North African Workshop

Report on

the Role of Civil Society in African Integration

Azza Khalil Workshop Coordinator A Workshop on the Role of Civil Society in African Integration was held in Cairo on 27-28 February 2004, under the auspices of the Arab African Research Center (AARC), and the Civil Society Center (CSC), Natal University, Durban. This Workshop took place within the Project of the CSC on the Role of Civil Society in African Integration. Three more such Workshops were held in other Countries of Africa. This report includes an introduction and the events of the opening session, then a summary of the preliminary interventions, then the main concepts of the main Paper of Professor Hamdy Abdel-Rahman Hasan (a complete translation into English is enclosed), followed by a summary of the comments on that paper, then a summary of the discussions of the first day of the Seminar. On the second day, the Seminar discussed the proposed Study Program about African Integration, and the comments of the various Participants on that Program.

I

Introduction and Opening Session Thirty Five Participants took part in the Workshop from the Sudan, Mauritania, Tunis, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Ghana and South Africa (a full list is attached – Annex 1). The Participants represented several African Universities, as well as Governmental and Non Governmental Research Centers. Among the participants were Dr. Nasser Gaby from Algiers University, Dr. Arous Az-Zubeir from the Center of Applied Economy for Development in Algiers, Dr. Monsef Wanas from Tunis University, Dr. Mahfouz Al-Beih from the Institute for Arab Research in Cairo, representing Mauritania, Dr. Samiah An-Naqr from Khartoum University, Dr. Mustafa At-Teir from Al-Fateh University Libya and Dr. Samir Amin President of Third World Forum in Dakar. Also present were a number of Researchers from research Institutes, Universities and NGO’s in Egypt. Among these were the Institute for African Research, Cairo University, the Program for Egyptian African Studies, Cairo University, the Faculties of Arts, Information, Economy and Political Sciences, Cairo University. Also present were Professors from Assiut University (Upper Egypt), Zagazig University (Lower Egypt). Also present were Researchers from the Arab League and the African Union in Cairo, the

Institute for Research and African Studies, and the African Society in Cairo, the Arab Organization for Human Rights and the Afro-Asian Peoples’ Solidarity Organization. Also took part in the Workshop, the Researchers from AARC and CSC. The first day was dedicated to the study of the Concept of the Role of Civil Society in African Integration, on the basis of the Paper presented by Dr. Hamdy Hasan, Professor of Political Sciences, Cairo University. This discussion was preceded by the prelimlnary Interventions of some of the Participants who have special experiences of Civil Society and African Integration. Then followed some comments prepared in Advance on the Concepts Paper of Professor Hasan, followed by a free discussion by all Participants. The second day was dedicated to the discussion of the proposed Study Program about African Integration (The Agenda of the Seminar is attached–Annex 2). The first session was presided over by Dr. Samir Amin president of AARC and TWF, and was started by an inaugural address by Mr. Helmy Shaarawi, general manager, AARC, in which he thanked CSC, and Dr. Mamu Mosheh the general coordinator of the project, and the distinguished Researchers from the various African Countries. He then informed the Participants of the apology of Dr. Kamal Abdel-Latif of Mohammed V University of Maghreb, for not attending the Seminar because of serious personal reasons, and his resolve to carry on with the Participants in their effort. Mr. Shaarawi then introduced the Participants to one another, and expressed his delight for the presence of representatives of so many African Academic and Cultural Institutions. He also promised to publish a volume containing the Concepts Paper and all subsequent discussions. Then Dr. Adam Habib, of CSC, presented the second inaugural address, in which he presented the Project for African Integration, relying on civil society organizations. He explained that the Project comprised two prongs, the first was the provision of detailed information about the realities of civil society and African Integration, and the second was the design and implementation of study programs about African Integration, that would involve Students and Professors all over the Continent, and thus lay down the corner stone of the said integration. The third inaugural address was presented by Dr. Muchie who thanked Mr. Shaarawi for the efforts deployed by AARC to bring about the successful convening of the Workshop. He pointed out that, in addition to what Dr. Habib had explained, the Project also aimed at countering the intrigues of Structural Adjustment Programs to marginalize Universities, and funding non governmental research centers only, because Africa does not need, in their opinion, Universities! Thus this Project aims to involve these well funded Non Governmental Research Centers with the Universities. He also stated that the Project aims at forming Researchers of a certain caliber, who have a comprehensive outlook, and are not confined to the limited regional outlook but have a vision of the Continent as a whole.

II

Preliminary Interventions

Intrvention of Dr. Murad Ghaleb Former Ambassador of Egypt to the Congo, and head of the Afro-Asian Peoples’ Solidarity Organization in Cairo. The speaker stressed the need for African Unity, and Integration, and a strong Civil Society. He considered the Popular Liberation Movements that led to the independence in most parts of Africa in the 1960’s to be the result of the activities of civil society, which had the clear aim of independence and development. The present situation is different, with globalization and the hegemonic designs of the super powers over the rest of the World. This hegemony, he maintained, was expressed by the diktats of the International Financial Institutions (IMF, World Bank, WTO), or the US policies. He thought we must differentiate between globalization as the outcome of the industrial and technological revolution, and hegemony which means that the super powers monopolize all the benefits of this revolution. African Peoples’ should oppose this hegemony, but not globalization per se. Thus, it is the duty of African Civil Society to confront this hegemony, and continue the efforts for development. Dr. Ghaleb pointed out that it was easier in the past to take positions against colonialism or with it, but now it is more difficult to decide how to oppose hegemony, and how to make use of the modern technology accessible through the super powers, and how to implement our independence. It is not easy to make such momentous decisions. Further, to oppose hegemony, civil society has to oppose the super powers as well as their allies internally, since most African Governments look upon civil society as an opposition to be broken by security forces, or indirect coercion. Furthermore, civil society institutions act as independent entities, isolated from one another, and from their peoples. However, they have no choice but to go on carrying out their tasks. Intervention of Mr. Ibrahim As-Sawry The Arab League, Cairo Mr. Sawry pointed out that the concepts of civil society and African integration were rather ambiguous and caused much controversy during the last half century. The different interpretations of these concepts were based on the opposition between the interests of the different groups. The two concepts are not organically related, but rather alternate, and they have to be studied in depth. He also pointed out to the scarcity of cases of regional cooperation between the newly independent African States. More emphasis was laid on the creation of a joint political will, rather than on economic cooperation. As far as Arab African Integration is concerned, the economic cooperation between the two sides took mostly the form of Aid, and the binary Donor/Recipient form. It could have been much more effective if it were based on the expansion and development of the

