), 3rd ed., Florence: Sansoni, 1944, pp. 70–72.

6. Ibid., pp. 75–76 and 83. 7. See Giovanni Gentile, review of Gaetano Salvemini, Mazzini, Catania

1915, La Critica, 1915, then in Gentile, Albori della nuova Italia: Varietà e documenti (1923), First Part, Florence: Sansoni, 1968, pp. 215–218. The volume also contained a contemporary review of several volumes of Mazzini’s Scritti editi e inediti, and Gentile’s first rather detached and critical review concerning Mazzini (to Bolton King’s biography), also appearing originally in La Critica in 1903 (see ibid., pp. 195–214 and 223–229).

8. See Giovanni Gentile, “Mazzini,” Politica, 1919, then in Gentile, I profeti del Risorgimento, pp. 25–26.

9. Ibid., p. 30.10. Ibid., p. 57.11. Ibid., p. 56.12. Ibid., p. 49.13. Ibid., p. 55.14. The letter was published in Giovanni Gentile, Il fascismo al governo della

scuola (novembre ‘22-aprile ‘24). Discorsi e interviste, Palermo: Sandron, 1924, p. 143. This concept was further explored in an article marking the first anniversary of the March on Rome: Giovanni Gentile, “Il mio liberalismo,” Nuova politica liberale, October 28, 1923, then in Gentile, Che cos’è il fascismo, Vallecchi, Florence 1925, now collected in Gentile, Politica e cultura, ed. Hervé A. Cavallera, vol. I, Florence: Le Lettere, 1990, pp. 113–116.

15. Giovanni Gentile, Che cosa è il fascismo (1925), in Gentile, Politica e cul-tura. Excerpts of this lecture are included in Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, with Selections from Other Works, trans., ed., and annotated A. James Gregor, New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 2002. I partly rely on this translation for this as well as for the following essay by Gentile, Origini e dottrina.

16. See Giovanni Gentile, Origini e dottrina del fascismo (1927), now in Gentile, Politica e cultura, vol. I, p. 391 (see for the English: Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism, which I only partly rely upon here).

17. Ibid., p. 395.18. Ibid., p. 397.19. See Giovanni Gentile, Il fascismo nella cultura (1925), now in Gentile,

Politica e cultura, vol. I, pp. 102–104.

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20. See Giovanni Gentile, “Manifesto degli intellettuali italiani fascisti agli intellettuali di tutte le nazioni” (1925), in Gentile, Politica a cultura, ed. Hervé A. Cavalleva, vol. II, Florence: Le Lettere, 1990, p. 7.

21. See Giovanni Gentile, “Caratteri religiosi della presente lotta politica,” Educazione politica, March 1925, now in Gentile, Politica e cultura, vol. I, pp. 136–137.

22. See ibid., pp. 137–138.23. Emilio Gentile was the first to underline Mazzini’s function in the origins

of the political religion of fascism in his The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans. Keith Bosford, Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1996 (ed. orig. Rome and Bari, 1993), pp. 3–6 and 21.

24. In his interpretation of Mazzini, Giuseppe Bottai explicitly mentioned the “political and civil religion” of fascism (adding “without excluding, on the contrary, integrating the ecclesiastic religion, and imbuing it with a profound vitality”). Bottai criticized the statolatric interpretation of Mazzini proposed by Gentile, praised the anti-French Mazzinian democ-racy (a rereading giving it a slant of “authority” and “order”) and did not exclude the possibility of a Mazzini with a “conciliatorist” stance with regard to the Church. Lastly, he considered Mazzini a precursor of both fascist imperialism and, above all, of corporativism: see Giuseppe Bottai, Il pensiero e l’azione di Giuseppe Mazzini. Speech given in the Teatro Politeama in Genoa on May 4, 1930—VIII, in Giuseppe Bottai, Incontri, Rome: Libreria del Littorio, 1938, pp. 41–96. For Bottai’s interpretation of Fascism as a political religion and for the relationship that he established with Catholicism, see Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics, pp. 20 and 72–73.

25. See the broad survey by Paolo Benedetti, “Mazzini in ‘camicia nera,’ ” Annali della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, XXII, 2007, pp. 163–206; XXIII, 2008, pp. 159–184.

26. See Massimo Baioni, Risorgimento in camicia nera: Studi, istituzioni, musei nell’Italia fascista, Turin and Rome: Comitato dell’Istituto per la storia del Risorgimento italiano, Carocci, 2006.

27. For Croce’s itinerary, see Giuseppe Galasso, Croce e lo spirito del suo tempo, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2002.

28. The antifascist Giovanni Amendola responded to Gentile’s interpretation of Mazzini in the “Manifesto” with a writing dated April 23, 1925: “The invocation of Mazzini in this manifesto jars and offends like a profana-tion: and it takes all the rigid actualism of the ‘Solon-in-chief ’ to compare Giovane Italia, which was made up of martyrs thirsting for freedom, to the squadrist movement that uses billy clubs to bring about inner persua-sion, to use Gentile’s philosophical expression,” see Giovanni Amendola, L’intellettualità di un manifesto, in Amendola, L’Aventino contro il fas-cismo: Scritti politici (1924–1926), Milan and Naples: Ricciardi, 1976, p. 286. For the role of Mazzini in the definition of “religious democracy”

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by the young Amendola at the beginning of the last century, although also through theosophical and modernist influences, see Alfredo Capone, Giovanni Amendola e la cultra italiana del Novecento (1899–1914), vol. I, Rome: Elia, 1974, pp. 128 and 140–143.

29. See “La protesta contro il ‘Manifesto degli intellettuali fascistici,’ ” La Critica, XXIII, 1925, pp. 310–312. Originally published in the newspaper Il Mondo, it was republished anonymously in Croce’s journal under the general heading Documenti della presente vita italiana (“Documents of Italy’s present life”) which collected various stances and criticisms of fas-cism by Croce in the course of that year.

30. Cited in Francesco Capanna, Le religione in Benedetto Croce: Il momento della fede nella vita dello spirito e la filosofia come religione, Bari: Edizioni del Centro Librario, 1964, pp. 51–52.

31. Fede e programmi (1911), cited in Giuseppe Tognon, Benedetto Croce alla Minerva: La politica scolastica italiana tra Caporetto e la marcia su Roma, Brescia: La Scuola, 1990, pp. 145–147.

32. See Benedetto Croce, Per la rinascita dell’idealismo (1908), in Croce, Cultura e vita morale, Naples: Bibliopolis, 1993, pp. 34–36.

33. See Benedetto Croce, Frammenti di etica, Bari: Laterza, 1922, pp. 181–182.34. We must not forget that Croce remained in favor of the teaching of

the Catholic religion in elementary schools introduced by the Gentile reform, writing in its defense: “Catholic education [must] be supplied to everyone in State schools, including Jews, for the very good reason that the constitution establishes that the State religion is Catholic, and they are citizens of the Italian state.” See Benedetto Croce, Sull’insegnamento religioso nella scuola elementare (1923), in Croce, Cultura e vita morale: Intermezzi polemici, Bari: Laterza, 1926, p. 257.

35. The Church immediately placed this book on the Index of Forbidden Books in 1932, and Croce’s complete opus and the work of Giovanni Gentile were both condemned by the Holy Office in 1934. The mat-ter clearly reveals how the religion of liberty and Gentile’s fascist reli-gion—or rather, their philosophical sources represented by Crocian idealism and actualism—were perceived by the Church as rivals to be feared. Croce and Gentile had also both expressed criticism of the recent Italian Concordate, albeit for different reasons and in different forms. It should be noted, however, that the condemnation of Gentile’s work had no negative impact upon the widespread grateful recognition within the Church hierarchy of the philosopher’s role in defending Catholic educa-tion. For this matter and its implications, see Guido Verucci, Idealisti all’Indice: Croce, Gentile e la condanna del Sant’Uffizio, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2006, pp. 140–201.

36. See Luigi Russo, Dialogo con un lettore di “Belfagor” (1947), in Russo, De vera religione: Noterelle e schermaglie, 1943–1945, Turin: Einaudi, 1949, pp. 174–175.

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37. See Benedetto Croce, Francesco De Sanctis e i suoi critici recenti (1898), in Croce, Una famiglia di patrioti ed altri saggi storici e critici, Bari: Laterza, 1919, cited in Vittorio Stella, Croce e Mazzini, in Mazzini nella lettera-tura, Rome: Bulzoni, 1975, p. 113 (this essay should also be read for other opinions and quotes on Mazzini scattered across Croce’s work).

38. Benedetto Croce, A History of Italy, 1871–1915, trans. Cecilia M. Ady, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929 (ed. orig. Bari, 1927), p. 74.

39. Benedetto Croce, History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century, trans. Henry Furst, London: Allen & Unwin, 1934 (orig. ed. Bari, 1932), pp. 116–118.

40. A letter written by Antonio Gramsci contains what may be one of the clearest definitions of the “religion of liberty” in Croce: “It merely means faith in modern civilization, which does not need transcendence and revelations but contains its own rationality and origin. It is therefore an anti-mystical, and, if you wish, anti-religious formula,” see Gramsci to Tania, June 6, 1932, in Antonio Gramsci, Lettere dal carcere, Turin: Einaudi, 1948, p. 192. See also Antonio Gramsci, Croce e la religione, in Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, ed. Valentino Gerratana, vol. 2, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 2001, p. 1217 (The notebook in question is Quaderno 10: La filosofia di Bendetto Croce, and was written in 1932–1935).

41. Croce, History of Europe, p. 39.42. The Crocean formula “religion of liberty” makes its first appearance in

his study Ciò che è vivo e ciò che è morto della filosofia di Hegel, Bari: Laterza, 1907, p. 178. It originates in Hegel’s Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion from 1824 and 1831.

43. As he wrote in a letter to Gentile on July 11, 1903, asking him for a review of Bolton King’s biography of Mazzini, see Giovanni Gentile, Lettere a Benedetto Croce, ed. Simona Giannantoni, vol. II, Florence: Sansoni, 1974, p. 119 note.

44. Croce, History of Italy, p. 73.45. Croce, History of Europe, pp. 116 and 118.46. See Carlo Levi, “Piero Gobetti e la ‘Rivoluzione Liberale,’ ” Quaderni di

Giustizia e Libertà, II, 7, 1933, pp. 33–47, now in Carlo Levi, Scritti politici, ed. David Bidussa, Turin: Einaudi, 2001, pp. 86–88.

47. See Piero Gobetti, La filosofia politica di Vittorio Alfieri (1923), in Gobetti, Risorgimento senza eroi (1926), now in Gobetti, Scritti storici, filosofici, letterari, ed. Paolo Spriano, Turin: Einaudi, 1969, p. 128.

