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Subcultures of Consumption: AnEthnography of the New Bikers

JOHN W. SCHOUTENJAMES H. MCALEXANDER*

This article introduces the subculture of consumption as an analytic category throughwhich to better understand consumers and the manner in which they organize theiriives and identities. Recognizing that consumption activities, product categories, oreven brands may serve as the basis for interaction and social cohesion, the conceptof the subcuiture of consumption soives many problems inherent in the use ofascribed social categories as devices for understanding consumer behavior. Thisarticle is based on three years of ethnographic fieldwork with Hartey-Davidson mo-torcycle owners. A key feature of the fieldwork was a process of progressive con-textualization of the researchers from outsiders to insiders situated within the sub-culture. Analysis of the social structure, dominant values, and revealing symbolicbehaviors of this distinct, consumption-oriented sutKulture have led to the advance-ment of a theoretical framework that situates subcultures of consumption in thecontext of modern consumer culture and discusses, among other implications, asymbiosis tietween such subcultures and marketing institutions. Transferability ofthe principal findings of this research to other subcultures of consumption is estab-lished through comparisons with ethnographies of other self-selecting, consumptiorvoriented subcultures.

T he most powerful organizing forces in modern lifeare the activities and associated interpersonal re-

lationships that people undertake to give their livesmeaning. In choosing how to spend their money andtheir time, people do not conform always or neatly tothe ascribed analytic categories currently proffered byacademia (e.g., ethnicity, gender, age, VALS group, orsocial class). They take part in the creation of their owncategories. As consumer researchers we are uniquelypositioned to identify and understand the organizingforces that people bring to their own lives through theirconsumption choices. In so doing we discover subcul-tures of consumption.

For the purpose of our discussion, we define a sub-culture of consumption as a distinctive subgroup ofsociety that self-selects on the basis of a shared com-mitment to a particular product class, brand, or con-sumption activity. Other characteristics of a subculture

•John W. Schouten is assistant professor of marketing. School ofBusiness Administration. University of Portland. Portland. OR 97203.James H. McAlexander is associate professor of marketing. Collegeof Business Administration. Oregon State University, Corvallis. OR97331. We wish to thank the people of Harley-Davidson, Inc.. fortheir time and support in this project. We respectfully note the fi-nancial support of the University of Portland and Oregon State Uni-versity. We also thank our peers and reviewers for their time andvaluable insights. Our most heartfelt gratitude goes out to our familieswho, over the last three years, have witnessed with mixed emotionsour gradual metamorphoses into full-time biker ethnographers.

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of consumption include an identifiable, hierarchicalsocial structure; a unique ethos, or set of shared beliefsand values; and unique jargons, rituals, and modes ofsymbolic expression.

Prior ethnographies of self-selecting or achieved (vs.ascribed) subcultures reveal glimpses of characteristicsthat make such groups especially intriguing to consumerresearchers and marketers. Such a subculture typicallyencounters in certain products or activities culturalmeanings that ultimately become articulated as unique,homologous styles or ideologies of consumption (Heb-dige 1979; Kinsey 1982; Schwendinger and Schwen-dinger 1985). Hard-core or high-status members ofachieved subcultures function as opinion leaders (Fox1987). Subcuiturally created styles may be shared orimitated by a much larger audience or market peripheralto the core subculture (Fox 1987; Klein I985)andmayeven become imitated and commercialized for massconsumption (Blair and Hatala 1991; Fox 1987;Gott-diener 1985; McCracken 1986; Schwendinger andSchwendinger 1985). Finally, certain achieved subcul-tures have been observed to transcend national andcultural boundaries (Stratton 1985). demographic co-horts(Pearson 1987). racial or ethnic differences (Klein1985), and class differences (Harris 1985) in their scopeand influence.

This article has three objectives. The first is to presentan ethnographic analysis of one subculture of con-sumption, specifically the "new bikers," operationalized

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44 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH

as owners of Harley-Davidson motorcycles who do notbelong to known outlaw organizations. We do not ex-clude outlaw bikers from the Harley-Davidson-orientedsubculture of consumption (hereafter abbreviatedHDSC); however, because ample ethnography exists ofsuch groups, we have chosen to focus instead on the yetunchronicled motorcycle enthusiasts that, with theoutlaws, form the HDSC. The second objective is toaddress certain methodological considerations impor-tant in studying subcultures of consumption. The thirdis to argue in favor of the subculture of consumptionas a very useful and yet overlooked analytic categoryfor understanding the objects and consumption patternswith which people (and markets) define themselves inour culture.

We begin with a methodological description of theproject. We then discuss our findings in terms of fourmajor concerns: (1) the overall structure of the subcul-ture, (2) its ethos (i.e., its underlying values and theirexpression and maintenance), (3) its impact on the livesand identities of individual consumers, and (4) its ar-ticulation with marketing institutions. Throughout thetext we compare the results of our research with extantethnographies of other achieved subcultures such thatthe resulting discussion achieves a broader theoreticalfoundation for understanding subcultures of consump-tion.