production base. Such a choice was hampered by the organic relationship between the African economies with the World system, which opposes any development policies that try to sever these organic relationships. This led to the weakness of the Arab African trade due to the backwardness of the economies of both sides, the similarity of their respective products, and their lack of infrastructure. Cooperation was hampered by the absence of parity between the two sides, and the preference of bilateral rather than multilateral relations, which meant the absence of the concept of common solidarity. The absence of any joint cultural and information organism meant the mutual ignorance of each others problems. Any financial cooperation is now governed by official financiers rather than economists or politicians, let alone popular or non governmental institutions, which might have favored the creation of a popular cooperation tendency. Mr. Sawry suggested the recourse to a policy of functional integration that is not limited to the economic side alone, but rather the satisfaction of the basic needs, trying to eradicate poverty, ignorance and disease, and achieve social development. Such a policy would remove the causes of conflict, and ensure the security for the peoples. It would be based on democracy in the political arena, and limit the prerogative of the political authorities, and enhance the role of the masses in decision taking. Such a policy will give Civil Society a more comprehensive role in policy making, and make its contribution towards integration a necessary condition for its successful implementation. Intervention of Dr. Samir Amin President of AARC, Cairo, president TWF, Dakar. Dr. Amin pointed out that the neo liberal policies negate democracy, as their application leads to more social and political polarization on a world scale, and between nations, which enhances hegemony. Neo liberalism preaches the denigration of the role of the State, which is a baseless accusation, because the state services are more economical cost wise, and more equitable to the end users, at equal degrees of development (when we compare between Europe and the US, for example). This means the liberal logic is just propaganda that is not based on any scientific reasoning or facts of life. To be able to defend civil society and democracy, we must free ourselves from this propaganda that insists that the State as such cannot be democratic while resisting the expression by the masses of their interests within the framework of the struggle of social forces. Thus, according to this logic, civil society should not try to change the World, as this would be taking part in politics, but should limit itself to the reproduction of the existing system. This means, the condition for acceptance of civil society is its political sterility. Dr. Amin then reviewed the fields of activity of the NGO’s in the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. These include the provision of services (70% of the activities), implementation of development projects (15%), and defense of human rights, defense of cultural rights of minorities and NGO’s representing businessmen (15 %). Dr. Amin then made some general remarks about these NGO’s, saying there was little interest in defense of the environment, and the Gender NGO’s were not strong enough to stand up to the challenges they have to meet. As for the claim that NGO’s generally

address sections of the masses that are ignored by the main social actors (the state, political parties and trade unions), he stressed that such masses are generally treated by these NGO’s as clients who are not even consulted about the nature of the services rendered. He also noted that these NGO’s are not independent, nor do they take a critical attitude towards the local State, or the foreign donors, on whom they rely heavily for financing, and hence they follow closely the agendas set by these donors, and the international agencies (the World Bank, the UNDP and the European Union). Dr. Amin also highlighted the absence of democracy, administrative efficiency and transparency in these NGO’s in common with the absence of these same characteristics in the relevant States and other social and political activities in these Countries. Dr. Amin does not put much hope on the efforts of NGO’s in the field of African integration, and suggests as an alternative reliance on the social and political struggle intent on bringing significant changes to the existing balance of social forces. Such an alternative will be created with the progress of social conflict, and recommends giving priority to the struggles of peasants to improve their living conditions. He also stresses the importance of building a front bringing together the struggles of the workers in the modern sectors of the economy, with the growing numbers of those occupied in the informal sectors. Of course, the fight for real democracy, continues to be the locomotive for any strategy aiming at a real change in the balance of social forces. Finally, Dr. Amin pointed out that the claim that Africa was marginalized in relation to the world system, and that more integration with this system will help solve its problems was untrue. Indeed, the African economy is greatly integrated into the economies of its one time colonizers, and hence into the world economy, but the reasons behind its present problems,are the conditions of that integration. More integration into the world system, much publicized in the neo liberal discourse today, will only exacerbate those problems instead of relieving them. Greater integration will only lead to greater polarization, that will end by creating a system of international apartheid on a world scale. Dr Amin sees the alternative to be the struggle for a new form of Globalization, by giving priority to replacing the “World Business Law” now being imposed by the International Financial Institutions, by the “World Peoples’ Law”. Intervention of Mr. Abdel Ghaffar Shokr Vice president of AARC, Cairo Mr. Shokr pointed out that the importance of the role of Civil Society in the process of integration stems from its independence, participation of the masses in decision taking, encouraging initiatives and institution building, and the reduction of the monopoly of authority through more mass action. He stressed that the fundamental issues for African Integration, should be those issues that enhance the interests of the peoples in opposition to the negative effects of capitalist globalization. There was a need for enhancing the role of the masses in the African Union, and strengthening democracy in African Societies, and encouraging Civil Society to play a development role leading to change.