48. In fact, it is possible that Gobetti had in turn acquired the formula “religion of liberty,” possibly without realizing it, from Mazzini him-self. In fact, it appears, albeit en passant, in Mazzini’s writing Ricordi dei fratelli Bandiera, published in the national edition of his writings that came out in 1921, just before the period when Giobetti began to prepare his thesis on Alfieri. See Giuseppe Mazzini, Ricordi dei fra-telli Bandiera (1844), in Mazzini, Scritti editi ed inediti, vol. XXXI, Imola: Cooperativa Tipografico-Editrice Paolo Galeati 1921, p. 72.

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The volume is also in the writer’s personal library, in the Centro Studi Piero Gobetti, Turin.

49. Paolo Bagnoli, Il Risorgimento eretico di Piero Gobetti, in Bagnoli, L’eretico Gobetti, Milan: La Pietra, 1978, pp. 95–96, 98–100, and 116–117.

50. Francesco Traniello, Gobetti, un laico religioso, in Cent’anni: Piero Gobetti nella storia d’Italia, ed. Valentina Pazé, Turin: Centro Studi Piero Gobetti—Milan; Milan: Franco Angeli, 2004, pp. 44–63.

51. Both quotations from ibid., p. 46 (see Piero Gobetti, “Per una società degli apoti,” Rivoluzione liberale, October 25, 1922; Gobetti, I miei conti conl’idealismo attuale, ibid., January 18, 1923).

52. Cited in Pietro Piovani, “Gobetti e Mazzini,” Critica sociale, nos. 4–6, 1972, pp. 9–10 of the offprint with no editorial notes (see Piero Gobetti, Scritti politici, ed. Paolo Spriano, Turin: Einaudi, 1960, p. 36; Gobetti, “I repubblicani,” La Rivoluzione liberale, April 1923, ibid., p. 490).

53. Piero Gobetti, La rivoluzione liberale: Saggio sulla lotta politica in Italia (1924), 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1964, pp. 4 and 28. The English-language edition is Piero Gobetti, On Liberal Revolution, ed. Nadia Urbinati, London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. Also in Risorgimento senza eroi (published posthumously in 1926), Gobetti criti-cized “Mazzini’s foggy Messianism” (see Scritti storici, letterari, filosofici, p. 32, cited in Piovani, Gobetti e Mazzini, p. 20).

54. On De Ruggero, see the entry by Renzo De Felice in Dizionario biogra-fico degli italiani, vol. 39, Rome: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1991, pp. 248–258 and De Felice’s introduction to Guido De Ruggero, Scritti politici (1912–1926), Bologna: Capelli, 1963.

55. Guido De Ruggero, Storia del liberalismo europeo, Bari: Laterza, 1925, pp. 342–346 (from chapter IV, “Il liberalismo italiano”). Originally pub-lished at a difficult time (June 1925, after the definitive establishment of the fascist dictatorship), it enjoyed renewed success with new edi-tions in 1941, and after July 25, 1943 (see Avvertenza alla terza edizione, September 1943, which also appeares in the Feltrinelli edition, Milan, 1962, p. 1).

56. See the reference to the respective works in the bibliography of the first edition, p. 506 (Alessandro Levi’s study is not mentioned however).

57. The articles are both in Salvo Mastellone, Carlo Rosselli e “la rivoluzione liberale del socialismo”: Con scritti e documenti inediti, Florence: Olschki, 1999, pp. 105 and 109.

58. See Uno del Terzo Stato (pseudonym of Nello Rosselli), Zanotti-Bianco e il suo Mazzini, unpublished work from 1926, now in Nello Rosselli, Uno storico sotto il fascismo: Lettere e scritti vari, ed. Zeffiro Ciuffoletti, Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1979, pp. 178–180, cited in Gianni Belardelli, Nello Rosselli, 2nd ed., Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2007, pp. 70–71 (see also more generally for Rosselli’s interests and research into Mazzini).

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59. See Carlo Rosselli, Lettera al giudice istruttore (August 1927), in Rosselli, Socialismo liberale e altri scritti, ed. John Rosselli, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1973, pp. 493 and 500.

60. In 1921 Fedele Parri (under the pseudonym Sordello) published Giuseppe Mazzini e la lotta politica, Rome: Libreria Politica Moderna, 1922 [but 1921], in which he defended an orthodox Republican reading of Mazzini (which was also extremely patriotic in response to the climate of impend-ing war), criticizing the interpretations of both Gaetano Salvemini and Giovanni Gentile, although he appreciated the latter’s religious reevalua-tion of the Genoese thinker (see ibid., pp. 76–82). Twenty years later, Parri would publish a slim monograph titled Il pensiero sociale ed economico di Giuseppe Mazzini, Turin: L’Impronta, 1942, which was probably writ-ten with the help of his son Ferruccio (see the biographical information in Ferruccio Parri, Scritti 1915–1975, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1976, p. 11 and various mentions by Luca Polese Remaggi, La nazione perduta: Ferruccio Parri nel Novecento italiano, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004, pp. 22–23).

61. See Ernesto Rossi, “Dieci anni sono molti.” Lettere dal carcere 1930–39, ed. Mimmo Franzinelli, Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2001, p. 41, letter of March 10, 1931. Vittorio Foa and Massimo Mila, Rossi’s cellmates, refer in their letters to Gwilyn O. Griffith, Mazzini: Prophet of Modern Europe, Bari: Laterza, 1935, to Bolton King’s biography, as well as to Mazzini’s let-ters to his mother collected in the volume, also cited by Rossi, La madre di Giuseppe Mazzini, ed. Alessandro Luzio, Turin: Bocca, 1919 (see Vittorio Foa Lettere della giovinezza: Dal carcere 1935–1943, ed. Federica Montevecchi, Turin: Einaudi, 1998, p. 123, July 10, 1936; Massimo Mila, Argomenti strettamente famigliari: Lettere dal carcere 1935–1940, ed. Paolo Soddu, Turin: Einaudi, 1999, pp. 534 and 540, September 23, and October 9, 1938). On other occasions, Foa mentions Mazzini’s “idealis-tic patriotism” (p. 484, October 16, 1938); while Mila also underlines his “authoritarian tendencies” (p. 619, April 16, 1939).

62. See Nello Rosselli, “Repubblicani e socialisti in Italia,” La critica politica, July 25, 1926, in Rosselli, Saggi sul Risorgimento, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1980, pp. 262–263. This essay was entirely dedicated to the historic motives for the crisis and inadequacy experienced by Mazzinianism after 1860.

63. Nello Rosselli, “La prima ‘Internazionale’ e la crisi del mazzinianismo,” Nuova Rivista Storica, 1924, ibid., p. 258. These reflections are rooted in the genesis of Rosselli’s book (originally his dissertation with Salvemini) on Mazzini e Bakunin: Dodici anni di movimento operaio in Italia (1860–1872), published in 1927, see also the review by Ferruccio Parri, published in 1933 in Nuova rivista storica in Parri, Scritti, pp. 74–98.

64. See Andrea (pseudonym of Andrea Caffi), “Appunti su Mazzini,” Giustizia e Libertà, March 29, 1935, reprinted in L’Unità d’Italia. Pro e contro il Risorgimento, ed. Alberto Castelli, Rome: edizioni e/o, 1997,

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pp. 23–27. See also Marco Bresciani, La rivoluzione perduta: Andrea Caffi nell’Europa del Novecento, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009, pp. 190–197. Despite his admiration for the figure of Mazzini, Caffi’s political criticism took shape at least two decades earlier through his exchanges with Umberto Zanotti-Bianco during World War I (ibid., pp. 51–52).

65. See Gianfranchi (pseudonym of Franco Venturi), “Replica a Luciano,” Giustizia e Libertà, May 3, 1935, reprinted in L’Unità d’Italia, pp. 48–49. See also Franco Venturi, “Sul Risorgimento italiano,” Giustizia e Libertà, April 5, 1935, ibid., pp. 28–33.

66. Luciano (pseudonym of Nicola Chiaromonte), “Sul Risorgimento,” Giustizia e Libertà, April 19, 1935, ibid., p. 38.

67. See Curzio (pseudonym of Carlo Rosselli), “Discussione sul Risorgimento,” Giustizia e Libertà, April 26, 1935, in Carlo Rosselli, Scritti dell’esilio, ed. Costanzo Casucci, vol. II, Turin: Einaudi, 1992, pp. 153 and 157.

68. Letter of December 13, 1934, cited in Alessandro Galante Garrone, I fratelli Rosselli (1985), in Galante Garrone, Padri e figli, Turin: Albert Meynier, 1986, p. 99 (see I Rosselli: Epistolario familiare di Carlo, Nello, Amelia Rosselli 1914–1937, ed. Zeffiro Ciuffoletti, Milan: Mondadori, 1997, p. 576).

69. Lussu, who was inspired by the leninist theory of insurrection, drew attention to the weakness of Mazzini’s military considerations, claim-ing that Mazzini “lacked an insurrection theory,” or rather that “the construction of the theory was compromised because based on flawed premises.” However, at the same time, he acknowledged the “great politi-cal value” of Mazzini’s insurrection theories and their eventual applica-tion for antifascist purposes. See Emilio Lussu, Teoria dell’insurrezione: Saggio critico, Rome: De Caro, 1950, pp. 47–55 (the first edition is by Edizioni di Giustizia e Libertà, Paris, 1936).

70. See Rossi, Nove anni sono molti, pp. 67–68 (in this same letter Rossi recalls reading Mazzini to his soldiers in the trenches in World War I, “explaining to them that our war had to continue the struggle hoped for by Mazzini to save the principles of liberty and justice”).

71. Ibid., pp. 367–369 (letter of March 8, 1935). On this occasion too Rossi recalled his experiences in the war: “On the few occasions that I spoke to my soldiers at the front it seemed that the only word responding to the tragic circumstance was the one that had explained to Italians brutalized by centuries of slavery the reasons why they had to be willing to face prison or the scaffold if they did not wish to give up their dignity as men.”

72. See Ercoli (pseudonym of Palmiro Togliatti), “Sul movimento di ‘Giustizia e Libertà,’ ” Lo Stato Operaio, V, 1931, cited by Claudio Pavone, Le idee della Resistenza: Antifascisti e fascisti di fronte alla tradizione del Risorgimento (1959), in Pavone, Alle origini della Repubblica: Scritti su fascismo, antifascismo, continuità dello Stato, Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 1995, pp. 35–36.

