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The Dead Sea Scrolls Part 2

Nonbiblical Manuscrzpts by Michael Wise

f all the manuscripts found in the caves near Qumran, the vast majority are of nonbiblical texts. (For a survey of the biblical manuscripts and the archaeology of the area, see

the first part of this article in the September 1986 issue of BA.) Although it is impossible to consider all of the nonbiblical documents here, I shall discuss the content of the more important ones in order to highlight their signif-

icance for the history of Palestine and Syria. In doing this I shall note principal scholarly works, so that the interested reader can go further.

The nonbiblical manuscripts at Qumran basically fall into the following categories: the major (that is, lengthy) texts, the pesharim, the Pseudepigrapha and Apocrypha, the targumim, liturgical texts and phylacteries, zodiacal documents, and Greek texts.

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228 BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1986

The Major Texts The Damascus Covenant. The Damascus Covenant, once referred to as the Zadokite Fragments, is a work that was found in the Cairo genizah by Solomon Schechter about eighty years ago. Because fragments of the work have since been identified among the Dead Sea Scrolls from caves 4 (Milik 1959a: 38-39, 151-52; 1966: 105; 1972: 135-36), 5 (Milik 1962: 181), and 6 (Baillet 1962: 128-31), it is appropriate to include it in the discussion here.'

The document found by Schechter consists of three fragments, representing two versions or recensions, which he designated A and B.2 The two fragments of A correspond to two very different portions of the document-conventionally called the Admonition and the Laws. Basically, the Admonition encompasses so-called historical summaries and the establishment of a new covenant community, while the Laws consist of halakic regulations for a communal life lived out in "camps." Of particular interest are the mentions of a "teacher of righteousness," a "spouter of lies," and an "interpreter of the law," along with the messiah(s) of Israel and Aaron.3

Prior to the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, scholars focused on trying to identify the Jewish sect that might have produced this document, generally prose- cuted by halakic comparison with other, better-known "sects" (for example, Ginzberg 1970). Since the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, halakic studies have continued (Rosso-Ubigli 1978) but the emphasis has been on the use of the Damascus Covenant to explicate, if possible, the history of the Qumran community. The work of Stege- mann (1971) and that of Murphy-O'Connor (1970, 1971a, 1971b, 1971c, 1972a, 1972b) represent two basic but very different approaches. These and other scholarly works on the Damascus Covenant are helpfully reviewed by Bardtke (1974a) and Davies (1983: 1-47). The Discipline Scroll. A document that is often com- pared with the Damascus Covenant, particularly in terms of halakah, is the Discipline Scroll (1QS), also known as the Manual of Discipline (editio princeps -Burrows and others 1951). In addition to the text from cave 1, fragmentary texts are also known from other caves, primarily cave 4, which differ from the principal text, sometimes pro- foundly (Milik 1960a). The Discipline Scroll is an enig-

Artist's reconstruction of the settlement at Qumran during periods Ib and II. The scene is viewed from the east, looking toward the west. Caves, some of which contained scrolls, are situated in the surrounding cliffs of this dramatic landscape. The drawing is based on an illustration from New Bible Atlas (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale, 1985), which used a model of Khirbet Qumran at the Pittsburgh Theological Seminary as its guide.

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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1986 229

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ITvo columns from the Discipline Scroll, also known as the Manual of Discipline. This scroll contains a description of the initiation ceremony for members joining the community liturgical instructions, an account of the origin and manifestation of the "two spirits" of truth and falsehood, individual and communal rules, and a long poetic praise to God. Photograph courtesy of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums.

matic text whose present form is the result of a process of editing and redaction, such that distinct literary units can be isolated. The eleven columns can be roughly divided as follows: columns 1 and 2, promises by the initiants and liturgical instructions; columns 3 and 4, the origin and manifestations of the "two spirits" of truth and falsehood; columns 5 through 8, individual and communal regulations including directives to the maskil;4 and columns 9 through 11, a long poetic praise to God.

There are a number of difficulties with the text, since we lack the historical and sociological context to under- stand many of the references. In addition to this, the paleography and the rough Hebrew syntax combine to make very different translations possible. Emendations have been widely proposed-for example, the standard study by P. Wernberg-Moller (1957) proposes 63 emendations?

In addition to the principal text, two so-called appen- dices have been discovered. The first, known as the Messianic Rule (1QSa) is two columns long and deals with the "last days" (Barth61emy 1955a). Its actual connection with the principal text is unclear, for although it apparently originally belonged to the same scroll from cave 1, it was written by another scribe and differs both in concept and terminology. It discusses the education of children raised in the community, the stages of progression within the community according to age and ability, and procedures for the communal meal presided over by priests and the "messiah of Israel." The second appendix has been called the Rule of Benediction (1QSb) and is very poorly preserved (Milik 1955: 118-29). It consists of several blessings pronounced by the maskil over the community, the priests, and the prince. Like the Mes-


sianic Rule it seems to have a very definite eschatological setting. Jacob Licht (1965) has dealt with all three texts in his standard study; in addition to this work and that of Wernberg-Moller, the following are especially noteworthy: Murphy-O'Connor (1969), Pouilly (1976), Talmon (1960), and, for a review of scholarship, Bardtke (1974b). The War Scroll. The text known as the War Scroll (1QM) was first fully published by Eliezer L. Sukenik (1954). A year later a new edition with an English introduction appeared; this included a newly identified fragment6 from cave 1 (Sukenik 1955). The scroll consists of 19 columns; all are badly deteriorated. It was originally somewhat longer, although there is no way to gauge just how much longer. The purpose of the scroll seems to have been the provi- sion of a manual to guide the Sons of Light in the final eschatological war, in which they would face, and even- tually vanquish, the Sons of Darkness. The text is, however, essentially a theological, not military, composition.