Mr. Shokr enumerated the possible frameworks for joint popular action for African Integration, which could take the form of integration of similar mass organizations such as an African Peasants’ Union, or be some sort of coordination committees between organizations working in the same field such as the defense of human rights, or the environment or development. Other frameworks for integration could be devised to suit new developments in the world arena, foremost among which is the form of the African Social Forum. Mr. Shokr then went on to enumerate five types of mechanism for African Integration namely the convening of study groups, exchange of data and information, exchange of experiences between the parties concerned, creation of a coordinated joint stand over the pressing issues and organizing joint projects.

III The Conceptual Paper: The Role of Civil Society in African Integration A Conception from the African North Dr. Hamdy Abdel-Rahman Hasan Professor of Political Sciences, Cairo University Professor Hasan began his expose of his paper (the full text is attached) by the problem of the definition of Civil Society both in the Arab World and in Africa. He noted that this concept became in vogue from the 1990’s, for various reasons among which international considerations, and the efforts to restrain the role of the state. He then went on to define civil society in the Arab and African experience as: enjoying relative independence, capacity to take action to defend their interests, not trying to assume state authority and working within rules fixed in advance. In the second section, Professor Hasan went on to expose the development and dialectics of the relationship between the state and civil society. He made an extensive survey of this relationship in Egypt which he subdivided into five periods from its inception in 1821, till its new inception from 1974 onwards. He gave a detailed map of civil society in Egypt, and the relationship between the state and the different types of organizations of civil society. He then went on to describe the development of civil society in another Country of North Africa, Tunisia. He subdivided this development into two stages: the Bourguiba, and the Bin Ali phases. He then proceeded to give an over all view of development problems of civil society in the African North, which he ascribed to the personalization of the regimes, the militarization of politics, bureaucratic constraints, political Islam and economic constraints. He then went on to discuss the relationship between state and civil society in Africa in the colonial, post colonial and post development state phases.

In the third section, Professor Hasan studied the role of civil society in North African Integration. He looked at past experiences of integration, and enumerated the obstacles to integration, such as the absence of democracy, and absence of a common view, the Arab Israeli conflict, and the inter Arab conflicts and wars. He then studied the experience of the attempts at integration in North Africa and the Union of Maghreb States. Then he studied the aims and development of two NGO’s that play a role in Arab Integration, namely the Arab Lawyers’ Union, and the Arab Organization for Human Rights. In the fourth section, Professor Hasan studied the factors to enhance the effectiveness of Civil Society, and the role it can play in the integration process. In the fifth section he expounded a proposed project for post graduate studies about Civil Society and African Integration, giving the proposed curricula for the different levels of Diploma, Master and Doctorate studies. The paper reaches several conclusions among which the need to redefine Civil Society so as to suit African realities, and that the reason for the failure of previous attempts at integration, was the selfishness of the governing elites, and the absence of true democracy. He urged the adoption of the widest concept of civil society in order to promote democracy. He conceives the real role of Civil Society to be raising the consciousness of the importance of self reliance, and the opposition to the neo liberal tendencies, and their negative effects. He also criticized the new integration frameworks in Africa such as the African Union, and the NEPAD, for being imposed from above, and not as the reflection of a genuine African mass movement. He finally stressed that the dissemination of the culture of integration, and civil society in Africa is the means to build an integration minded environment through the coordination of study curricula, and exchange of students and teachers.

IV

Comments on the Conceptual Paper In this section we shall present the comments of the Participants on Professor Hasan’s Paper, arranged by order of countries, starting with Maghreb, and ending with Egypt: Dr. Kamal Abdel-Latif Faculty of Arts, Rabat University, Maghreb (comment prepared in advance) The discussions about the western nature of the concept of civil society are not very fruitful. The concept is not a sacred immutable reality, but a theoretical mechanism to be used to achieve a certain aim, in a given socio historical context. Many African efforts were deployed to adapt this concept to African socio political realities, and thus help develop the concept, and give it a more universal nature. Hence, when we talk about civil society in Africa, then we refer to more democracy, and a greater role for civil

organizations in the transformations of African societies, on the road to promotion of African citizenship. We must be precise when talking about integration, as it may mean exchange of experiences, and coordinating efforts between African civil society organizations acting in certain fields, and hence forming associations of such organizations. In any case, we must conceive integration in new forms different from the past experiences. In this context, it may be said that working for consolidation of African citizenship is the proper means for achieving this aim through the mechanisms and organizations of civil society. Resisting the negative effects of globalization, may be the basis for promoting the slogan: Solidarity in confronting Globalization. Dr. Abdel-Nasser Gaby Institute for Social Sciences, Algiers University, Algeria. The recent experience of the organizations of civil society in Algeria, and the Arab Mghreb, is more closely knit with the middle classes than any other sections of society as far as its discourse and organization is concerned. The special position of these sections to the other sections of society sheds light on the possible roles of such organizations. To shed light on this particularity, let us go back to the recent rise of civil society organizations in Algeria. The socio economic crisis gained prominence in Algeria in the 1980’s, as well as the demographic transformations and values of the youthful generation, and the acute crisis of the political regime, and the rise of dissident voices. In this context, certain wings of the regime tried to exaggerate the problems in order to throw doubts about the political economic choices adopted since independence. These wings tried to influence the regime by giving free reign to the founding of civil society associations, and by relying on the rising social movements. This led to the events of 1988, which in turn, led to the promulgation of the 1989 constitution, which gave more freedom to the founding of associations. Thus civil society organizations appeared in a climate of political turmoil, and were characterized from their inception with little transparency, and a lot of manipulation. In this context, political Islam succeeded in overriding the popular dissident movement, and the youth and the popular masses found themselves in opposition with civil society organizations whose relations with the middle classes were obvious. Thus, the popular masses adopted a reserved attitude towards civil society organizations, or even downright opposition to them. Such organizations, became the mechanism of the middle classes to influence, or politically lobby the new regime, in the turbulent atmosphere of Algeria. These formations reproduced many hierarchic, authoritative, or even clan values, which puts them much nearer to private enterprises, whose values they advocate strongly. The popular masses question the claims of independence made by such organizations in view of their close relations with the state organism, and their adoption of the official view points. In this context, there is little scope for such civil society organizations to develop any dynamic of their own.