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73. For the judgments cited, see in particular the notebook Risorgimento ital-iano for 1934–1935, now in Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del carcere, ed. Valentino Gerratana, vol. III, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 2001, pp. 2047 and 1988; but see, in general, vol. IV.

74. The new edition of Levi’s La filosofia politica di Giuseppe Mazzini appeared in 1922, and Salvemini’s Mazzini is from 1925. The highly sympathetic interpretation expressed by the young Tancredi (Duccio) Galimberti in Mazzini politico (unpublished for many years and pub-lished posthumously decades later) remained a minority position in antifascist circles. This work was consigned in 1924 to the Republican deputy Oliviero Zuccarini for publication, and was not published until 1963 (thanks to the initiative of the Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, ed. Vittorio Parmentola). Nor should we forget the fascist apologist interpretation of Mazzianism carried out by Duccio’s mother, a lec-turer and translator, in her 1930 essay, Luci mazziniane nel sindacal-ismo nazionale, Rome: Cooperativa Pensiero e Azione, n.d. (see Silvio Pozzani, “Un saggio mazziniano di Alice Schanzer Galimberti,” Il pen-siero mazziniano, LXII, 2, May–August 2007, pp. 44–48). Antifascist political readings of Mazzini from a democratic viewpoint represent a small underground stream in the course of two decades, especially in the die-hard antifascist republican circles represented by Zuccarini or Alessandro Schiavi. We should also mention the philosopher and peda-gogue Ugo Della Seta, who was already writing works critical of the conservative and authoritarian readings of Mazzini in the World War I period. At the beginning of the century he had authored a weighty tome of 611 pages on Giuseppe Mazzini pensatore: Le idee madri, Rome: Tipografia Forzani, 1909, while his antifascist interpretation of Mazzini emerges strongly from a posthumously published work written in the 1930s, Antimazzinianesimo di G. Mazzini, Naples: Tipografia Trani, 1962, which demolishes Giovanni Gentile’s interpretation, branding it as “antimazzinian.”

75. Some years later, Angelo Tasca countered fascist nationalism with the nation and liberty couplet, which he traced back to Mazzini, in Nascita e avvento del fascismo (1938), 4th ed., Bari: Laterza, 1972, p. 565. The work, started in 1934, first appeared in France.

76. See Luigi Salvatorelli, “L’Antirisorgimento,” La Stampa, July 27, 1924, cited in Alessandro Galante Garrone, “Risorgimento e Antirisorgimento negli scritti di Luigi Salvatorelli,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXVIII, 3, 1966, p. 523. Shortly afterwards, this formula was taken up by Giovanni Amendola, who wrote: “The progenitors of all the tendencies repre-sented in the Opposition committees took part in the Risorgimento struggles; but none of the progenitors of fascism! Who by now embody, by indirect admission of the Prime Minister, the anti-Risorgimento!” (see Giovanni Amendola, “Tra le parole e le idee,” August 5, 1924, in Giovanni

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Amendola, L’Aventino contro il fascismo: Scritti politici (1924–1926), ed. Sabato Visco, Milan and Naples, 1976, p. 73).

77. See Luigi Salvatorelli, Nazionalfascismo, Turin: Gobetti, 1923 (article in La Stampa January 2, 1923), cited by Galante Garrone, Risorgimento e Antirisorgimento, p. 522.

78. Luigi Salvatorelli, Irrealtà nazionalista, Milan: Corbaccio, 1925, pp. 175–176, ibid., pp. 517–518.

79. On the importance of the eighteenth century for Salvatorelli’s inter-pretation of the Risorgimento, see Galante Garrone, Risorgimento e Antirisorgimento, pp. 530–531 and Leo Valiani, “Salvatorelli storico dell’unità d’Italia e del fascismo,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXXVI, 4, 1974, p. 726.

80. Luigi Salvatorelli, Il pensiero politico italiano dal 1700 al 1870, Turin: Einaudi, 1935, p. 198.

81. Luigi Salvatorelli, Il pensiero politico italiano, p. 207.82. Ibid. See also p. 223, where these liberties are again enumerated.83. Ibid., p. 211.84. Ibid., p. 223.85. A similar historical approach—from the history of Christianity to that of

the Risorgimento—was adopted by Adolfo Omodeo, a pupil of Gentile, who later worked closely with Croce on La Critica. However, Omodeo’s history of Mazzini reveals the profound influence of Gentile, especially with regard to this philosophy and historiography. Omodeo’s interpreta-tion of Mazzini, which was religious and apocalyptic, also showed the distant influence of Sorel, as well as the pull exercised upon the historian by reactionary and Restoration thought. Omodeo described Mazzini as being animated by a visionary religious fervor that caused him to await Italian unification like a “revelation” or “divine creation” (see Adolfo Omodeo, La missione religiosa e politica di Giuseppe Mazzini (1934), in Omodeo, Difesa del Risorgimento, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1955, pp. 74–85. See also the reconstruction by Roberto Pertici, “Preistoria di Adolfo Omodeo,” Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, series III, XXII, 2, 1992, pp. 513–615, now in Roberto Pertici, Storici italiani del Novecento, Pisa and Rome: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazion-ali, 2000, pp. 57–104). However Omodoeo had also criticized Mazzini’s “inflexibility lacking political nous,” his “simplistic tactics,” his eschew-ing of “diplomacy,” and the failure of his religious preaching at popular level. Further, he recognized Mazzini’s role as an inspirer of ideals and actions: “This faith,” wrote Omodeo, “armed many with the courage to act, exalting them on to martyrdom, rather than dismaying them with an objective reckoning of facts.” (See the chapter on Mazzini by Adolfo Omodeo, L’età moderna e contemporanea, Messina: Principato, 1925, pp. 340–341, a work better known for its subsequent editions under the title L’età del Risorgimento italiano, the first of which appeared in 1931.)

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Between 1943 and 1946, after the fall of Fascism, Omodeo would be among the most enthusiastic proponents of Mazzini’s pro-Europe demo-cratic conceptions, see Adolfo Omodeo, Libertà e storia: Scritti e discorsi politici, Turin: Einaudi, 1960.

86. Salvatorelli, Il pensiero politico italiano, p. 231.87. “Of course, Mazzini’s idealism is not radically monist. He explicitly

affirms: God and Humanity; God is God, and Humanity is his prophet. [ . . . ] He does not recognize the self-construction (“autoctisi”) of the thought: he believes that humanity does not create, but discovers, advances on the path assigned to it by God” (ibid., pp. 234–235, my italics indicate the author’s reference to Gentile).

88. Salvatorelli returned to his interpretation of Mazzini, developing it in greater depth in his ample introduction to the collection of writings and letters by Mazzini, which he edited in two volumes for the Rizzoli pub-lishing house in 1938–39: these volumes led to the renewed circulation of Mazzini’s work among the intellectual elite and to his democratic inter-pretation in antifascist circles. The introduction was also collected under the title Mazzini pensatore e scrittore (1938) in Luigi Salvatorelli, Prima e dopo il Quarantotto, Turin: De Silva, 1948, pp. 36–62. In the spring of 1943, Leone Ginzburg wrote a letter to Einaudi from his political con-finement, requesting a copy of this collection, which proved to be “out of stock”: see his Lettere dal confino 1940–1943, ed. Luisa Mangoni, Turin: Einaudi, 2004, p. 226 (letter of May 14, 1943). At the time Ginzburg was working on his essay La tradizione del Risorgimento, which was to remain unfinished and published posthumously in 1945 (see Leone Ginzburg, Scritti, ed. Domenico Zucàro, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 2000, pp. 114–130).

89. For the influence of this work on “the young intellectual cadre of the Resistance (not only Partito d’Azione-oriented),” see Pavone, “Le idee della Resistenza,” pp. XI and 48; Claudio Pavone, A Civil War: A History of the Italian Resistance, trans. Peter Levy and David Broder; ed. Stanislao Pugliese, London-New York: Verso, 2013 (orig. ed. Turin, 1991), p. 319. An authoritative contemporary appraisal adopting an ethical-political rather than a historical approach was written by Adolfo Omodeo for Critica in 1943 (later collected in his Difesa del Risorgimento, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1955, pp. 531–533). For the appraisal by Leone Ginzburg and Eugenio Curiel, see Gabriele Turi, “Luigi Salvatorelli, un intellettuale attraverso il fascismo,” Passato e Presente, 66, 2005, pp. 108–109.

90. Luigi Salvatorelli, Pensiero e Azione del Risorgimento, Turin: Einaudi, 1943, pp. 111–112.

91. See in this regard Pavone, A Civil War, p. 319, which underlines that while conflicting political readings of the Risorgimento were no nov-elty, “because of the civil war, 1943–45 saw the the final breakdown of the unity of the Risorgimento tradition.” On the rediscovery of Mazzini

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in the public imagination and in the propaganda of the Resistance and republican fascism, see the entries “Mazzini” and “Risorgimento” the same volume’s index. For the fascist appropriation in the RSI, see Giuseppe Parlato, “Il mito del Risorgimento e la sinistra fascista,” in Il mito del Risorgimento nell’Italia unita, conference proceedings, Milan, November 9–12, 1993, special issue of Il Risorgimento, XLVII, 1–2, 1995, pp. 271–276. Mussolini, for example, evoked Mazzini from the very beginning and during the course of the Social Republic: see “Il primo discorso dopo la liberazione” (broadcast on Radio Munich on September 18, 1943) and “Il discorso al ‘Lirico’ di Milan” (December 16, 1944), in Mussolini, Opera omnia, XXXII, pp. 4 and 131.

92. Letter to his mother, February 19, 1939, in Rossi, Nove anni sono molti, pp. 769–770. In his conclusion Rossi, although the quotation was originally written by Franz Grillparzer, quotes a phrase from Franz Werfel, Nel cre-puscolo di un mondo, Milan: Mondadori, 1937 (English edition: Twilight of a World, New York: Viking Press, 1937), a work that inspired him to write these reflections. Soon after Rossi’s observations on the obsoles-cence of “nationality” would lead him to jointly develop the Ventotene Manifesto with Altiero Spinelli, a project which layed some of the philo-sophical basis to the European unification and was to some extent influ-enced by Mazzini’s pro-Europe stance. For the presence of this concept from 1937 in the development of the reflection that would give rise to the Manifesto, see the reference to Mazzini (and his request for advice on the matter from Nello Rosselli) in Rossi’s letter to his mother, April 30, 1937 (ibid., p. 572). Spinelli’s skepticism with regard to Mazzini is clarified by a statement that he made some years later: “My search for a thought that was clear and precise meant I was not attracted by the foggy, convoluted and rather inconsistent ideological federalism like that of Prudhon or Mazzini [ . . . ] but by the clean, exact, antidoctrinal thought of the English federalists [ . . . ] who proposed to transplant the great American politi-cal experience to Europe” (cited in Norberto Bobbio, “Il federalismo nel dibattito politico e culturale della Resistenza,” in Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi, Il manifesto di Ventotene, reprint ed. Sergio Pistone, Turin: Celid, 2001).