Among the topics discussed are preliminary prepara- tions for the war; rules for the sounding and inscription of trumpets used to guide the course of the battle; the dimensions and inscriptions of shields and standards used; the battle array, including who may and may not participate in the conflict; the role of the priests and Levites; and the ebb and flow of the final battle against the Kittim (probably the Romans).

The weapons and tactics employed suggest Roman, rather than Greek, military strategy, thus enabling the dating of the text to be narrowed to the later decades of the first century B.C. (Yadin 1962: 114-97). Literary analysis further suggests that the text as we now have it is considerably expanded and reworked, perhaps utilizing

Rimon Armaly

From the War Scroll: The Priests shall afterwards sound for them the trumpets of the Reminder, and the gates of war shall open; the foot- soldiers shall advance and the columns shall station themselves between the formations. The Priests shall sound for them the signal, "Battle Array;' and at the sound of the trumpets the columns [shall deploy] until every man is in his place. The Priests shall then sound a second signal [for them to advance], and when they are within throwing distance of the formation of the Kittim, each man shall seize his weapon of war. All excerpts are from The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, by Geza Vermbs (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1962).

as its "kernel" a work based on Daniel 11:40-12:3 (van der Ploeg 1959: 11-22). This literary hypothesis is supported by the discovery of fragments of six exemplars of this work in cave 4 (Baillet 1982: 12-68). These documents provide evidence of various recessions of portions of the War Scroll, some differing rather markedly from the manuscript from cave 1, as well as evidence of other texts related to the scroll (Baillet 1982: 69-72). The most detailed commentary on the War Scroll is that of Jean Carmignac (1958), which should be consulted along with Davies (1977), Jongeling (1962), and the works of Yadin (1962) and van der Ploeg (1959). The Hymns. The composition known as the Hymns or 1Q Hodayot consists of 18 partial columns and 66 num- bered fragments, as published in the editio princeps (Sukenik 1954). Subsequently, two additional fragments have been identified (Milik 1955: 136-38). The fact that none of the columns is complete has led to differing divisions of the text and, consequently, differing reckonings as to the number of hymns it contains. The situation is further complicated by five manuscripts from cave 4; these fill in lacunae in the manuscript from cave 1 but also show the order of hymns to have been variable. The copies of the text date from the first century A.D.

All the hymns or psalms begin "I thank Thee, Lord" or "Blessed Art Thou, O Lord," and many thus fit the type known to form-critics as the psalms of individual thanksgiving. Deviations from the biblical models, however, are sufficiently significant to make the genre of these compositions a moot point in the scholarship on the Dead Sea Scrolls. Also debated is the question of the identity of the author(s), and whether this question can legitimately be asked of the texts. Bound up with this matter is the question of what function the writings served within the community that produced or employed them (Dombkowski- Hopkins 1981). Another interesting aspect of the hymns is their midway position between the psalmic literature of the Old Testament and New Testament. One recent dissertation has concerned itself with a study of some of the prosodic techniques employed by the hymns (Kittel 1981). The fullest commentaries on the hymns include

Licht (1957), Holm-Nielsen (1961), Wallenstein (1980), and Mansoor (1961). For a review of recent scholarship see Bardtke 1975. The Thmple Scroll. The most recently published of the major Dead Sea Scrolls is known as the Temple Scroll (11Q Temple; also 11Q Torah). It was acquired in 1967 by Yigael Yadin and published ten years later in a three- volume work in modern Hebrew (Yadin 1977). The scroll has provoked immense interest, which is certain to broaden now that the updated English version of the editio princeps has made the work accessible to wider audiences (Yadin 1983).

Sixty-seven columns, in varying degrees of fragmen- tation, are comprised by the 19 parchment sheets. The scroll is 28 feet when unwound-making it the longest of the Dead Sea Scrolls. A study of the writing indicates that two scribes labored to produce our copy. The organizing principle(s) of the scroll is still debated, but perhaps it is an amalgam of biblical and extrabiblical ordinances and descriptions concerned with a temple, its services, and its festivals. Where biblical materials are used, the work is broadly (but only broadly) patterned after Exodus and Deuteronomy, to give some order to the progression of thought. Thus, after a lost beginning, the first well- preserved columns describe the temple building with its key installations. From there it proceeds to detail various festivals, sacrifices and procedures, the temple court- yards, and laws of impurity, finishing in columns 51 on with nonsequential extracts from the Deuteronomic Code (Deuteronomy 12-26). Among the most striking literary features of the scroll is its change of biblical quotations attributed to Moses from third to first person. This, of course, has the effect of making Moses seem to be at once the author and addressee of the text. In addition, scriptural portions may be conflated, emended, or glossed. One reason for the selective use of the Old Testament may be the establishment of certain halakot, in which respect the contents of the scroll diverge both materially and methodologically from traditions known through rabbinic literature.

Based on language, content, and the paleography of


Rimon Armaly

other known exemplars of the Temple Scroll, Yadin suggested a date of about 135 B.c. for its composition.

Scholarship to date may be conveniently organized around five basic concerns regarding this text. The first is an attempt to reconstruct lost portions or to provide corrections to Yadin's early readings (Mink 1983; Qimron 1978a, 1981, 1983). Related to this are the literary-critical approaches (Wilson and Wills 1982). A second major concern has been the use of the Old Testament (Brin 1980). Another concern has been with linguistic and lexical questions (Brin 1979; Qimron 1978b, 1980). Fourth, interest has been directed to the historical character and provenance of the Temple Scroll (Levine 1978; Mendels 1978-1979; Laperrousaz 1981). And, finally, the halakic contents of the scroll have provided a wealth of material, stimulating a number of studies (Milgrom 1978; Falk 1979), most attempting to use the material to debate the

The Copper Scroll. Perhaps no Dead Sea Scroll has occasioned greater difficulties in reading and interpretation than the Copper Scroll (3Q15-major editions: Milik 1960b; Milik, de Vaux, and Baker 1962; Allegro 1960). This is the only text that was inscribed on copper, and unlike all but a few it was written in early Mishnaic Hebrew rather than in the archaizing Late Biblical Hebrew common to the majority of the scrolls.