Dr. Arous Az-Zubeir Center for Applied Economy for Development, Algiers. The study of Dr. Hasan concentrated on two Countries that have their own specific characteristics, despite their similarities, and this raises some doubts on the methodology of the study of the concept of the African North. When we try to redefine the concept of civil society, we must avoid the claim that civil society is a mechanism which is inseparable from democracy, or that civil society organizations will automatically lead to democratization. Indeed, many authoritarian projects used civil society organizations as their vehicles, and many doubts arise as to the capacity of such organizations to resist authoritarian or exclusion values in the cultures of the societies under study. Thus serious doubts arise as to the defining value of the concept and its use to support visions in contradiction with the basic principles of democracy. The concept is no longer a tool to explain phenomena, but a means to boost the actual social situation as it stands. Dr. Monssef Wannas Tunis University, Tunisia. It would have been more expressive of the geographic and civilization characteristics of the region, had the Researcher used the term “Arab Maghreb”, rather than “African North”. But he seems to have chosen this latter term to be more in line with the subject of the Seminar. On our part, we do not see civil society in the Arab Maghreb as a homogeneous concept, but rather consider the specific nature of each of its constituent Countries. The first postulate to attempt a comparison, is that a weak state leads to stronger civil society, which shows great variety among the Countries of the Arab Maghreb. The State is relatively weak in Mauritania and Libya, and even in Algeria, but stronger to varying degrees in Tunisia and the Maghreb. The question here concerns weakness rather than strength of the state. This means that civil society is in the state of formation and construction rather than consolidation. Indeed, there are problems of recruitment, which hamper the efforts to renew political parties and trade unions. Even the concept itself is not well established in society, which hampers mobilization. Indeed, there is a close relationship between the crisis of the state, its incapacity to renew its forces, the rampant corruption, and its loss of legitimacy and the corresponding crisis of civil society, apparent in its ineffectiveness. Dr. Mostafa At-Tier Al-Fateh University, Libya. The concept of civil society is a product of modernity, although some believe some of its forms existed before the era of modernity. We may say that the rise of the authority of the state entailed the need for civil society, thus we may conclude that wherever there is a state, civil society must be its complement. Further, whenever we mention civil society, we refer to all sorts of collective action in all fields of endeavor.

Modernity in all Arab societies was a product of colonialism, such that we may say that constituents of civil society emerged during colonial rule alongside the previous forms of civil society. The post independent state, however, was not happy with such conditions, and tried to liquidate both modern and traditional forms of civil society, by means of coercion, or banning or domestication. Nevertheless, as part of the international trends in the Arab countries also a multitude of so called non governmental organizations or civil associations has emerged and continue to function, albeit under strict government control. Because of the above situation, civil society had no role in the field of African integration, which led to the existence of a wide gap between the aspirations and the realities of life. All agreements purporting to promote integration between dissimilar political entities, are abandoned once the signing ceremonies are over, and no actions that might benefit the citizens are implemented. But since the situations in all African countries is not necessarily similar to those in the African North, and in view of the progress of globalization, and the strengthening of ties with Europe, it is hoped the role of civil society in the region will be enhanced. Hopefully this will give the intellectuals a more active role in promoting civil society. Dr. Samiah An-Naqr, Khartoum University, Sudan. If we assume that civil society has a political role, then we must expect it to have a role in building and promoting democracy. However, the actual realities in some countries go against this assumption. Here arises the issue of the challenges that political Islam presents to civil society in North Africa. When studying the effects of the development ideologies on the organizations of civil society, we should look at the influence of the world agenda on the gender, or the students movements for example. Thus we raise the issue of developing the action of these movements in order to crystallize a sense of African loyalty, and hopefully include tasks that can add a contribution to African integration. The proposed curriculum on African integration should include the creation of close ties between civil society organizations and the universities, which should be able to disseminate a culture of integration. Similarly, these curricula should have close ties with the media, and the traditional means of communications in rural communities. Mr. Helmy Shaarawi, Director AARC, Egypt. Some theoretical frameworks present civil society organizations as the modern alternative for political forces, mass and social movements, thus excluding the legitimate requirement of society for change, and confrontation within the world system. Indeed, such a concept conforms to the requirement of adjustment with the interests of world capitalism, and goes beyond simple vassalage. According to this adjustment logic, the