Conclusion A Religion of the Nation without a Civil Religion

1. See Giuseppe Mazzini, Fede e avvenire e altri scritti, ed. Luigi Salvatorelli, Rome: Einaudi, 1945, p. XVII.

2. Returning once more to Emilio Gentile, Politics as Religion, trans. George Staunton, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006 (orig. ed. Roma-Bari, 2001), and to the proposed definitions and distinctions between democratic “civil religions” resulting from the American and

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French revolutions, and the authoritarian “political religions” typical of totalitarian forms of government (although some elements or premises are already present in Mazzini’s religion of the nation), I consider a dem-ocratic civil religion to be a system of beliefs, myths, symbols, and rites that melds identification with and participation in the national commu-nity with voluntary democratic form, guaranteed by a clear separation between State and Church.

3. See the broad picture proposed by Maurizio Ridolfi, “Feste civili e reli-gioni politiche nel ‘laboratorio’ della nazione italiana (1860–1895),” Memoria e Ricerca, III, 5, July 1994, special issue Le trasformazioni della festa, ed. Marco Fincardi and Maurizio Ridolfi, pp. 83–108; Ridolfi, Le feste nazionali, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003.

4. Ilaria Porciani, La festa della nazione: Rappresentazioni dello Stato e spazi sociali nell’Italia unita, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997; Catherine Brice, “La Monarchia e la ‘religione della patria’ nella costruzione dell’identità nazi-onale,” Memoria e Ricerca, 11, 13, May–August 2003, pp. 140–147 and Brice, “La religion civile dans l’Italie liberale: petits et grands rituels poli-tiques,” in Rituali civili: Storie nazionali e memorie pubbliche nell’Europa contemporanea, ed. Maurizio Ridolfi, Rome: Gangemi, 2006, pp. 97–114.

5. The groundbreaking essay by Robert N. Bellah, The Five Religions of Modern Italy, in The Robert Bellah Reader, ed. Robert N. Bellah and Steven M. Tipton, Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2006, pp. 51–80 (originally in Il caso italiano, ed. Fabio Luca and Stephen R. Graubard, Milan: Garzanti, 1974, pp. 439–468) paved the way for a later ample discussion of this issue over the past 20 years. See the following in particular: Carlo Tullio Altan, Italia: una nazione senza religione civile: Le ragioni di una democrazia incompiuta, Udine: Istituto editoriale veneto friulano, 1995; Gian Enrico Rusconi, Possiamo fare a meno di una religione civile?, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999; the special issue “Identità nazionale e religione civile in Italia,” of Rassegna italiana di sociologia, XL, 2, April–June 1999; the special section “Religione civile e identità nazionale nella storia d’Italia: Per una discussione,” of Memoria e Ricerca, 11, 13, May–August 2003; Rituali civili: Storie nazionali e memorie pub-bliche, ed. Ridolfi; see also Rusconi’s recent work Non abusare di Dio, Milan: Rizzoli, 2007, chapter II “ ‘La religione degli italiani’: Un surrogato di religione civile,” pp. 36–55. Lastly, see Maurizio Viroli, Come se Dio non ci fosse: Religione e libertà nella storia d’Italia, Turin: Einaudi, 2009, even though it includes experiences that are ideologically, culturally, and historically different under the same formula of Benedetto Croce’s “reli-gion of freedom.”

6. The separation between State and Church was held to be an essential precondition for the development of a democratic civil religion in the two countries considered paradigmatic for this type of experience from their late eighteenth-century revolutions onwards: the United States of

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America and France. The literature is extensive but see as a starting point the classic analysis by Robert Bellah, “Civil Religion in America” (1967), in The Robert Bellah Reader, pp. 225–245, as well as, for example, Jean Paul Willaime, “La religion civile à la française et ses métamorphoses,” Social Compass, 40, 4, 1993, pp. 571–580. A recent comparative study is Marcela Cristi and Lorne L. Dawson, “Civil Religion in America and in Global Context,” in The SAGE Handbook of the Sociology of Religion, ed. James A. Beckford and N. J. Demerath III, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, and Singapore: SAGE, 2007, pp. 267–292.

7. On the far-reaching roots of the revival of these tendencies in recent decades see, for example, Gian Enrico Rusconi, Se cessiamo di essere una nazione: Tra etnodemocrazie regionali e cittadinanza europea, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1993. On aspects of the evolution of regionalism during fascism, see Stefano Cavazza, Piccole patrie: Feste popolari tra regione e nazione durante il fascismo, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997.

8. On the prodromes of Mazzini’s criticism of the unitary State as a divid-ing factor, see Giovanni Belardelli, “Una nazione senz’anima: La critica democratica del Risorgimento,” in Due nazioni: Legittimazione e delegit-timazione nella storia dell’Italia contemporanea, ed. Loreto Di Nucci and Ernesto Galli della Loggia, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003, pp. 41–62. But the critical function of the reference to Mazzini in the early twentieth cen-tury was already identified in the form of “national radicalism” by Emilio Gentile, Il mito dello stato nuovo: Dal radicalismo nazionale al fascismo, 2nd ed., Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1999, pp. 3–7.

9. See for the context Claudio Pavone, Civil War: A History of the Italian Resistance, trans. Peter Levy, London: Verso, 2013 (ed. orig. Turin, 1991).

10. On the nature and influence of these two factors in the postwar politi-cal discourse, and on the intervention by the Church next to them, see Emilio Gentile, La Grande Italia: The Myth of the Nation in the Twentieth Century, trans. Suzanne Dingee and Jennifer Pudney, Madison and London: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009 (orig. ed. Rome and Bari, 2006). On the creation of civil rituals at the origins of Republican Italy, also influenced by the thorny presence of Mazzini, see Yuri Guaiana, Il tempo della repubblica: Le feste civili in Italia (1946–1949), Milan: Unicopli, 2007, pp. 167–173 in particular. For the analysis of a local case, see David I. Kertzer, Comrades and Christians: Religious and Political Struggle in Communist Italy, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

11. Rusconi has explained the absence of a civil religion through the joint influence, or possibly the historic succession, of a “religion-of-the-Cath-olic-Church,” of Gioberti’s neo-Guelphism, and the “sometimes dazed mysticism of Mazzinianism.” They were ultimately overtaken—causing every other possibility to be overcome—by the fascist “political religion”: see Gian Enrico Rusconi, Patria e repubblica, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997,

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pp. 21–22. In Possiamo fare a meno di una religione civile?, pp. 48 and 55, however, the same author identifies “Italian liberal Catholicism of the mid-1800s”—the tradition therefore of Gioberti, Manzoni, Tommaseo—as a possible inspiration for a civil religion, favorably underlining the “role of civil-religious substitution played by the ‘religion-of-the-Church.’ ” Rusconi’s historic theory was preempted by Altan, Italia: Una nazione senza religione civile, p. 57, who alluded to the negative influence upon the development of a civil religion in Italy by the “historic succession of symbolic images” of “Mazzini’s ‘God and People,’ Gioberti’s ‘People of God,’ and Mussolini’s ‘Fascist people’ ” (lastly adding the “ ‘People-God’ [ . . . ] reinterpreted from a marxist perspective”).

12. In an article published in L’Italia del Popolo, cited in Ivanoe Bonomi, Mazzini triumviro della repubblica romana, 2nd ed., Turin: Einaudi, 1940, pp. 67–71 (English translation from Joseph Mazzini, The Pope in the Nineteenth Century, London: Charles Gilpin, 1854, p. 31), see also for the previous reference (and see Giuseppe Mazzini, Note autobiografiche, ed. Roberto Pertici, Milan: Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, 1986, p. 330). According to Bonomi, Mazzini’s “religious reform” was “compromised by the formula drawn up by Quirico Filiopanti” that was included in Article 2 of the 1849 Constitution: “The Roman pontiff will have every guarantee needed for the independent exercise of his spiritual power” (ibid., p. 71).

13. See Giuseppe Mazzini, Doveri dell’uomo, par. II Dio, in SEI, LXIX, p. 31 (as mentioned, this chapter was first published in the early 1840s). The English translation is taken from Joseph Mazzini, The Duties of Man, London: Chapman & Hall, 1862, p. 44.

14. Giuseppe Mazzini, Dal Concilio a Dio (1870) in SEI, LXXXVI, pp. 241–283 (in particular pp. 249, 276–277, and 282 for the quotation).

15. Luigi Meneghello, I piccoli maestri (1964), 3rd ed., Milan: Mondadori, 1986, p. 41 (I draw the English translation from Id., The Outlaws, trans. Raleigh Trevelyan, New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967, p. 42). The Mazzini mentioned is the essay on “war of armed bands” (“guerra per bande”).

Afterword Mazzini, the Risorgimento, and the Origins of Fascism

1. See the recent interpretation and anthology: A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzzini’s Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations, ed. Stefano Recchia and Nadia Urbinati, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2009. For a broader picture see Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, 1830–1920, ed. C. A. Bayly and Eugenio F. Biagini, Oxford

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and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. On the role of Mazzini in the education to democracy in his own times, Arianna Arisi-Rota, I piccoli cospiratori. Politica ed emozioni nei primi mazziniani, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010.

2. Norberto Bobbio, “L’utopia capovolta,” La Stampa, June 9, 1989, collected in the volume by the same title, Bobbio, L’utopia capovolta, Turin: La Stampa, 1990.

3. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), New York: Meridian Books, 1958, p. 159.

4. See most recently Mazzini e il Novecento, ed. Andrea Bocchi and Daniele Menozzi, Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2010.

5. For a recent assessment of the study of ideology see: The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies, ed. Michael Freeden and Marc Stears, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013 (in which Emilio Gentile refers to Mazzini as a precursor of “total ideologies,” although guaranteeing “individual liberty,” pp. 63–64).

6. Apart from Alberto M. Banti’s work, which I discuss in detail below, this literature includes: Silvana Patriarca, Italian Vices: Nation and Character from the Risorgimento to the Republic, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010; The Risorgimento Revisited: Nationalism and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Italy, ed. Silavana Patriarca and Lucy Riall, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012; Manlio Graziano, The Failure of Italian Nationhood: The Geopolitics of a Troubled Identity, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 (orig. ed. Rome, 2007); Suzanne Stewart Steinberg, The Pinocchio Effect: On Making Italians, 1860–1920, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2007.