Basically, the twelve columns consist of a series of topographic descriptions or toponyms, often followed by the instruction to dig a specified depth. Then follows a specified weight or amount of money, precious vessels, or the like. At first glance the amounts seem incredible.8 Various interpretations of this document about buried treasure include Milik's thesis that it represents a "folk- loristic treasure trove" that is not to be attributed to the Qumran community. Rather, it was only coincidentally

From the Commentary of Habakkuk (1:6a): For behold, I rouse the Chaldeans, that [bitter and hasty] nation.

Interpreted, this concerns the Kittim [who are] quick and valiant in war, causing many to perish. [All the world shall fall] under the dominion of the Kittim, and the [wicked.. .] they shall not believe in the laws of [God...]

sectarian connections of the Temple Scroll. Although some maintain that the text is either nonsectarian or derives from circles different from the majority of the other Dead Sea Scrolls (for example Schiffman 1980, especially 154), most scholars thus far believe that the Temple Scroll is in fact sectarian and probably Essenic (Yadin 1981; Lehmann 1978; Wacholder 1983).

In addition to Yadin's English translation, the reader should be aware of translations in German (Maier 1978), French (Caquot 1978), and Spanish (Garcia 1977), especially for comparison of difficult passages. The New Jerusalem TIxt. A text that is perhaps akin to the Temple Scroll, though not major, may conveniently be brought into the discussion here. This is the Aramaic text known as the New Jerusalem, attested by copies from caves 1 (perhaps 1Q32), 2 (2Q24), 4, 5, and 11, with copies from the last two having been the most extensively published (Milik 1962: 184-937; Jongeling 1970a, 1970b). The contents are of a vision in which the author is shown various buildings, streets, and gates, in each case giving measurements both in cubits and reeds. The description is very schematic, and many measurements are unrealis- tically large. Evidently inspired by Ezekiel 48:16-17, the city described is 5,000 square cubits (Licht 1979). Al- though both the New Jerusalem text and the Temple Scroll deal with idealized (perhaps eschatological) situa- tions, there is virtually no overlap.

found along with the materials of that group in cave 3, being removed somewhat from the other deposits of that cave (Milik 1959b). This implies, of course, two indepen- dent deposits (Milik, de Vaux, and Baker 1962: 201); the Copper Scroll belonged to the second, around A.D. 100. This position has gained significant support (for example, de Vaux 1973: 102, 108-09). Others believe the contents described in the scroll are of an actual treasure, probably associated with the Jerusalem Temple-but even those who agree on this dispute the dating (Allegro holds to A.D. 66-70 [1964: 14]; Lurie dates the work around A.D. 132-135 [1963: throughout]). Apart from this question, there are major problems in merely reading the letters of the apparently error-filled document, which, however deciphered, also seems to contain many new Hebrew terms and unknown toponyms (Sarfati 1971; Lehmann 1962, 1964; Greenfield 1969: 135-41; Pixner 1983). The Copper Scroll occupies a central position in the question of who wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls (Rengstorf 1960: 28; Golb 1980, 1985; Wise 1986: 148 and 151, note 7).

Pesharim Among the most fascinating of the Hebrew texts discovered in the caves are those known as the pesharim. These are usually grouped into two categories- thematic and continuous. Thematic pesharim are made up of portions of the Bible with interpretive comments and are


Rimon Armaly

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organized around a central theme or idea. Continuous pesharim comment in a series on biblical verses or possibly entire books, usually the Old Testament prophets, but sometimes on significant so-called prophetic psalms. At least fifteen, perhaps eighteen, texts belonging to this latter category have been identified. Continuous pesharim. Continuous pesharim purport to be mysterious explications of truth from Scripture, a truth revealed by God only to the author and his group. These commentaries are unconcerned with the literal sense of the text, instead using metaphor, paronomasia, and development of key words or phrases to unmask the hidden significance of a given biblical portion. The most complete of these pesharim is the commentary on Habak- kuk (1QpHab; editio princeps - Burrows and others 1950: 19-21, plates 55-61). This preserves thirteen almost complete columns, providing the text of Habakkuk 1-2 along with commentary. Interestingly, chapter 3 was apparently never included. Important studies include those of Elliger 1953, Silberman 1961, and Brownlee 1979.

Also quite complete is the pesher known as 4Q171, which preserves the text of Psalms 37:7-40, 45:1-2, and possibly 60:8-9 (Allegro 1968: 42-50)? Psalm 37 is a psalm of personal tribulation, offering the righteous hope in spite of the evident prosperity of the wicked. The author of the pesher has interpreted the psalm in terms of

the sect's enemies and eschatological justification (Pardee 1973; Stegemann 1963, 1967).

From a historical vantage point the pesher on Nahum 4Q169 (Allegro 1968: 37-42) may be the most prominent of the pesharim. The author, though mixing historical and eschatological descriptions, mentions a "Demetrius, King of Greece," and refers to a Jewish ruler who crucified great numbers of his opponents. Something of this may be preserved in the writings of Josephus, leading some scholars to identify Demetrius as Demetrius III Eucaerus (95-88 B.c.) and the Jewish ruler as Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 B.C.). Key studies include Dupont-Sommer 1963, Yadin 1971, and Rabinowitz 1978.