state and the popular and political forces, abandon any attempts at change, and simply try to confront the problems the world market creates for them. This logic only led to extreme poverty, and regression back to pre modernity identities and the ills that Africa suffers from today. In the absence of a unifying political vision on the part of the national state, the social actors become ineffective in the new realities, despite all their good intentions, hence, social integration is further hampered. The atmosphere of social fragmentation on state level explains the difficulty of attaining social unity on the local level, let alone integration on the level of the continent. The liberal logic in the pre modernity Arab and African societies, leads to excessive social fragmentation, which means the absolute need for renewing the political vision of the state and its development and social roles at the same time. Such a unified role will again push to the fore the active actors, the intellectuals and the professionals to close ranks in defense of the “state of the unified society” against the rising outer pressure. Thus, the development of groups of intellectuals impregnated with this idea of the state and the unified society becomes an urgent priority. Mrs. Azza Khalil, Researcher at AARC, Cairo. The various definitions of Civil Society consider it to be a homogeneous space notwithstanding the variety of its constituents as regards class, ethnicity or gender, which is unrealistic. Such a postulate masks the reality of imbalance and multiplicity of the active actors within civil society, and hence the various interests of its constituent groups. This may mask any internal struggle within the space. Thus, African Integration has different meanings for actors that have various or even contradicting interests. Hence, for civil society organizations that are dependent on government circles, integration will simply mean a weak state solidarity movement against the pressures of the world system, or the International Financial Institutions .as a means for securing the stability of the status quo. As for business NGO’s, integration will mean the possibility of reaching new markets to compensate for the loss of the markets of Europe and the West in general because of the unequal competition against the super economic powers. For NGO’s nearer the popular masses, integration means wider perspectives for solidarity in defense of the interests of the peoples under attack by the neo liberal policies. It also means solidarity to secure more say by the popular masses marginalized by the authorities, in defense of their interests. We may conclude that unless the social categories whose role is to be enhanced are distinct, and the concept of African integration well defined, and in which context of strategy for development it is to be pursued, any talk about African integration will be just empty chatter, with no real benefit for African societies. Dr. Awatef Abdel Rahman, Faculty of Information, Cairo University, Egypt.

The paper ignored the fact that the Government is heavy handed in its interference in the activities of civil society, either by creating official organizations to undertake its role, such as the National Councils (for women, motherhood and childhood or human rights), or unofficial ones. We should also stress the absence of the culture of civil society at all levels of education, or mass cultural organisms, or the media. Two factors help the state of weakness of civil society in Africa. The first is the authoritarian coercive nature of the national state which aborted all opportunities for the emergence of civil society after independence. The second is the dependence of the governing authorities in Africa on the past colonial powers, and the globalized market forces, which hamper the healthy development of national civil society organizations, and help create pseudo civil organizations, dependent on foreign financing, and hence following the agenda of the donors. When we put as one of the conditions for the definition of civil society, its acceptance of the role of the state, we must be clear about the nature of the present day states in Africa, and the socio economic interests they represent. We note that the adoption of the neo liberal policies has led to the emergence of financial and political mafias that try to monopolize the economy. This led to the weakening of the state in certain regions, and the emergence of armed militias to defend group interests, and which meant the prevalence of chaos and insecurity and violence. We must be clear on which kind of state we are talking, and what we mean when we speak of “A strong state, and strong civil society”, in the context of the prevalence of corruption and dependence of African Governments. Are we looking for a strong state that the state rulers themselves do not seek? Dr. Farag Abdel-Fatah Farag, The Institute for African Research, Cairo University, Egypt. There exist in the African North, Countries rich with the experience of civil society organizations, thus the generalizing from the cases of Egypt and Tunisia only is not justifiable. The Nasserist era in Egypt cannot be categorized as that of a hegemonistic authoritarian state confronting a weak society. After all the state had a national development program in the interests of the whole people, in whose interest all obstacles had to be overcome. Thus, we cannot consider the state authority to have been confronting the workers and peasants. The same argument holds true for the experiments of the national states of Presidents Neyreri. Nkrumah, Secou Toure, and the rest of the fathers of the OAU. The concept of civil society institutions adopted in the paper, raises many problems, for they include institutions that are heterogeneous in goals and nature of activity. They include social service institutions as well as political parties, while including these latter is controversial, and needs more debate.

Dr. Mohammad Ashour Al-Mahdy The Institute for African Research, Cairo University, Egypt. The conditions for the definition of civil society in the conceptual paper are seldom realized together in any African country. One of these conditions may be found in one country, but not in others, or it may exist in a certain country at one phase of its development, but not in subsequent phases. Thus, trying to make comprehensive definitions is, at best, problematic, as civil society in its modern conception, depends on the form taken by its organizations, and the degree of participation, and the degree of democratization in society. Part of the problems confronting the relations between state and civil society, have their roots in the artificial conditions under which many of these African Countries came to being, which resulted in their inability to perform their functions. Such regimes resort to discriminatory treatment of civil society organizations. The central role of civil society organizations in any democratic experience is often exaggerated, especially when tolerance culture is absent. Many civil society organizations suffer from acute centralism, and their leaders are never changed except by death, which reduces their effectiveness in any struggle for democracy. Mr. Mostafa Magdy Al-Gammal, Researcher at AARC, Cairo, Egypt. The Ooganizations of civil society are the arena for political struggle between various political forces, including the state, to gain control of these organizations from within. While the state tries to control any activity that may have political tendencies, the parties in opposition, also try to gain control of society “from below”. Any partial agendas of such organizations cannot present any effective opposition to the center of world capitalism. Similarly, globalization cannot be resisted on the social, economic and cultural levels alone, excluding political resistance. Thus, opposition political parties should not be excluded from the concept of civil society, especially as African political regimes do not practice peaceful alternation of power. The concept of civil society should be wide enough to embrace organizations other than NGO’s. It is to be noted that of late, civil society organizations have tended to rely more on professional functionaries than volunteers, which may be some sort of deviation from the accepted concept of civil society.