7. See the influential Alberto M. Banti, La nazione del Risorgimento: Parentela, santità e onore alle origini dell’Italia unita, Turin: Einaudi, 2000; this was followed by Banti’s Europe-wide exploration L’onore della nazione: Identità sessuali e nazionalismo in Europa dal XVIII secolo alla Grande guerra, Turin: Einaudi, 2005. Banti’s work has contributed to ini-tiating a cultural turn in the study of Italian nationalism well represented in the collective volume he coedited with Paul Ginsborg, Storia d’Italia: Annali 22, Il Risorgimento, Turin: Einaudi, 2007.

8. Alberto M. Banti, Sublime madre nostra: La nazione italiana dal Risorgimento al fascismo, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2011.

9. Ibid., p. 201.10. Ibid., pp. 160–161.11. Ibid., p. 50.12. Ibid., p. 60.13. Banti also admits that Mussolini’s use of terms such as “stock” and “race”

was often “congruent” and “not exclusive,” ibid., p. 155.14. See Pasquale Stanislao Mancini, “Della Nazionalità come fondamento del

Diritto delle Genti,” Inaugural Lecture at the University of Turin, January

176 NOTES

22, 1851, in Mancini, Diritto internazionale: Prelezioni con un saggio sul Machiavelli, Naples: Marghieri, 1873, pp. 31–33. In these pages Mancini still considered “races” as “natural varieties of one unique and originary species” (emphasis in the original). He also insisted on the prevalence of the “conscience of Nationality” (ibid., pp. 35–37). I draw this quote from Simon Levis Sullam, “I critici e i nemici dell’emancipazione degli ebrei,” in Storia della Shoah in Italia: Vicende, memorie, rappresentazioni, ed. Marcello Flores, Simon Levis Sullam, Marie-Anne Matard Bonucci, and Enzo Traverso, vol. 1, Turin: UTET, 2010, p. 40.

15. Lucy Riall, “The Politics of Italian Romanticism: Mazzini and the Making of a Nationalist Culture,” in Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalisation of Democratic Nationalism, pp. 167–186. I had examined this theme at length using a similar approach not only in “ ‘The Moses of Italian Unity’: Mazzini and Nationalism as Political Religion,” in the same vol-ume, pp. 107–124, but also in my earlier articles: “ ‘Dio e il Popolo’: la riv-oluzione religiosa di Giuseppe Mazzini,” in Storia d’Italia: Annali 22, Il Risorgimento, pp. 401–422, and especially in “ ‘Fate della rivoluzione una religione’: Aspetti del nazionalismo mazziniano come religione politica (1831–1835),” Società e Storia, XXVII, 106, October–December 2004, pp. 705–730, both now included in revised form in the present volume.

16. Lucy Riall, “Martyr Cults in Nineteenth-Century Italy,” The Journal of Modern History, 82, 2, June 2010, p. 259. According to the reading of Riall and Patriarca, Banti himself follows in the wake of George L. Mosse by “conceptualiz[ing] nationalism in terms of a ‘political reli-gion’ ” (see Silvana Patriarca and Lucy Riall, Introduction: Revisiting the Risorgimento, in The Risorgimento Revisited, p. 6).

17. Christopher Duggan, The Force of Destiny: A History of Italy since 1796, London: Allen Lane, 2007, p. 130.

18. Patriarca, Italian Vices, p. 134.19. Graziano, The Failure of Italian Nationhood, pp. 137–139. Rusconi’s work

on the absence of an Italian civil religion was referred to in the conclu-sion in this book.

20. A. James Gregor, Totalitarianism and Political Religion: An Intellectual History, Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012.

21. Emilio Gentile, Italiani senza padri: Intervista sul Risorgimento, ed. Simonetta Fiori, Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2011, pp. 68, 50, and 32.

22. Angelo O. Olivetti, Il sindacalismo come filosofia e come politica: Lineamenti di sintesi universale, Milan: Alpes, 1925.

23. See La Carta del Lavoro illustrata da Giuseppe Bottai, Rome: Edizioni del “Diritto del Lavoro,” 1927.

24. See, for example, Edoardo Malusardi, Elementi di storia del sindacal-ismo fascista, prefazione di Giuseppe Bottai, 3rd ed., Lanciano: Carabba, 1938.

NOTES 177

25. Armando Lodolini, La repubblica italiana: Studi e vicende del mazzin-ianesimo contemporaneo, 1922–1924, Milan: Alpes, 1925 (“Biblioteca di coltura politica,” ed. Franco Ciarlantini). The volume collects documents and writings of the pro-fascist Unione Mazziniana.

26. Marco Aurelio Bocchiola, L’eredità di Giuseppe Mazzini, 2nd ed., Milan: Scuola di Mistica Fascista Italico Mussolini, 1933 (“Quaderni della Scuola di mistica fascista ‘Italico Mussolini’ ”).

27. This encounter was first described by Emilio Gentile, The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918–1925, trans. Robert L. Miller, New York: Enigma Books, 2005 (orig. ed. Bologna, 1996), pp. 281–293 in particular.

28. Mussolini e “La Voce,” ed. Emilio Gentile, Florence: Sansoni, 1976.29. Alessandra Tarquini, Il Gentile dei fascisti: Gentiliani e antigentiliani nel

regime fascista, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009.30. Giuseppe Bottai, “Il pensiero e l’azione di Giuseppe Mazzini,” a speech

given at Genoa on May 4, 1930, published in Giuseppe Bottai, Incontri, Milan: Mondadori, 1938 (a second, enlarged edition of the volume was published in 1943).

31. See Roberto Vivarelli, Il fallimento del liberalismo: Studi sulle origini del fascismo, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1981, p. 137; Vivarelli, Storia delle origini del fascismo: L’Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma, vol. II, Bologna: Il Mulino, 1991, pp. 396–398. Vivarelli is followed by Giovanni Belardelli, Il Ventennio degli intellettuali: Cultura, politica, ideologia nell’Italia fascista, Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2005, pp. 245–246 and 252–254.

32. As noticed above, reference to Mazzini is extremely limited in Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, and Maia Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, trans. David Maisel, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994 (orig. ed. Paris, 1989), which also insists on the “gulf that divided Corradini from Mazzini” (p. 9), that is, nineteenth-century from twentieth-century Italian national-isms. Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986 (orig. ed. Paris, 1983) does not mention Mazzini.

33. Only the post-risorgimento “palingenetic climate” (with no mention of Mazzini) is of interest to Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 195–199.

34. A recent critique of Sternhell on Italian Fascism is David D. Roberts, “How Not to Think about Fascism and Ideology, Intellectuals Antecedents and Historical Meaning” in Id., Historicism and Fascism in Modern Italy, Toronto-Buffalo-London: University of Toronto, 2007, who incidentally also calls for a reconsideration of Fascism’s “serious reassessment of the legacy of Giuseppe Mazzini” (p. 197).

178 NOTES

35. Silvio Trentin, Stato, nazione, federalismo, Milan: La Fiaccola, 1945, pp. 70–73. At the same time, like all antifascists (as we have seen), Trentin could claim their “spiritual relation”(“parentela spirituale”) to Mazzini, which he referred in particular to Carlo Rosselli after his violent death, see the article “L’ostacolo,” Giustizia e Libertà, July 23, 1937, in Trentin, Antifascismo e rivoluzione: Scritti e discorsi 1927–1944, ed. Giannantonio Paladini, Venice: Marsilio, 1985, p. 338.

36. For the origins of this parallel, see my essay “The Moses of Italian Unity.”

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Index

Abbagnano, Nicola, 126actualism, 89, 90, 97, 117, 163, 169Adamson, Walter, 146Adorni, Daniela, 136Agosti, Giorgio, 148Albanese, Giulia, 152Alexander, Jeffrey C., 131Alfieri, Vittorio, 43, 91, 96, 164Alighieri, Dante, 28, 31, 40, 42, 71,

118, 159Altan, Carlo Tullio, 172, 173Amendola, Giovanni, 143, 162, 168antifascism

attitude towards Mazzini, 6, 84, 96–106, 108, 122, 162, 157, 159, 160, 162, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 177

Arendt, Hannah, 113, 172Arisi Rota, Arianna, 172Armellini, Giuseppe, 28Art

Mazzini’s conception of, 24–5Artom, Eugenio, 135, 137Aschheim, Steven E., 123Asheri, Maia, 12, 144, 154, 177Asor Rosa, Alberto, 127, 140Associazione Mazziniana Italiana, 168Aulard, François-Alphonse, 130

Bagatin, Pier Luigi, 135Bagnoli, Paolo, 164Baioni, Massimo, 28Bakounin, Mikhail, 6, 35

criticism of Mazzini, 36, 71, 119, 138Balbo, Cesare, 88

Balbo, Fausto, 80Balbo, Italo, 2, 78, 156

as interpreter of Mazzini, 80–1, 117, 157

Baldoli, Claudia, 151Balzani, Roberto, 134Banti, Alberto M., 114, 123, 174,

175, 176Barbera (publishing house), 139Bargellini, Piero, 147Barnard, Frederick M., 121Barthes, Roland, 122Battaglia, Roberto, 138Battisti, Cesare, 70, 151Battistini, Andrea, 143Bava Beccaris, Fiorenzo, 61Bayly, Christopher A., 130, 174Beckford, James A., 172Belardelli, Giovanni, 124, 151, 152,

165, 172, 177Bell, David A., 130Bellah, Robert, 172Bellezza, Vito A., 160Benedetti, Paolo, 152, 153, 154Bénichou, Paul, 131Benini, Aroldo, 142Berengo, Marino, 148Berrini, Gian Paolo, 150Bertani, Agostino, 138Berti, Giampietro, 128Biagini, Eugenio, 130, 174Bianchi, Michele, 74Bible, 19

Mazzini influenced by, 12, 19Biguzzi, Stefano, 151

196 INDEX

Bismarck, Otto von, 135, 142Bissolati, Leonida, 62, 148, 151Bobbio, Norberto, 113, 148, 159, 174Bocchi, Andrea, 174Bocchiola, Marco Aurelio, 177Bollati, Giulio, 127Bonald, Louis de, 132Bonaparte, Napoleon, 7, 122, 123, 142Bonavino, Cristoforo. See Franchi,

AusonioBonelli, Ippolito, 132Bonini, Francesco, 137Bonomi, Ivanoe, 173Bonucci, Marie-Anne Matard, 176Bottai, Giuseppe, 1–2, 117, 118, 154,