Other fragmentary pesher commentaries are known on Micah (Milik 1955: 77-80), Zephaniah (Milik 1955: 80), Isaiah (Baillet 1962: 95-96; Allegro 1968: 11-32), and certain Psalms (Milik 1955: 81-82; Allegro 1968: 51-53). Maurya Horgan (1979) has provided an excellent guide to the continuous pesharim as a whole. Thematic pesharim. Of the thematic pesharim, perhaps none has aroused more profound interest than the text known as 11Q Melchizedek (11Q Melch), first published by van der Woude (1965) and recently reedited by Kobelski (Kobelski 1981: 3-23). Fourteen fragments preserve the remains of three columns. This manuscript comments on isolated Old Testament texts, in particular Leviticus


25:9, 10, 13; Deuteronomy 15:2; and Isaiah 61:1. The events connected with these biblical texts are portrayed as taking place in "the end days," which is further identified as the "tenth Jubilee." According to the text, Melchizedek will free those who belong to his "inheritance" and (if suggested restorations are followed) "atone for their iniquities." He will further exact God's vengeance upon Belial and those of his "lot." The text presents a conception of Melchizedek that is, from our perspective, approximately contemporary with that of Hebrews 7, connecting him with divine judgment, a day of atonement, and a primary role among God's angels. Also of interest is Melchizedek's possible identification with the "herald" of Isaiah 52:7. This identification would represent a combination of Old Testament figures and motifs in a single person somewhat parallel to the way Jesus is characterized by the New Testament (Fitzmyer 1967).

J. T. Milik, in a close analysis of this text, has suggested that 11Q Melchizedek should be combined with two very fragmentary thematic pesharim (known as 4Q180 and 4Q181) to make up a pesher that originally divided the entire history of Israel into ten Jubilee periods (Milik 1972: 112). Though engaging, structural considera- tions render this suggestion unlikely (Dimant 1979). For further consideration of the conceptual relationship of 11Q Melchizedek to the New Testament, see van der Woude and de Jonge 1966; to help set the document within the larger context of traditions about this figure, see Horton 1976.

Three additional thematic pesharim should be noted. The first of these is known as 4Q Ordinances (4Q159; Allegro 1968: 6-9, plate 2). This pesher is halakic in nature and quite revealing in terms of biblical interpretation. The author interprets Exodus 30:11-16 (the tradi- tional basis for the annual Temple tax required of all male Jews) as referring only to a onetime payment. Leviticus 25:39-46, which prohibits the purchase of fellow Israel- ites as slaves, is here understood to ban also the sale of a Jew to Gentiles. For further details, see Weinert 1974 and Liver 1963.

The second thematic pesher is 4Q Florilegium (4Q174; Allegro 1968: 53-57, plates 19, 20). Here 4 large fragments have been joined to form 2 columns, leaving 23 extra, unjoined sections. The author combines quotations from 2 Samuel 7:10-14, Exodus 15: 17-18, Amos 9:11, Psalms 1:1, Isaiah 8:11, Ezekiel 37:23 (uncertain), and Psalms 2:1 with interpretive comments. All of these verses are related to the "end of days," when God will order that a new "temple of man" be built. Therein, men will perform sacrifices and the "deeds of the Torah," free from outside harassment or impurity. Prominent in the text are references to the "shoot of David" and the "interpreter of the Law," terms familiar from other Qumran texts.10 Important studies include Yadin (1959), Flusser (1959), and most recently Brooke (1985).

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The interior of a phylactery (one of the two leather boxes, containing slips inscribed with scriptural passages, that are worn on the head and left arm during periods of prayer) from Qumran. Photograph is from Yigael Yadin's Tefillin from Qumran XQ Phyl 1-4 and is used courtesy of The Israel Exploration Society

The third thematic pesher, 4Q Testimonia (4Q175; Allegro 1968: 57-60, plate 21) has furnished many scholars with the basic substance of Qumran messianic expec- tation. The text is a catena of quotations from Deuteron- omy 5:28-29, 18:18-19, Numbers 24:15-17, Deuteron- omy 33:8-11, Joshua 6:26, and an extrabiblical document known as 4Q Psalms of Joshua. These are arranged in the body of the text into four groups, each set off by a scribal device. One reason this text is important is because it furnishes evidence for the existence, long posited, of testimonia or florilegia in pre-Christian Judaism (Fitz- myer 1957).

Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha Included among the Dead Sea Scrolls are manuscripts of nonbiblical books that were known before the discoveries at the caves and which are part of the collections called the Apocrypha and the Pseudepigrapha. Apocry- phal books attested at Qumran include Tobit11 and Ecclesiasticus (also known as Sirach). Pseudepigraphal


From the Genesis Apocryphon (on the miraculous birth of Noah): My heart was then greatly troubled within me, and when Bathenosh my wife saw that my countenance had changed... Then she mastered her anger and spoke to me saying "O my lord, O my [brother, remember] my pleasure! I swear to you by the Holy Great One, the King of [the heavens]... that this seed is yours and that [this] conception is from you. This fruit was planted by you..,. and by no stranger or Watcher or Son of Heaven.