V

General Discussions about the Role of Civil Society and African Integration

A rich discussion followed the exposition of the conceptual paper, which covered many related topics. We briefly go through the most notable of these topics in what follows: The particularity of African states and societies, and how this is reflected on civil society. The discussion concentrated on the relation between state and civil society, and hence on the nature of the state, and of civil society in African Countries. Some saw that the problem confronting the study of the nature of state and civil society, lies in the absence of a cohesive social system in African Countries. Before colonization, these Countries had their traditional social structures. Afterwards, the colonizers destroyed these old structures. The post independence states did not revive these traditional structures and so there is still a social vacuum, and so far no alternative has been devised. To further complicate the situation, the absence of a social project is added to this vacuum, as such a project is necessary to decide the nature of the society we are seeking, before defining the role of civil society in attaining that Society. Such a project would include a clear vision of the nature of society and the state, and the relations between them, the type of economic system, the values that govern relations between the members of society, and the social justice to seek. This would lead to the vision of a development strategy for society. It is clear that African societies lack such a strategy, which means the absence of a development agenda or discourse whether on the part of the state, or the political parties, both in power or the opposition, or the activists of civil society. So, the organizations of civil society follow the agendas of the international institutions, only to find out that such agendas do not conform with the real needs of the masses. The masses on their part, try to glean some marginal benefits out of the activities of these organizations, such as attending some training sessions just to be able to receive some transport money! Some participants pointed out that the post independence states in the Arab World and Africa, practice their authoritarian policies against their citizens, while submitting meekly to their past colonizers, or the powers that rule over the world system. Some thought the states in Africa begin to crumble down, because they never developed fully, and concluded that this would lead to more domineering, while others saw that such weakness would increase the need for civil society organizations. One participant noted that the fast rate of urbanization in Africa will lead to the state regaining its strength in the near future. Some participants thought there was no point in comparing the state to civil society, and coming to the conclusion that the state was bad while civil society was good. Indeed, the state is bad, but civil society is bad too for the same reasons. Civil society organizations as they stand today are but the outcome of the state strategy, geared to the interests of the colonialists. What is needed is a new state, and a new civil society. This comparison springs from the false idea, promoted by the USA, that civil society is an entity independent of the forces of society, an idea adopted by some civil society activists. It was also noted that globalization policies further weaken the state, while

many civil society organizations go for less and less common aims. Such organizations can never be expected to play a significant role in African Integration. It was agreed that defining the problems confronting Africa, and hence the topics in need of more study and research, is essential for planning an agenda for research geared to the interests of the peoples of Africa, including integration. Civil Society in African Countries. A topic that commanded the attention of most participants, was a critical over view of the realities of civil society, however disappointing that may be. In this connection, some cast doubts on the ability of many civil society organizations to truly represent African societies. Others thought there were increasing numbers of professionals paid cadres in contrast with the limited number of true representatives of civil society. In Algeria for example, many organizations have no more than a dozen adherents, and cannot join the social fabric of society, while the state manipulates the societal scene to suit its purposes. Some participants warned against confounding all civil society organizations as a homogenous body, since some of them hold conservative viewpoints, or even go against national interests, or fuel ethnic or communal struggles, and thus cannot be considered as civil society organizations. Some said that case studies have shown that some civil society activists lack real civil culture, to the point of ignoring opportunities to strengthen relations with their supposed masses. Thus, participants exposed many of the shortcomings of civil society organizations in their respective countries, among which the lack of democratic practices, where some responsible leaders in such organizations hold to positions of authority for life, or share it only with members of their families. As for the independence of civil society organizations, most of the participants cast doubt on the existence of such independence in African countries. Indeed, there are active interrelations between state and NGO’s, as the former tries to employ the NGO’s to attain its aims, while many civil society activists try to make personal gains through their relations with the state. Again, there is great similarity of discourse between the two, as the NGO’s are active within the margin allowed them by the state, or the international donors, who limit their financing to certain fields of action only. Thus the activities of NGO’s lack true popular initiative. Last, one participans noted that the criticism of NGO’s rarely stems from application of clear scientific standards to their activities, and their effectiveness. African Integration The participants stressed that the colonialist concept of Africa is still prevalent among African intellectuals. This concept tries to distinguish between North Africa, and Africa South of the Sahara, such that mentioning Africa, generally means the latter only. This colonialist concept tried to inculcate certain ideas deeply into African thought, such as the notion that the Arabism of the populations of North Africa negates their inherent

Africanism. Thus we may encounter, in an assembly concerned with African Integration, persons who refer to Arabs and Africans, and who urge the Arabs to approach the Africans etc. In this connection, it was pointed out that the populations of North Africa are essentially African, and that when the Arabs from the Peninsula invaded the North of Africa, it was a fully populated area. Indeed it had been populated for thousands of years, even before the Arab Peninsula itself was populated. Those of the population of North Africa who are of Arab origins make up a small minority, and are localized in well defined regions. The participants stressed that it was essential to get rid of such colonially bred notions for a full blooming of the efforts for African Integration. The Participants thought African Integration passed through two phases, the first was related to National Liberation Movements, with the mobilization of all forces of Society to attain independence and development. The second is the present attempt at Integration. Some Participants thought the first phase was mainly concerned with defense of the newly gained political independence, while the present phase is mainly concerned with economic relations and integration. Others thought that the aim of Integration in both phases is political, but the difference arises from the changing world context, and the changing times. Some thought African Unity in the first phase was conceived in an unfavorable world atmosphere, and hence, it tried to materialize separately from the World System. The present attempt at Integration, however, takes place within the World System, trying to align itself with the neoliberal rules laid down by the System without any attempt at resisting such rules. Some Participants pointed out that Integration was not an aim in itself, but a mechanism to be used in the framework of a given agenda, and here it was essential to see if that agenda was in favor of the poor African citizen, or of world capitalism. To be able to give an adequate answer to this question, the present priorities of African Societies must be clearly defined, and their choices decided. Some participants expressed their dismay that many African NGO’s strive to establish cooperation with parallel organizations in the West, while neglecting their African homologues in neighboring countries. Still more surprising, is the fact that relating such NGO’s in African countries, or networking, is often the result of international or western organizations’ efforts. Some participants noted that cooperation between civil society organizations in an African country and those of a neighboring country, are greatly influenced by the extent of alignment or otherwise of the official foreign policies of the two countries. This casts a shadow on the stability of cooperation of such organizations in the context of the often conflicting policies, between neighboring countries, for short or long periods of time. The problems of national cohesion were noted as obstacles to African integration, while some civil society organizations even adopt attitudes that are contrary even to national cohesion. Similarly, sometimes there are difficulties in joint action between organizations in one country, let alone in different countries.