156, 162, 177Bouglé, Charles, 131Bovio, Giovanni, 123, 139Bracco, Barbara, 150Brice, Catherine, 171Bruno, Giordano, 41Bucchi, Sergio, 148Buchez, Philippe, 132Burleigh, Michael, 130Byron, George, 25

Caesarism, 105, 137, 160Caffi, Andrea, 100, 166Cafiero, Carlo, 35Campanella, Francesco, 13Campolonghi, Luigi, 76, 155Candeloro, Giorgio, 133Cantimori, Carlo, 156Cantimori, Delio, 156Capanna, Francesco, 163Capone, Alfredo, 162Caprioglio, Sergio, 159Carducci, Giosuè, 37, 38, 45, 52, 54, 71,

73, 101, 109, 123, 139, 140, 143aesthetic and political theories,

39–41as heir to and interpreter of

Mazzini’s ideals, 38–42, 123monarchy, attitude towards, 39–41poetry about Mazzini, 40, 73, 120,

123, 140

religiosity, 41–2, 141republicanism, 39, 41, 42

Carnaro, Charter of (1919), 75, 77, 79, 117, 154, 155

Casini, Anna Paszkowski, 146Castelli, Alberto, 166Casucci, Costanzo, 167Catalano, Franco, 139Catholicism, influence of, 108, 109,

110, 113, 118, 126, 129, 141, 147, 162, 164

Cattaneo, Carlo, 6, 34, 61, 62, 67, 84, 97, 148

Cavaglion, Alberto, 157, 159Cavallera, Hervé A., 160, 161Cavallotti, Felice, 138Cavazza, Stefano, 172Cavour, Camillo Benso, 34, 37, 57,

65, 79Ceccuti, Cosimo, 139Cervetti, Valerio, 155Chabod, Federico, 132, 136Charles Albert (king of Italy), 27, 28,

53, 71, 100Charlisle, Robert B., 128Chateaubriand, Renée de, 62Chiaromonte, Nicola, 100, 167Christian Democracy, 109Church

influence of, 108, 109, 110, 118, 141, 149, 163, 173

influence on Mazzini, 64, 105see also State, relationship with the

Church according to MazziniCianferotti, Giulio, 157Cingari, Gaetano, 148Ciuffoletti, Zeffiro, 165, 167civil religion, 129, 159, 171, 172

in Italy, 107–11, 116, 118, 120, 172, 174, 177

civil war (Italian, 1943–45), 108, 111, 170Colajanni, Napoleone, 51, 142, 145, 149communism, 113

see also Mazzini, GiuseppeCommunist party, 109

interpretation of Mazzini, 102–3

INDEX 197

Conti, Fulvio, 134, 138Coquin, François-Xavier, 129corporatism, 75–8, 79, 81, 102, 117,

154, 156Corradini, Enrico, 54–5, 103, 144, 177Corridoni, Filippo, 80Costa, Andrea, 78Costa, Piero, 132counter-revolution

influence on Mazzini, 18, 44, 131, 132

Crispi, Francesco, 31, 34, 38, 40, 41, 45, 109, 116, 135, 136, 137

cult by Carducci, 40dispute with Mazzini (1864), 28–9,

134as heir to and interpreter of

Mazzini, 31–4, 135, 136nation, conception of, 34republicanism, 135State, conception of, 33, 34, 136

Cristi, Marcela, 171Critica, La, 88, 97, 98, 146, 161, 162,

169, 170Croce, Benedetto, 6, 37, 38, 42, 55, 69,

88, 96, 97, 140, 145, 162, 163, 164, 169, 172

correspondence and relationship with George Sorel, 55–8, 144, 146

as interpreter of Mazzini, 56, 93–6, 119, 163

Cuoco, Vincenzo, 91Cuore (novel, 1886), 140

treatment of Mazzini, 37Curiel, Eugenio, 170

D’Annunzio, Gabriele, 3, 52, 75, 77, 101, 103, 154, 155

Dawson, Lorne L., 173De Ambris, Alceste, 72, 75–7, 117, 152,

154, 155State, conception of, 76, 77

De Amicis, Edmondo, 37, 140De Felice, Renzo, 153, 154, 165De Meis, Angelo Camillo, 138, 159

De Pourtalès, Guido, 125De Ruggero, Guido, 6, 97–8, 165De Sanctis, Francesco, 4, 6, 7, 35, 36,

55, 85, 94, 95, 139, 163criticism of Mazzini, 36, 56, 85, 94,

95, 119Degli Innocenti, Maurizio, 152Del Balzo, Carlo, 50Del Bo, Giuseppe, 139Del Noce, Augusto, 160Della Peruta, Franco, 128, 133Della Seta, Ugo, 157, 168Della Terza, Dante, 140Demerath III, Nicholas J., 172democracy

see Mazzini, Giuseppedemocratic interventionism (in the

First world war), 66, 70, 151, 159

Di Nucci, Loreto, 173Diriani, Ennio, 141Doveri dell’uomo

see Duties of Man, OnDuggan, Christopher, 116, 135, 136Duties of Man, On

see Mazzini, Giuseppeduty

see Mazzini, Giuseppe

Eco, Umberto, 122Einaudi, Giulio, 169Einaudi (publishing house), 103Engelbrecht, Helmuth C., 122Engels, Friedrich, 35, 85, 139, 145

Farini, Luigi Carlo, 26, 134fascism

as anti-Risorgimento, 3, 103, 168attitude towards Mazzini, 2, 67,

73–5, 78–81, 86, 90–3, 106, 108, 109, 116, 117, 121, 123, 152, 168, 170

conception of youth, 92Manifesto by fascist intellectuals

(1925), 93, 162as “new liberalism,” 103

198 INDEX

fascism—Continuedas political religion, 87, 92–3, 109,

118, 129, 162, 163, 172Scuola di Mistica Fascista, 117, 177as “third way,” 119as totalitarianism, 91–2, 116, 130

Fazio, Domenico M., 123Ferrari, Giuseppe, 61Ferraris, Angiola, 129Ferrero, Guglielmo, 34, 137Ferri, Enrico, 63, 149Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 3, 12, 121,

122, 126Fincardi, Marco, 171Finelli, Michele, 143Finelli, Pietro, 137Fiori, Simonetta, 175Fiume, exploit by D’Annunzio, 72,

75–7, 79, 117, 154Flores, Marcello, 175Foa, Vittorio, 151, 166Fogazzaro, Antonio, 52, 143Foscolo, Ugo, 25, 43, 71Foucault, Michel, 122Fournier, Laura Finocchiaro, 141Franchi, Ausonio (pseudonym of

Cristoforo Bonavino), 26, 134

Franzinelli, Mimmo, 166Freeden, Michael, 174freemasonry, 138Fretigné, Jean-Yves, 128, 143Frigessi, Delia, 147Furet, François, 24, 132Furiozzi, Gian Biagio, 155

Galante Garrone, Alessandro, 128, 138, 148, 149, 167, 168

Galasso, Giuseppe, 162Galimberti, Alice Schanzer, 168Galimberti, Duccio, 167Gallarati Scotti, Tommaso, 51, 143Galli Della Loggia, Ernesto, 173Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 11, 29, 31, 34,

35, 137biography of, 139

Carducci’s interpretation of, 40as character in Cuore, 37as founding figure, 6Mussolini’s interpretation of, 73myth of, 2, 123Oriani’s interpretation of, 142Pascoli’s interpretation of, 54presence in the First world war, 70presence in the Italian Resistance,

103Salvemini’s interpretation of, 61,

65, 148Garin, Eugenio, 159Garrone, brothers, 69Gentile, Emilio, 115, 116, 121, 124,

129, 144, 146, 156, 162, 173, 174, 177

Gentile, Giovanni, 2, 69, 74, 77, 84, 85, 97, 105, 160, 163, 164, 169

as interpreter of Mazzini, 87–93, 97, 103, 104, 116, 117, 118, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 168, 169

Gentili, Sandro, 146Germany

referred to by Mazzini, 22Gerratana, Valentino, 167Ghisleri, Arcangelo, 142 148, 159Giannantoni, Simona, 164Giarrizzo, Giuseppe, 148Ginsborg, Paul, 123Ginzburg, Leone, 170Gioberti, Vincenzo, 3, 6, 12, 46, 87–9,

90, 97, 103, 160, 173Giovine Europa (movement), 22, 66

legacy, 66Giovine Italia (movement), 17, 22, 54,

58, 92, 93, 115, 125, 162Girardet, Raoul, 123Girardon, Mario, 152Giustizia e Libertà (movement), 2,

99–102, 105, 164, 166, 167, 177Gobetti, Piero, 98, 164, 165

criticism of Mazzini, 6, 96–7, 119God

see Mazzini, GiuseppeGoethe, Wolfgang, 25, 134, 142

INDEX 199

Golomb, Jacob, 123Gori, Gianfranco Miro, 143Gospels, 59, 105, 129Gracchus, Caius, 40Gramsci, Antonio, 43, 65, 141, 164, 167

criticism of Mazzini, 6, 102–3, 119, 158

Grandi, Dino, 2, 78–80, 156, 157as interpreter of Mazzini, 78–80, 117

Grandi, Terenzio, 125, 142, 155Graubard, Steven A., 172Graziano, Manlio, 116, 174, 177Gregor, James A., 116, 161, 176Gregory XVI, pope, 128Grelot, Pierre, 131Griffin, Roger, 177Grillparzer, Franz, 170Guaiana, Yuri, 172Guerrazzi, Francesco Domenico, 43Guerri, Giordano Bruno, 156, 157Guizot, François, 13

Halévy, Elie, 131Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich

influence of, 46, 95, 116, 117, 119, 137, 138, 164

Herder, Johann Gottfried, 3, 121Hunt, Lynn, 24, 131, 133

ideological appropriationsee Mazzini, Giuseppe

ideology, 5, 8, 38, 113, 122, 174Iggers, Georg, 128, 131imperialism, 46, 47, 54, 55, 66, 100,

104, 109, 118, 136, 137, 157, 159

Irelandreferred to by Mazzini, 16

irredentismo, movement, 70Isnenghi, Mario, 121, 123, 143, 151Italy

fiftieth anniversary (1911), 53international role according to

Crispi, 33–4myth of Third Italy, 40, 43, 46, 54,

129, 143, 159 (see also Rome)

jacobinism, 124Jansenism, 89, 96Jemolo, Arturo Carlo, 135, 136Jesus Christ, 7, 12, 64, 71, 123, 126,

158Joachim of Fiore, 105

Kant, Immanuel, 12Kantorowicz, Ernst H., 130Kertzer, David I., 172King, Bolton, 58, 139, 146, 161, 164, 166Kipling, Rudyard, 104Kohn, Hans, 121Kossuth, Lajos, 60