works include the Testament of Levi (in Aramaic), a portion of the Testament of Naphtali (in Hebrew), Enoch, and Jubilees. Jubilees seems to have been popular, to judge by the manuscripts thus far identified. Portions of Jubi- lees have been discovered in caves 2, 3 (Deichgriiber 1965), 4 (Milik 1966: 104), and 11 (van der Woude 1971; Milik 1973). Not surprisingly, previously unknown texts that can now be classified as pseudepigraphic were also un- earthed. Among these are the Psalms of Joshua mentioned above and a Daniel cycle. Enoch. In 1976 Milik published his long-awaited book on the fragments of Enoch, which were discovered in cave 4 (Milik 1976). The book contains most, but not all,12 of the Aramaic texts forming parts of different sections from 1 Enoch. Thus it includes 7 fragmentary manuscripts (4Q Ena-g) that preserve among them parts of the Book of Watchers, the Book of Dreams, and the Epistle of Enoch. Also in the book are 4 other manuscripts (4Q Enastra-d) that point to a vastly expanded recension of what is known in 1 Enoch as the Astronomical Book. Additional- ly, portions of a literature clearly related to 1 Enoch, but previously unknown, are included under the title the Book of Giants (4Q En Giantsa-e). Significant by its absence is the so-called Book of Parables, which uses the term "Son of Man," an important self-designation of Jesus. If, as Milik argues from its absence, this portion of 1 Enoch dates from Christian times, the use of this term in the Book of Parables can have had no influence on Jesus' messianic conception.

Although the amount of text included in the impressive-sounding list of manuscripts is disappoint- ingly small, it is still of significance for the study of the type of Aramaic used in Palestine at this period, the development of Enoch literature, and the understanding of ancient epistolography (Fitzmyer 1977). If the paleographic dating of at least one Enoch manuscript to the third century A.D. is correct, it shows an unexpected dimension of Judaism at such an early period-interest in such matters as cosmology and astronomy. Another application possible with the publication of the Enoch fragments is an assessment of the character of that book's Greek translation. Preliminary work in this area has been pursued by Barr (1978, 1979). The student will want to consult the work of Sokoloff (1979) as an adjunct to the

defective glossary of Aramaic words contained in Milik's publication. Genesis Apocryphon. One of the apocryphal texts that surfaced among the Dead Sea Scrolls was the otherwise unknown Genesis Apocryphon (Avigad and Yadin 1956; for another portion see Milik 1955: 86-87). Dated around the turn of the eras, it presents the patriarchs of Genesis telling their own stories. In this it is closely dependent on the biblical stories, with frequent expansions either derived from unknown nonbiblical sources or from imagination. Columns 2 through 5 originally concerned the birth of Noah; 6 through 17 dealt with the flood and the postdiluvian division of the earth among Noah's sons; 18 through 22, where the text breaks off, spoke of Abram according to Genesis 11 through 15.

Most scholars regard the Genesis Apocryphon as a midrashic composition, while recognizing features more akin to the known targumim (Vermhs 1961: 67-126; Lehmann 1959). It is thus related to intertestamental works such as Jubilees. The primary importance of the text lies perhaps in its language (Kutscher 1958). As one of the longest Aramaic texts from Qumran, it is of special significance in the effort to recover the form of Palestinian Aramaic used at the time of Jesus. The language is of a form that is transitional between the book of Daniel and the targumim, antedating as well the materials from the Wadi Murabbacat, Wadi Seiyal, and Wadi Habra (Kutscher 1961, 1962). It is thus methodologically preferable to utilize the language of this text and other Dead Sea Scrolls, rather than the targumic Aramaic,'a for the study of the Aramaic background of the New Testament (Fitzmyer 1970). An indispensable tool for the study of the Genesis Apocryphon is the philological commentary by Fitzmyer (1971). Prayer of Nabonidus. Fragments of an Aramaic pseudepigraphon known as the Prayer of Nabonidus (4Q pr Nab) were found in cave 4 (Milik 1956: 407-11). The fragments make up two incomplete columns, including the beginning of column 1. As the name suggests, the text is ostensibly a prayer delivered by the last king of Babylon, Nabonidus. It tells the story of the king's seven-year period of illness-a time when he prayed to "the gods of silver and gold" for a cure. At length a Jewish "exorcist" delivered him, and in gratitude the king wrote this prayer.


Glossary Apocrypha, a group of books or writings not part of the Jewish canon of the Hebrew Scriptures but found in early Christian versions of the Old Testament such as the Septuagint (Greek) and Vulgate (Latin). In English-speaking countries, Protestant prac- tice has been to omit the Apocrypha from editions of the Bible; Catholics consider most of these books authoritative and use the term deuterocanonical, meaning books recognized as canonical at a later date, to distinguish them from the protocanonical books found in the Jewish canon of Scripture. genizah, a storeroom or repository in a synagogue used for discarded, damaged, or defective books and papers and sacred objects. Haggadah, the interpretation of the historical and religious passages of Jewish Scripture that are not legal in character. Unlike the strict logic of halakic interpretation, Haggadah could give free play to the imagination. halakah (plural, halakot), in Judaism the teaching one is to follow, the rules or laws that are to guide a person's life. Halakic interpretation of the Torah (the first five books of the Old Testament) sought to expound the consequences of individual commandments, the cases in practical life to which they applied, and how they might be accurately preserved. Merkavah, the Hebrew term meaning "chariot," usually associated with Ezekiel's vision and with the later contemplative ecstatic experiences of Jewish mystics during the talmudic period. payyeitanim (singular, payyetan), Hebrew word referring to liturgical poets, active from about the fourth century c.E. and throughout the Middle Ages, who composed synagogal hymns to complement the regular order of prayers, especially for extraor- dinary Sabbaths, festivals, and fast days. pesher, Biblical Hebrew word meaning "deep meaning" or "true significance" associated with the set of Qumran commentaries to various biblical books. Pseudepigrapha, Jewish writings of the Second Temple period resembling the Apocrypha in general character but not included in the Bible or Apocrypha. (See BA, volume 46, number 4, pages 235-243, and volume 47, number 4, pages 225-226.) Thrgum (plural, targumim), an Aramaic translation or para- phrase of the Old 'Tstament or a portion of it. Vorlage, the text used as the basis of a translation. Note: Many of the definitions given here are based on those found in

Harper's Bible Dictionary (New York: Harper and Row, 1985).