As for the efforts of the AU to involve civil society organizations in African integration, it was pointed out that the discourse of the AU in this connection, was merely official and theoretical, However, civil society organizations should not ignore this discourse, but help transform it into a practical reality. Proposed Research Projects for the Future The discussion whetted the appetite of the participants to further studies and research about related topics foremost among which were the following:

• In view of the differences between African societies and the West in the origin and vision of the concept of civil society, there was a need for an anthropological and sociological study of African societies in order to create an African concept of civil society. Such study should consider the social system in these societies, and their attitude to citizenship, and their mode of social life.

• A study of the problems of national cohesion, and the relation between state and society in its vision of the evolving concept of citizenship. This study should consider the effect of such problems on the discourse and actions of civil society organizations in this context. Hence, the effect on concepts of African and regional integration.

• Creation of a data base to be supplied by researchers from various African countries. Such a data base would contain information about civil society in the various African countries, to be classified according to countries, and types of activity, and of organization, etc.

• Case studies about the relation between the activities of civil society and African integration in different Countries to reveal the specific nature of such activities, and produce comparative studies on the regional and continental levels. Such studies should cover the relation between state and civil society, political parties and political and democratic practices, alternation of authority, etc.

• Studies on government and non government organizations in the field of African integration, their points of strength or weakness, and the effectiveness of their activities.

VI

The Proposed Project for Post Graduate Degrees on Civil Society and African Integration. Mr. Emran Volodia exposed the main lines of the proposed project, and explained that the program will be designed by the joint effort of academicians from all over the continent. He said the project could start on a limited scale in the short run, then be developed to the full, later. He then proceeded to expose the program for post graduate

studies in Natal University, which started in 1995, and whose graduates so far, number about a hundred from South Africa, and other African countries. He explained that the proposed project is to define the curriculum of a study program on African integration, to be jointly pursued in various African universities. It may later be developed to bring students from different African countries to study together in more than one university, i.e. to have a group of students move together between say, three universities to follow parts of the program in each of them. The project also includes the convening of study workshops for students and tutors where they may discuss their different theses. Training sessions may also be organized in different African capitals. The project may start immediately by the exchange of students between different African universities. Dr. Mammo Muchie explained how to start a new tradition of training of post graduate students in Africa. He then went on to describe the unacceptable situation that most African universities find themselves in at present. Universities lack adequate funding, suffer from a high staff to student ratios, unsatisfactory quality control on curricula and performance and staff development. He said the aim of the project was to create a new African intelligentsia. He added that there was a role for both Arabs and Africans in this endeavor, whose duty was to work together and achieve a common understanding of the problems the African continent is confronted upon. He pointed out that the movement of the students between the different regions of the continent will give them a better understanding of societies and peoples, that will help remove any misunderstandings. He exposed his ambition to establish a serious African university/academy that will take students from all over the continent, who will then graduate and disseminate their knowledge to their peoples. The attempt is to create institutions and an organizational culture/ethos in the concept of existing African universities as well as new ones that generate a new type of graduate with high technical knowledge that is inversely related to seeking high social status and promoting the highest commitment, credibility and probity to service to Africans . There is a need to create knowledgeable Africans that do not use their high education arrogantly to acquire elite entitlements. The formula is “elite in knowledge acquisition, but de-elitised in everything else with a high calling to service to Africa.” This type of new graduate can be fostered if students, staff, curriculum and best practice can be exchanged by mobility and a shared core value and vision that universities and research NGOs by joining into a strategic partnership. The hope is that by creating such knowledge and training integration, the strategy of joint study will impart to the students a comprehensive vision free from the narrow minded single country outlook. He believed this education project will build common trust, and thus help contribute to deepen and broaden African integration. This, he believed, was a possible task, if not an easy one. Universities and research NGOs can jointly undertake, to begin with, by running continental post -graduate programmes and even continental Phd seminars by bringing together existing universities. In the course of time, it is possible to create an African university/academy that has continental scale and scope in both research and training..

He said the negative attitude of some African regimes should not deter us from proceeding with our work and creating the institutions that will help achieve our goals. We had, he thought, to blaze the trail, set new traditions, and continue our advance on the education front, solving the problems as they arise. We shall hold an olive branch to our governments declaring we are here to solve problems, and respond to the needs of the people. This project will thus set a standard for meeting the needs of the people and, at the same time, create the educated elite in the substantive sense of awareness and social responsibility to the people and Africa. The expectation is that such a service orientated educated elite will be happy to promote the values of democracy and citizen participation, and help fulfill the needs and concerns of ordinary people rather than using education to aspire to be the masters of the people. Here there is a need to create generic core curricular that all graduates who join this continental initiative must take. This curriculum must inculcate Pan-African values, service and credibility of commitment to the people and Africa. The General Discussion The participants agreed to adopt the request of the organizers of the workshop to limit their interventions to the elements and suggestions that would help develop the project when added to other such suggestions from other regions, and submitted to the General Conference to be held in August 2004 in Maputo, Mozambique. The elements of the discussion are: the obstacles to the project, other similar experiments in Africa and the world, and suggestions corresponding to the local conditions in the countries of the participants. Obstacles to the Project Some participants noted the absence of a strategy common to African countries including for higher education, as well as absence of democracy, and cooperation between them. This leaves such cooperation to the whims of rulers that may change for no obvious reasons. The absence of democracy also means the lack of independence of African universities with respect to their rulers, hence obstacles to integration initiatives between universities in different countries. Some noted the low quality of education both in the under, or post graduate stages, due to the state relinquishing its responsibilities in this field. The state is incapable or unwilling to finance education in all stages, and this is reflected in the poor standard of post graduate students. This is not conducive to prepare post graduate studies that will lead to a new African way of thinking. Some also thought the deterioration of the social value of science, and of universities, reduces the role any new intelligentsia, if formed, could play in society. The deterioration of education led to the problem of the hemorrhage of brains from which all African countries suffer. The best African elements are attracted to the West where better opportunities for study and research exist. It was noted that all the African research centers in the USA rely on expatriate African experts, and keep attracting