Labriola, Antonio, 137Lambruschini, Raffaello, 88Lamennais, Felicité de, 12–13, 16, 89,

128, 147influence on Mazzini, 12–13, 15–17,

27, 46, 126, 128Landucci, Sergio, 139Le Bon, Gustave, 3Ledeen, Michael A., 152Leining, Arthur, 139Lelewel, Joachim, 128Léon-Dufour, Xavier, 131Leone, Enrico, 148Lescure, Jean-Claude, 135Leuzzi, Maria Fubini, 134Levi, Alessandro, 6, 90, 98, 123, 124,

126, 157, 158, 165as interpreter of Mazzini, 81–4, 90,

98, 99, 103, 122, 157, 158, 160, 167

Levi, Carlo, 96, 164Levis Sullam, Simon, 175Levra, Umberto, 135, 137liberalism. See Mazzini, Giuseppeliberty, 42, 43, 46, 53, 56, 70, 76, 77,

79, 85, 90, 95, 96, 100, 102, 103, 117, 129, 137, 167, 168, 174

see also Mazzini, GiuseppeLibya

Italy’s war on (1911), 54, 65, 116, 142, 157

200 INDEX

Lincoln, Abraham, 6Lodolini, Armando, 176Lombroso, Cesare, 34Luca, Fabio, 172Lussu, Emilio, 101, 167Luzzatto, Sergio, 138

Mack Smith, Denis, 128Macchia, Guglielmo, 125Machiavelli, Niccolò, 12, 31Maier, Hans, 130Maistre, Joseph De, 18–19, 46, 131, 132Malusardi, Edoardo, 176Mancini, Pasquale Stanislao, 115, 175Mangoni, Luisa, 137, 170Manzoni, Alessandro, 43, 88, 126,

173Margherita (queen of Italy), 39, 139Mario, Alberto, 6, 99, 134

criticism and praise of Mazzini, 27, 28, 35

Mario, Jessie White, 37, 123, 139Martini, Ferdinando, 135Marx, Karl, 6, 63, 71, 72, 76, 85, 86,

88–9, 97, 102, 117, 118, 139, 145, 151, 158, 160

marxism, 99Masci, Filippo, 160Maslowski, Michel, 129Mastellone, Salvo, 127, 132, 165Mathiez, Albert, 131Maurras, Charles, 104Maver, Giovanni, 129Mazzini, Giuseppe

aesthetic theories, 25anticlericalism, 109art, conception of, 24–5authoritarianism criticized, 6, 25,

35, 49, 51, 56–7, 82, 84, 119, 148, 166

authority, conception of, 46, 77, 82–3, 110, 117

biographies, 37, 58, 63, 99, 101, 123, 139, 143, 146, 158, 161, 164

centenary of birth (1905), 52, 139, 143, 159

communism, attitude towards, 15, 117

Council of Humanity, theory of, 64, 110

cult by Extreme Left, 35, 37death, 35, 40, 137, 138decline of influence, 35, 45dehestoricized, 37, 53democracy, conception of, 14, 15,

28, 83, 117, 162dictatorship, conception of, 136Duties of Man (Doveri dell’uomo),

11–15, 83, 97, 110, 123, 125, 126, 127, 151, 158, 174

censored school edition (1905), 49–51, 63, 108, 141, 143, 144

criticized, 97, 141, 142, 148popularity, 69, 125, 141, 151, 152praised, 97, 101duty, conception of, 11–13, 14, 63,

83, 84, 109criticized, 25praised, 46, 73, 74

editions of writings, 78, 90, 142, 164, 169, 170

education, conception of, 14, 83, 95, 118, 127, 143

Europeanist ideals, 36, 95, 104, 168, 171

fatherland, conception of, 14, 31, 50, 104

Foi et Avenir (Faith and Future), 11, 13, 21, 126, 128

formulaic style, 4, 15, 22as founding figure, 6–7French Revolution, 6, 13, 15, 21, 27,

32, 43, 63, 82, 84, 109, 117, 118, 124, 145, 162

genius, conception of, 25, 134God, conception of, 17–18, 28, 36,

41, 43–4, 50, 51, 56, 57, 63, 64, 82, 85, 110, 113, 125, 135, 144, 149, 158, 159, 169, 175

role in relation to the law, 26role in relation to the nation,

18–20, 34, 66, 83, 109, 131, 149

INDEX 201

role in relation to the State, 34as source of duty, 13, 83, 84as source of sovereignity, 21, 119word frequency, 14

“God and Humanity” (slogan), 64, 169

“God and the People” (slogan), 16, 17, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 35, 50, 52, 59, 65, 71, 92–3, 100, 117, 118, 129, 138, 158, 173

historicized, 61, 63, 99, 100, 103, 140, 148

humanity, conception of, 13, 14, 15, 26, 34, 64, 85, 105, 168

ideological appropriation, 5, 49, 65, 73, 80, 81, 91–3, 102, 103, 107, 119

insurrection, theory of, 43, 85, 101, 166

Italian initiative, theory of, 66language, 54, 59, 74, 122, 143liberalism, relation to, 5, 62, 64, 83,

90, 95, 104liberty, conception of, 13, 14, 23, 27,

33, 50, 56, 100, 104–5, 117, 149“Liberty and Association” (slogan),

75, 77monarchy, conception of, 28, 29, 62as moral hero, 84, 99, 101, 102,

119, 168nation, conception of, 17–21, 91,

117; transformed by followers, 34, 91, 92

“Nation and Humanity” (slogan), 34, 46

national mission, conception of, 19, 32, 65, 103, 132, 149

transformed by followers, 32–4, 54, 54, 65, 85, 103, 109

nationality, conception of, 5, 19–20, 65, 66, 84, 90, 100, 104, 106, 115, 131, 174 (see also nationalism)

Nietzsche, parallel with, 7–8Paris Commune (1870), criticism of,

35–6, 138

people, conception of, 4, 17, 18, 20, 21–3, 26, 83, 93, 95

political style, 24, 29, 124popular myth, 37, 44–5, 69, 129,

135, 139religion; conception of, 24–5religion of the nation, 17, 24, 38, 41,

49, 52, 54, 60, 73, 93–4, 108, 109, 130, 171

religiosity, 15, 24, 50, 64, 83, 85, 86, 90, 169

criticized, 25–7, 36, 94, 95, 100, 102, 119, 134

praised, 43–4, 51, 52, 56, 57, 60, 67, 97, 105, 118

republic, conception of, 14, 21, 23, 27, 28, 29, 64, 113, 127, 132, 145

republicanism, 27, 28, 44, 51, 53, 57, 64, 105, 109, 127

censored, 49–51, 109revolution as education, 15, 127

religious, 24, 133right, conception of, 13, 14, 83, 84,

109ritual, role in thought, 24Rome, role in thought, 26, 36, 66,

110, 149slogans, use of, 4, 17, 22, 70social question, conception of, 32,

64, 84, 85, 99socialism, attitude towards, 15, 27,

44, 64, 118, 124, 137sovereignty, conception of, 5, 83,

105, 109, 110, 119, 149State, conception of, 57, 90, 100,

116, 119, 161, 171State-Church relations (see State)symbolic appropriation, 6, 7, 107symbols, conception and use of, 5,

17, 22–3, 24, 73, 74theoretical indefiniteness and

contradictions, 4, 44, 95, 100, 102, 113, 119

“Thought and Action” (slogan), 24, 59, 74, 80, 90, 91–2, 96, 105, 117

202 INDEX

Mazzini, Giuseppe—ContinuedThoughts upon Democracy in

Europe, 127unity, conception of, 23, 28, 41, 44,

50, 65, 90, 109, 125words, role in thought, 14, 15, 22–3,

24, 65, 122, 125, 127, 132see also antifascism; fascism;

Communist party; counter-revolution; Germany; Ireland; modernism; nationalism; Poland; republican movement; Saint-Simonianism; socialism; war; individual authors and thinkers for their influence on or interpretation of Mazzini

Mazzini, Maria, 37, 99, 126, 129, 165Mazzotta, Clemente, 143Mediterranean, 33, 136Meneghello, Luigi, 111, 174Menozzi, Daniele, 174Meker, Nicola, 127messianism, 102, 123, 124, 131, 136, 165Metternich, Klemens von, 152Miccolis, Stefano, 138Michelet, Jules, 133Mickiewicz, Adam

influence on Mazzini, 15–17, 128, 129Mila, Massimo, 166Minghetti, Gloria, 146Minozzi, Giovanni, 70Missiroli, Mario, 145,

as interpreter of Mazzini, 56, 145Mitosek, Zofia, 129modernism

appreciation of Mazzini, 51, 66, 143Mohammed, 71Momigliano, Felice, 159monarchy, 7, 27, 29, 35, 44, 50, 53, 61,

108, 109Carducci’s conception of, 38–41Crispi’s conception of, 28, 32, 33, 143

Mondolfo, Rodolfo, 158as interpreter of Mazzini, 85, 158,

160Mondolfo, Ugo Guido, 85

Montalembert, Charles de, 16, 129Montevecchi, Federica, 151Mordini, Antonio, 53Moses, 7, 12, 120, 177Mosse, George L., 23, 121, 124, 133Mussolini, Benito, 1–2, 58, 70–5, 79,

81, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 102, 115, 118, 123, 125, 146, 151, 152, 154, 173, 175

as interpreter of Mazzini, 1–2, 70–5, 92, 116, 152, 170

Nasi, Nunzio, 49–50, 149Nathan, Ernesto, 81, 126Nathan, family, 99Nathan, Sarina, 81nation

see Mazzini, Giuseppe; nationalism; nationality

national radicalism, 78, 121, 147, 172nationalism

as civil religion, 158and concept of “chosen people,”

19, 131as European political culture, 17,

19, 24, 116, 129, 130German, 121, 122; relationship to

Nazism, 3Italian (Twentieth-century

movement), 54–5, 103, 144nationalist discourse, 114–15vs. nationality according to

Mazzini, 84, 100, 104, 157, 159as political religion, 116, 130, 175

nationalitysee Mazzini, Giuseppe; nationalism

nazism, 107, 111, 116Nenni, Pietro, 155Nello, Paolo, 157neo-idealism, 88, 89, 94, 95, 118, 163,