The parallels with the fourth chapter of Daniel and the story of Nebuchadnezzar's madness are patent, leading many scholars to conclude that in this text we have remnants of the popular traditions from which the Ara- maic portions of Daniel were derived. Such literature had the twofold purpose of warning the Jews not to turn to paganism and of preaching to the Gentiles about the folly of idol worship. Important studies devoted to the Prayer of Nabonidus include Meyer (1962), Grelot (1978), and most recently Cross (1984), who argues for a different join of the fragments. The Daniel cycle. The prayer of Nabonidus is evidently just one part of a Daniel cycle, a group that apparently

included at least five additional works. Three of these (pseudo-Daniel a, b, and c-Milik 1956) seem to contain an apocalyptic overview of Jewish history, narrated by Daniel. The fourth, yet unpublished, work (Milik 1956: 411, note 2) is a recounting of a dream in which four trees (or their "angels") speak to the author. Each tree represents a kingdom (compare Daniel chapters 2 and 7), the first of which is identified as Babylon, and the second as Persia. Depending on the date of this work (known in two exemplars), this could have a bearing on the interpretation (or history of interpretation) of the fourth kingdom mentioned in Daniel 2 and 7. Another text from this Daniel cycle is known as 4Q Ps DanAa (4Q243-not to be con- fused with pseudo-Daniel a, above). This fragmentary but striking work preserves the phrases "son of God" and "son of the Most High," as well as containing phraseology rem- iniscent of Luke 1:32 and 1:35 (Fitzmyer 1974a: 391-94). Words of Moses. The Words of Moses (1Q22; Milik 1955: 91-97, plates 18, 19) seems to be a sort of apocryphon to Deuteronomy. God speaks to Moses, who in turn relays the commands to the people, evidently via Eleazar and Joshua. At one point the text requires the appointment of officials (perhaps priests), "to clarify ... all these words of the Torah." Another example of haggadic explanation occurs in the third column (3:8-10), where the date of the Day of Atonement is explained by reason that "your fathers were wandering in the desert until the tenth day of the month." Book of Mysteries. Another tantalizing pseudepigraphon is the Book of Mysteries (1Q27; Milik 1955: 102-07, plates 21, 22). Of the thirteen remaining fragments, only the first is complete enough to make sense. This fragment contains two poetic distichs, cast as oracles, while the rhetorical, rather eloquent, prose that follows each distich provides "signs"by which the verisimilitude of the oracles is assured. Of particular interest is the appearance in the text, unfortunately in broken context, of the phrase razei peshac. This phrase is probably the Hebrew equivalent of the Greek musterion tes anomias of 2 Thes- salonians 2:7, a passage with which countless commen- tators have wrestled without producing a consensus exegesis.

Targumim To date there are three known Aramaic targumim among the Dead Sea Scrolls. Of these by far the longest and most complete is the targum to Job from cave 11 (van der Woude and van der Ploeg 1971). The significance of this text is considerable, since it represents the only incontestably pre-Christian targum of any appreciable length. The surviving text includes portions of chapters 17 through 42, with the last six chapters the least damaged. On the whole, despite slight additions, subtractions, and disloca- tions, the Hebrew Vorlage of the scroll seems essentially to have been that of the Masoretic text. This means that


even the supposedly disordered third cycle of debates (22:1-31:40) and the Hymn to Wisdom (28:1-28:28), which is often regarded as an interpolation, are here and in the same problematic order as in the Masoretic text. The most radical divergence from the Hebrew text, probably reflecting a different original, occurs after 42:8-11-verses 12 through 17 are missing and were evidently never a part of the targum (Morrow 1976). Otherwise, the translator has smoothed out various difficulties in the Hebrew text in the process of his render- ing, and often telescopes two lines into one without regard for parallelism.

Fitzmyer (1978) and Kasher (1977). Finally, 4Q157 preserves only portions of Job 3:5-9 and 4:16-5:4, reflecting a text virtually identical to the Masoretic text (Milik 1977: 90, plate 28).

Liturgical 'ITxts and Phylacteries A number of texts from Qumran have turned out to be liturgical in nature. One of the most revealing of these is known as the Angelic Liturgy or 4QShir (short for 4QSerekh Shirot cOlat hash-Shabbat). (Two fragments were provi- sionally published by Strugnell in 1960; the entire text was edited by his student Carol Newsom for her disserta-

From the Words of Moses: [God spoke] to Moses in the [fortieth] year after [the children of] Israel had come [out of the land of] Egypt, in the eleventh month, on the first day of the month, saying: "[Gather together] all the congregation and go up to [Mount Nebo] and stand [there], you and Eleazar son of Aaron. Inter[pret to the heads] of family of the Levites and to all the [Priests], and proclaim to the children of Israel the words of the Law which I proclaimed [to you] on Mount Sinai" Much debate on this text has centered around the

language. Michael Sokoloff, in his very useful edition of the text, has closely analyzed syntax and morphology and concluded that it was "probably composed sometime in the late second century B.C.E!." (Sokoloff 1974: 25). This is essentially the position of the original editors, who also opted for a Palestinian provenance (van der Woude and van der Ploeg 1971: 4, 8). Another scholar, Takamitsu Muraoka, has come to radically different conclusions, arguing that the targum of Job was composed between 250 and 150 B.c. in Mesopotamia, not Palestine (Muraoka 1976, 1977). Of interest to students of the New Testament is a comparison of this with a much later targum of Job, thought to be of fifth-century Palestinian origin (for a new edition of this text, see Weiss 1979). Such a comparison has been carried out on a preliminary basis and tends to cast doubt on the antiquity of phrases such as memra and shekintal4 among Palestinian Jews (Fitzmyer 1974b). This of course would vitiate their usefulness in explain- ing New Testament texts.