more of them all the time. This makes it more difficult to develop education and research capabilities in Africa. Some participants mentioned the prevalence of local modes of thinking lately in African countries, and hence local development is taking precedence over the concept of integration in the minds of academicians. Some thought this amounted to some sort of scientific chauvinism that may even drive to chauvinism for one’s city. The weakness or absence of communication channels between universities or independent research centers is another obstacle to interaction between African researchers of even of similar ideological mentalities. Many participants stressed the plurality of languages as a big obstacle to the project. Some countries of Arab North Africa use Arabic as a teaching language, while some others use French. Students from these countries will have to follow a course of the English language to be able to follow studies in South Africa, for example. The language problem also stands as an obstacle to students from the different regions being able to follow each others works and publications. There is a need to develop language programmes to surmount this obstacle including the teaching of languages. Despite all the above major obstacles to the development of a continental post graduate program of studies about African integration, the participants thought such a program was an important step on the road of African integration, and should not be abandoned, but the steps should be pursued after deep consideration, and gradually, but to be developed as the project moves onward. Various experiences on the African and world level The participants pointed out to some similar projects on a world scale, most notable among which was the Latin American University which was founded 35 years ago, and now plays an important role in reshaping a new vision of the world system from a Latin American point of view. In actual fact the Latin American integration started with a confederation of universities rather than states in 1948!. A similar experience in Africa, is that of the Council for Development of Social Research in Africa (CODESREA), which was founded in Senegal thirty years ago. The participants also noted the case of the Arab Society for Social Sciences which conducts a summer training session which groups post graduate students from all Arab countries, to discuss the plans of their respective theses. The Center for Arab Studies and Research of the Arab League was also sited, most of whose students come from Africa. Other such institutes include the Institute for Afro Asian Studies in Khartoum, the Institute for African Studies in Maghreb, the Institute for African Studies in the Shaty area in Libya and the Adrar University in Algiers which welcomes African students. In Egypt, one such experience is that of the Center for Studies of the African Future, which holds training sessions for African students resident in Egypt. The second such experience was that of the Program for African Studies in the Faculty of Economy and

Social Sciences of Cairo University, which convenes training sessions, and strives to attract African students for enrolment in Cairo University. The same faculty holds another program on Civil Society, which could be developed to include the subject of Civil Society and African Integration. In this context, the case of AARC was cited, which strives to introduce African researchers to the academic circles in Egypt. The Center also tries to bring together academicians, and elements of the cultural milieu, and of civil society, to establish a scientific tradition of socially oriented studies, from an Arab and African point of view, that may develop to encompass the interests and problems of the developing world as a whole. Another experience cited was that of the Institute for African Studies and Research of Cairo University, which conducts post graduate tuition only. The curricula of the Institute include African Integration, African Economic Relations and African Regional Associations. Suggestions and Recommendations The participants recognized that what was feasible must, by necessity, be a function of available human and financial resources. Yet they thought giving full reign to their aspirations, would be an incentive for initiatives, and even for mobilization of resources. It was agreed that practical steps should be taken in accordance with present resources, to ensure their feasibility. The following recommendations were agreed upon:

• To start immediately to create a network of African Studies on single country and continental levels, aiming to establish a data base for scientific studies in Africa. This network will comprise communication centers in the various African capitals,that will collect information about centers of research, their products in the various fields of study, and the education systems in each country. It is recommended to create a page on the internet for this network to make its data base accessible to post graduate students and researchers.

• To start a project for a review of the curricula and studies of African Universities, to assess any contents that exhibit animosity to the concept of integration, or are too nationally centered, or chauvinistic. Such a project will lend credibility to an integration oriented study program, in contrast with just adding a new study program to others that are clearly contradictory.

• Establish a mutual translation project, that will make the works of influential African thinkers available in the various African languages, and to students all over the continent. Such a project will help establish an African concept of Africa to replace the vision based on Western points of view. Such direct approach to African works will enrich the process of interaction and promote self confidence among African intellectuals.

• The proposed program of study should include the study of certain languages commonly used in African countries, such as Arabic, French, English and Swahili.

• Study of previous experiments of joint education on an African and/ or world level so as to assess strong and weak points, and act accordingly

• To recommend that African Universities send their graduates for post graduate studies to African Universities, as well as Western Universities.

• To undertake a study of education legislation in the different African countries, to find out any discrepancies between them. This study should also assess the relative merits of the different universities in various fields, and the possibility of accepting joint programs of study, and the official institutions in charge of such agreements.

• To establish a multi language periodical that will promulgate all serious studies and research from the various African countries.

• To concentrate on the humanities and the social studies, as these will promote interaction between students from similar, and also dissimilar, social backgrounds, and help cultural exchange.

• To deploy strong efforts to attract back the migrant African brains from the West and especially the USA, and at least urge them to participate in the joint African programs. This will mean putting such qualified Africans to good use, and helping enrich these programs.