164Nietzsche, Elizabeth Förster, 124Nietzsche, Friedrich, 3, 7–8, 46, 47, 59,

123, 124, 152, 154see also Mazzini, Giuseppe; Papini,

Giovanni

INDEX 203

Nora, Pierre, 132

Oberdan, Guglielmo, 41O’Brien, Paul, 152Olivetti, Angelo Oliviero, 77, 117, 154,

155, 156, 177Omodeo, Adolfo, 69, 127, 131, 150,

151, 169, 170Orano, Paolo, 145Oriani, Alfredo, 37, 38, 72, 73, 78, 109,

141, 152as heir to and interpreter of

Mazzini, 42–7, 72, 117State, conception of, 46

Oriani, Giacomo, 142Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele, 143Orsini, Felice, 134Ossani, Anna T., 134Ozouf, Mona, 24, 130, 132

Paladini, Giannantonio, 178Panunzio, Sergio, 157Papafava, Novello, 148Papini, Giovanni, 58, 109, 146, 147

as interpreter of Mazzini, 58–60, 109

recalls Mazzini-Nietzsche encounter, 8, 125

Parlato, Giuseppe, 154, 156, 170Parmentola, Vittorio, 125, 126, 168Parri, Fedele, 99, 164, 165Parri, Ferruccio, 99, 165Partito d’azione

antifascist, 105–6, 170mazzinian, 34

Pascoli, Giovanni, 144as interpreter of Mazzini, 52–4,

109, 143Pascoli, Maria, 143Patriarca, Silvana, 116, 174, 176Pavone, Claudio, 167, 170, 172Pazé, Valentina, 164Pécout, Giulle, 140Pellico, Silvio, 12, 126people

see Mazzini, Giuseppe

Perfetti, Francesco, 155Perkins, Mary-Anne, 130, 131Perron, Joseph, 131Pertici, Roberto, 156, 160, 173Pesante, Vincenzo, 141Pieri, Piero, 143Piovani, Pietro, 164Pirodda, Giovanni, 134Pisacane, Carlo, 6, 78, 80, 102,

134criticism of Mazzini, 25–6

Pischedda, Carlo, 143Pistone, Sergio, 171Pitocco, Francesco, 128Pius IX (pope), 27, 28, 109, 159plebiscites

see Mazzini, GiuseppePocock, John G. A., 122Poland

Polish nationalism’s influence on Mazzini, 15–16, 128

referred to by Mazzini, 16, 22political religion, 17, 129, 130, 171

see also fascism; nationalismPopolo d’Italia, Il, 72, 73Pozzani, Silvio, 168Prezzolini, Giuseppe, 59, 60, 118, 147Prometheus, 7, 123Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 171Pugliese, Stanislao, 170

Quinet, Edgar, 133

Rabinow, Paul, 122racial theories, 46, 47, 114–15, 142,

175radical, movement, 138Raponi, Nicola, 134Recchia, Stefano, 174Regaldi, Giuseppe, 41, 141religion

see Mazzini, Giuseppereligion of liberty, 94–5, 96, 163,

164, 172Renan, Ernest, 55, 56, 57Répaci, Antonino, 152

204 INDEX

Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), 1, 106, 108, 156, 170

republicRoman (1849), 28, 29, 109, 110, 173,

174see also Mazzini, Giuseppe

republican movement, 59, 61, 95, 108, 117

cult of Mazzini, 71, 117, 130, 164, 176rituals, 108, 129symbols, 108

republican party, 50, 51, 62, 63, 71, 80, 99, 109, 142, 148, 155, 156, 165, 167, 168

republicanismsee Carducci, Giosué; Crispi,

Francesco; Mazzini, GiuseppeResistance, Italian (1943–45), 103,

105, 106, 108, 111, 170revolution

American, 171, 172French, 24, 124, 130, 132, 133, 147,

171, 172see also Mazzini, Giuseppe

Reynaud, Jean, 134Riall, Lucy, 115, 174, 175Ricci, Berto, 156Richter, Mario, 147Ridolfi, Maurizio, 171, 172Ridolfi, Roberto, 147Risorgimento

interpretations of, 96, 100, 101, 102, 103–4, 108, 114, 115, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170

new Risorgimento, invoked by Papini, 59

ritualcivic, 108, 173see also Mazzini, Giuseppe

Roberts, David D., 154, 177Rocco, Alfredo, 78, 154Rome

ancient, 40fascist, 74, 118myth of Third Rome, 33, 38, 65, 73,

147, 149

see also Mazzini, Giuseppe; republicRosmini, Antonio, 87, 160Rosselli, Carlo, 82, 105, 158, 164, 167,

177as interpreter of Mazzini, 6, 98–101,

119Rosselli, family, 99, 167Rosselli, Nello, 2, 82, 98, 139, 158

as interpreter of Mazzini, 99–100, 164, 166, 171

Rossi, Ernesto, 99, 166, 167, 170, 171as interpreter of Mazzini, 101–2,

106Rota, Ettore, 63, 148Roth, Jack J., 146Rouanet, Sérgio P., 146Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 18, 64, 89,

124, 151, 155Ruffini, Francesco, 151Rusconi, Gian Enrico, 116, 172Russo, Luigi, 163

Sabbatucci, Giovanni, 151Saffi, Aurelio, 28, 140Saint-Simonianism

doctrine, 15, 16, 128, 130influence on Mazzini, 15, 16, 22, 24,

27, 64, 89, 94, 128, 134, 148Salandra, Antonio, 72Salvatorelli, Luigi, 3, 168, 169, 170

as interpreter of Mazzini, 103–6, 107, 110, 111, 122, 168, 169, 171

Salvemini, Gaetano, 2, 4, 6, 37, 51, 84, 86, 90, 128, 132, 143, 148, 149, 159, 166

analysis of Mazzini’s thought, 20–1, 51, 56, 64–5, 119, 148

defines it “theocracy,” 64, 66, 105, 110, 119, 158

as interpreter of Mazzini, 60–7, 86, 90, 98, 99, 103, 104, 110, 119, 122, 158, 161, 165, 167

San Marino, republic, 42, 143Santarelli, Enzo, 146, 155Sarti, Roland, 128Sasso, Gennaro, 160

INDEX 205

Savonarola, Girolamo, 12, 27, 126Schiavi, Alessandro, 168Schwartz, Barry, 123Segré Claudio G., 157Sella, Quintino, 103Sereni, Umberto, 154Sestan, Ernesto, 148Shakespeare, William, 123Sidoli, Giuditta, 126Sighele, Scipio, 137Simonini, Augusto, 152Sismondi, Simonde de, 27Slataper, Scipio, 69Smith, Anthony, 130, 132Soave, Francesco, 127socialism, 52, 59, 72, 73, 76, 80, 95,

138, 143, 155critique of Mazzini, 51, 71, 143,

144relationship to fascism, 119see also Mazzini, Giuseppe

Socrates, 7, 12, 123Soddu, Paolo, 166Soffici, Ardengo, 59, 147

as interpreter of Mazzini, 60Solari, Gioele, 96Sonzogno (publishing house), 139Sorel, Georges, 3, 55, 60, 74, 75, 81,

85, 86, 109, 118, 145, 146, 160, 169

as interpreter of Mazzini, 55–8, 109, 146

see also Croce, Benedettosovereignty

see God; Mazzini, GiuseppeSpaventa, Bertrando, 55, 138, 159Spencer, Charles, 46Spinelli, Altiero, 171Spriano, Paolo, 164, 165squadrismo, 91, 92, 152St. Augustine, 7St. Paul, 105Stanislaw, Elie, 128State

Italian, 26, 29, 33, 49, 105, 108, 110, 119, 121, 139, 163

relationship with the Church, 171, 172

relationship with the Church according to Mazzini, 64, 105, 109–10, 113–14, 120, 148, 162

see also Crispi, Francesco; De Ambris, Alceste; Gentile, Giovanni; Mazzini, Giuseppe; Oriani, Alfredo

Stears, Marc, 174Steinberg, Suzanne Stewart, 175Stella, Vittorio, 163Stern, Fritz, 121Sternhell, Zeev, 119, 121, 124, 144,

154, 177Stillman, William J., 135Stirner, Max, 59Stoppino, Mario, 122Susmel, Duilio, 152Susmel, Edoardo, 152symbolic appropriation

see Mazzini, Giuseppesymbols

see Mazzini, GiuseppeSymington, Rodney, 123syndacalism, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 81,

86, 117, 118, 152, 154, 155, 176Sznajder, Mario, 121, 123, 144, 154,

177

Talmon, Jacob, 23, 124, 128Tarquini, Alessandra, 176Tarsi, Maria Chiara, 147Tasca, Angelo, 168Tasso, Torquato, 71Thomas à Kempis, 126Tipton, Steven M., 172Tocqueville, Alexis de, 133Togliatti, Palmiro, 102, 167Tognon, Giuseppe, 163Tommaseo, Niccolò, 12, 16, 88, 126, 173Torre, Augusto, 149totalitarian democracy, 123–4totalitarianism, 113, 116, 130, 171

see also fascismTraniello, Francesco, 164

206 INDEX

Trentin, Silvio, 119, 177Treves, Claudio, 51, 147, 148Treves, Renato, 128Tulard, Jean, 123Turati, Filippo, 99Turi, Gabriele, 160, 170

Unamuno, Miguel de, 147Unione Mazziniana, 176Unità, L’, 65, 85Urbinati, Nadia, 164, 174

Vacca, Giuseppe, 138Vajna, Eugenio, 69, 70, 151Valiani, Leo, 168Ventotene, Manifesto (1944), 171Venturi, Franco, 100, 127, 132, 166Verucci, Guido, 128, 163Vetter, Cesare, 136Vico, Giambattista, 55, 57, 88, 91, 145,

160Victor Emanuel II (king of Italy), 29,

33, 49, 54, 61Victor Emanuel III (king of Italy), 70,

142Vidalenc, Jean, 133Viroli, Maurizio, 172Vivarelli, Roberto, 124, 150, 176Voce, La, journal, 118, 124, 146, 152, 176

Volpe, Gioacchino, 70, 150, 151Vossler, Otto, 126, 146

Walicki, Andrzej, 128war

First world war, 60, 65, 65, 75, 78, 79, 84, 88, 89, 109, 150, 151, 159

Mazzini’s presence in, 69–73, 81–2, 89, 101, 109, 116, 158, 159, 167, 168

Second world war, 1–2, 106, 107, 108, 156

Washington, George, 6, 42, 123Weber, Max, 133Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, 130, 132White, Jessie. See Mario, Jessie

WhiteWillaime, Jean Paul, 172Wistrich, Robert S., 123words

see Mazzini, Giuseppe

Zama, Piero, 142Zanotti-Bianco, Umberto, 66–7, 149,

165, 166Zucàro, Domenico, 170Zuccarini, Oliviero, 167, 168Zunino, Pier Giorgio, 121