The other two targumim are extremely fragmentary. The first contains an Aramaic translation of Leviticus 16:12-15, 18-21 (Milik 1977: 86-89, plate 28), and it is not certain that these fragments were part of a targum at all. It is equally conceivable that they may have come from a liturgical work that quoted these verses. If, nevertheless, they do represent portions of a targum, then we have for the first time a pre-Christian targum to a book of the Pentateuch. The translation of the Hebrew is literal (unexpanded). Discussions have been published by

tion in 1982, which was revised and published in 1985.) The composition is partially preserved in six manuscripts from cave 4, as well as fragments from cave 11 (van der Woude 1982) and Masada (Yadin 1965: 105-08; Newsom and Yadin 1984). In it heaven is described as a complicated temple consisting of seven sanctuaries, attended by seven chief prince-priests, their deputies, and seven angelic priesthoods. Also included are the praise offerings that the angels offer up on the Sabbath. Altogether there were originally thirteen compositions.

The Angelic Liturgy has interesting aspects and implications. Linguistically, the presence of many bi- forms of Biblical Hebrew nouns,'s and otherwise unknown words, suggests an almost payyetanic inventive- ness. The text is also of importance for the study of angelology, Second Temple liturgical song, and the investigation of early Jewish Merkavah speculation (see Schiffman 1982).

An equally noteworthy liturgical opus is known as the Words of the Luminaries (4Q Dib Ham; Baillet 1982: 137-75, plates 18, 20, 23, 24, 49-53). Fragmentary remaining instructions show that the compositions contained in this manuscript were intended for use on given days of the week. The mood of these compositions is with one exception penitential, hence they may appropriately be classed Tahanunim-a type of prayer reflecting such biblical passages as Daniel 9:4-19. The instructions mentioned above evidence that these Tahanumim were used liturgically, as in later Judaism (Flusser 1984: 567, 570-73). The single evident exception to the rather


From the Discipline Scroll: The nature of all the children of men is ruled by these (two spirits), and during their life all the hosts of men have a portion in their divisions and walk in (both) their ways. And the whole reward for their deeds shall be, for everlasting ages, according to whether each man's portion in their two divisions is great or small. For God has established the spirits in equal measure until the final age, and has set an everlasting hatred between their divisions.

somber tone of the Words of the Luminaries is a composition written for the Sabbath, which is appropriately full of praise rather than contrition.

Among many that might be singled out, two further liturgically oriented works can be mentioned here. One is 4Q Lamentations (Allegro 1968: 75-77, plate 26). The text is comprised of five fragments, the order of which is still uncertain. As the name implies, it is a lament or series of laments over the city of Jerusalem, whose imagery is achieved chiefly by allusion to Lamentations, Isaiah, and Jeremiah. It is possible that the lamentation was occasioned by a destruction of Jerusalem that hap- pened at the time of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (compare 1 Maccabees 1:29-32) or it may be merely a poetic reminis- cence of the famous razing by the forces of Nebuchad- nezzar in 586 B.C. (Horgan 1972). A worthwhile study is provided by Pabst 1978. The second text contains vocabulary strikingly similar to that of the Rule of Benediction, and is known as 11Q Berachot (van der Woude 1968). The four fragments speak of blessings upon the "congregation" in eschatological terms borrowed from the prophets, but the sociological milieu from which the text was generated is unclear.

Another group of documents from Qumran that are in a broad sense related to liturgy and worship are the phylacteries. A number of these have surfaced from cave 1 (Barth6lemy 1955b: 72-76, plate 14), cave 4 (Milik 1966: 105-06; Kuhn 1957), cave 5 (in such poor condition it was not unrolled), cave 8 (Baillet 1962: 149-57, plates 32, 33), and an unidentified cave (Yadin 1969). Focusing on the examples published by Yadin, a few comments are in order. These phylacteries (which are head-tefillin) are instructive not only regarding the content of the portions of Scripture contained and their order but also have noteworthy textual variants. Yadin was fortunate to ob- tain his four tefillin in their capsules. This enabled him to investigate several technical points that are treated extensively in rabbinic literature - such matters as the shape of the capsule, the nature of the leather for scriptural

portions, and the type of thread with which the capsules are tied.

The order of the scriptural portions in the tefillin has been a matter of heated discussion in the history of Judaism. In the early medieval period the most famous

controversy on this subject occurred between Rashi and Rabbenu Tam. It is interesting that Yadin's tefillin are not strictly in the order for which either man argued. The fact that some tefillin (arm tefillin) from cave 8 are arranged according to Rashi's system, while others from the approximately contemporary finds at Murabbacat accord with the position of Rabbenu Tam, suggests that both systems may have been known and used concurrently in first-century Palestine.

The contents of the tefillin published so far often add additional scriptural verses to the classical portion, but these added texts differ among the various examples. No clear rationale has been adduced to explain these additions. Noteworthy perhaps is that 1Q13, 4Qa, and XQ Phyl3 all contain the Decalogue (Deuteronomy 5:1-21), which is not included in rabbinic phylacteries. Thus the phylacteries from Qumran raise many questions about the halakah governing them at this point in the history of Judaism, while perhaps as well proffering some few tentative answers.

Zodiacal Documents The breadth of material included among the Dead Sea Scrolls is demonstrated by a group of zodiacal documents. One zodiac from cave 4 is known to exist (4Q Zodiac) but has not yet been published. Two fragmentary columns of a brontologion (predicting events using thunder) are also unpublished but known to exist (Milik 1959a: 42). Some- what more can be said about the document known as 4Q Cryptic (4Q186; Allegro 1968: 88-91, plate 31). This is an encoded series of horoscopes in which the author used a mixture of alphabets and wrote from left to right, the opposite of the usual direction for Hebrew. In the text, three people are described in reference to their astrological birth signs; this in turn is related to their physical and spiritual qualities. There are terminological parallels with the Manual of Discipline. Useful studies include Delcor (1966) and Gordis (1966). The significance of this text is that it indicates that astrological ideas had been assimilated very early and quite deeply by the Jews, in spite of what might seem to us the clear connection it had with idolatry for the authors of the Hebrew bible (for example, Isaiah 47:13-14; Jeremiah 10:1-3). This type of interest may be more typical of popular Jewish religion in


this period than has often been realized (compare Good- enough 1954: 3-62).

Another zodiacal document, known as 4Q Mess ar, has been called a messianic horoscope (Starcky 1964). This very poorly preserved text contains the Aramaic phrase bhyr 'ih, the equivalent of the Greek phrase ho eklektos tou theou (the elect of God) witnessed by some manuscripts of John 1:34. It is not certain, however, that this phrase is intended in a messianic sense. It occurs as a part of a description of an apparently unborn child, who is ascribed wisdom and precocious intellect. He is also to have a long life, and the success of his plans seems assured by his position as the "elect of God." The description of the child is influenced by the descriptions in the Old Testament of Solomon, and the text is full of wisdom terminology. In spite of the title, the text has no clear astronomical terminology, so it might better be con- sidered an example of physiognomic literature, of which we have many Greco-Roman examples. Fitzmyer, in his important study of 4Q Mess ar, gives good reasons why it may actually deal with the birth of Noah (Fitzmyer 1965). Other valuable studies that deal with this document include Starcky (1963) and Carmignac (1965: 207-10).

Greek TIxts The final category of manuscripts is the Greek texts from Qumran. These have come from two caves-4 and 7. Three texts are from cave 4-4QLXXLeva, 4QLXXLevb, and 4QLXXNum-of which only the last has been published (Skehan 1957: 148). As the names evidence, all are Septuagintal manuscripts, dated broadly between 100 B.C. to A.D. 100. They help disprove Kahle's famous thesis that Greek translations of the Old Testament were made randomly and without textual affinity, because they fit neatly into a textual tradition already known from fourth-century Septuagintal manuscripts. Their chief importance, therefore, is in the area of textual research. The documents in Greek from cave 7 (published by Baillet 1962: 142-43, plate 30) have become better known than their extent and significance would otherwise merit, in as much as they have been claimed as text portions of the New Testament. These claims have garnered virtually no scholarly support, however; they are in fact probably texts of the Septuagint, with the single exception of 7Q19, which seems to be nonbiblical. Important works discussing or utilizing these Greek fragments from Qumran include Betz 1973, Barth61emy 1963, and Leaney 1976.

Conclusion The great discoveries made in the caves near Khirbet Qumran have only begun to have their impact. The possible applications of what we have learned thus far are many and varied - so much so as to be on occasion daunt- ing. At the same time, much remains to be learned-of

the portions of hundreds of manuscripts found in cave 4, for instance, only about 10 percent have been published. As publication and evaluation of the Dead Sea Scrolls proceed, our understanding of the text of the Hebrew Bible, the nature of Second Temple Judaism, and the roots of the New Testament - to name only three of the many important areas affected-will certainly deepen and may significantly change. I hope that the two parts of this essay have provided the interested reader with a view to this exciting process.

Notes lIt is recognized that the genizah text differs to a still

uncertain extent from what is known of the text from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Major editions of the Damascus Covenant include Schechter 1970, Rabin 1958, and Davies 1983, and photographs appear in Zeitlin 1952.

2Fragment A contains 16 pages, columns I through VIII, IX through XVI; fragment B consists of 2 pages, including columns that overlap with AVII5 through VII21, then extending beyond the portion found also in A.

3Exegetically and paleographically, it is uncertain whether one or more messiahs are indicated.

4It is debated whether maskil refers generically to any "person of understanding," or is a technical term describing a peculiar functionary of the community.

SMany of these proposals have not been supported by the discovery of additional fragments. Compare Milik 1960a: 412-16.

6The fragment, to be fitted at column 19:6-10, is known as 1Q33 and is found in Milik 1955: 135-36.

7For important criticism of Milik's lexicographic sugges- tions for difficult Aramaic words, Greenfield 1969: 132-35 is essential.

8This problem may be greatly relieved by recognizing the distinction the text itself usually makes between gold or silver specie and gold or silver bullion. A systematic application of this distinction reduces the amount of treasure to a level that has analogies in Palestine and elsewhere during the Roman period.

9Allegro's work of 1968 has received trenchant criticism, particularly regarding textual "joins" and readings. The student will want to refer to Strugnell 1971, which amounts to a new edition of the texts. Also very useful is Fitzmyer 1969, for the earlier bibliography on Allegro's texts.

'oThese are often identified as equivalent to the "Messiah of Israel" and the "Messiah of Aaron," respectively.

"Three manuscripts of Tobit are known, 1 in Hebrew, 2 in Aramaic. Though not identical, in general they correspond to the long Greek recension.

12Not included are the Aramaic texts of the Books of Giants that were included in the allotment given to Jean Starcky for publication.

'3Including the most recently discovered targum, Targum Neofiti, which has not gained a consensus as to its much vaunted early date.

14These Aramaic words are often urged as explanations for the Greek word or concept, logos, in John 1:1.

'SEspecially noticeable are masculine forms where biblical Hebrew has feminine-marked nouns.


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