ETHNOGRAPHIC METHODThis description of the HDSC is based on three years

of iieldwork that evolved from site-specific, part-timeethnography into sustained, full-time ethnographic im-mersion in the HDSC. The evolving nature of our eth-nographic involvement allowed us to experience andinteract with different elements of the subculture as in-siders. In a process of progressive contextualization, webegan as outsiders and gradually became acceptedmembers of various groups within the HDSC. Alongthe road (literally and figuratively) toward the core ofthe subculture we gained insights and perspectives thatwould have been difficult, if not impossible, to achievethrough less sustained involvement. For example, asneophyte members of the subculture we recorded cer-tain experiences and observations: later, with increasedtime and stature within the subculture, we were privi-leged to understand those same neophyte experiencesfrom a new vantage point as more seasoned insiders.Furthermore, as we deepened our ethnographic in-volvement our access to informants near the core ofthe subculture improved greatly. It was as though wewere made to demonstrate our own commitment to thesubculture before we could be taken into the full con-fidence of its adherents.

BackgroundThe project began to take shape in our minds as a

way to address serious conceptual problems in the con-

sumer behavior treatment of subcultures. By attemptingto create consumption profiles of groups predefined onthe basis of ethnicity or other ascribed characteristics,marketers and consumer researchers have run afoul ofseveral problems, not the least of which is stereotyping.What was needed, we reasoned, was to look at the phe-nomenon of subculture from a consumer behavior per-spective rather than vice versa, as traditionally has beendone.

Our research interest in Harley-Davidson ownersarose not from any personal desire to ride motorcycles,nor from any real desire to associate with bikers. Neitherof us was a motorcyclist prior to beginning this project,and neither had any knowledge of biker culture beyondwhat is universally accessible from media representa-tions. What caught our interest was the possible exis-tence ofa distinctive, homogeneous, and enduring sub-culture that defined itself not only by a particularactivity or lifestyle, but also by a single brand of product!

Evolution of Ethnographic InvolvementOver three years ago, with the excitement and trep-

idation of neophytes, we tiptoed into our fieldwork asnaive nonparticipant observers. At the time of thiswriting, we have spent the last year deeply immersedin the lifestyle of the HDSC, "passing" as bikers andmaking a conscious effort to maintain scholarly distancefrom the phenomena we are constantly experiencingand observing. Figure 1 overlays on a time line the evo-lution of our ethnographic involvement, which includescertain marker events and corresponding statuses, tasks,emotions, and levels of personal involvement with theHDSC.

Certain tasks such as cultivating informants, collect-ing and interpreting data, and testing and triangulatingfindings were iterative and persisted throughout theethnographic process (cf. Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherry1989). Other tasks, however, were germane to specificstages of ethnographic evolution. For example, thetransition from outsider to insider required (1) accessto Harley-Davidson motorcycles, the single most im-portant prerequisite for entering the HDSC, and (2) aprocess of acculturation. Motorcycles were providedtwice by Harley-Davidson, Inc.. through short-termloans from the company's test fleet in San Dimas. Cal-ifornia. The loaners as well as the necessary phone callsfrom corporate headquarters allowed us to attend ourfirst and second rallies of the Harley Owners Group(HOG).' Company bikes and official sanction did not,however, ensure that we would be able to pass unob-trusively as Hariey owners. On the contrary, in the eariystages of research we made our academic researcherstatus clear in order to avoid giving the impression ofbeing official Harley-Davidson representatives.

'The Harley Owners Group (HOG) is an internalional, Harley-Davidson-sponsored organization exclusively for Harley owners.

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Acculturation to the HDSC came gradually throughattention to behavioral norms, through studies ofscholarly and popular literature, and through infor-mation learned in the ongoing process of data collection.We also experienced periods of accelerated tutoring.When we first met the HOG chapter^ that we accom-panied to two successive annual rallies, we were knownas researchers working under the aegis of Harley-Da-vidson. We were treated politely by some, standoffishlyby others, and overly gregariously by others, but no onetreated us as if we really belonged there. Our wholerelationship with the HOG chapter changed dramati-cally less than 30 miles into our ride from Los Angelesto the Santa Maria rally site. One chapter member ridingnear the end of the procession of about two dozen bikesdeveloped a mechanical problem and pulled off theroad. One of the us noticed and pulled over to renderassistance. That act of consideration created an instantbond between us and two chapter members, who tookus into their circle of riders and served for the remainderof the rally as our guides and tutors in the ways of HOG.

The transition from part-time participant observationto full-time ethnography required the acquisition of ourown Harley-Davidson motorcycles. As nonowners wewere able to conduct episodic participant observationat such venues as rallies, biker swap meets, and certainclub meetings. We also were unhindered in conductingprearranged depth interviews. What was missing meth-odologically, however, was an empathic sense of a bik-er's identity, psyche, and social interactions in the con-text of everyday life. To fill this gap we each boughtHarleys and made them our primary means of trans-portation. Furthermore, we purchased appropriate rid-ing clothing and wore it whenever we rode ( which meantliving out significant portions of our work and leisurelives in jeans, black boots, and black leather jackets).One benefit of this deepened personal involvement wasmore frequent and prolonged contact with bikers.Equally important, however, was sustained contact asbikers with the nonbiking world. Data collection in bothcases became more continuous and spontaneous aschance street encounters often turned into data collec-tion opportunities.

As full-time ethnographers it was possible (and valu-able) to learn firsthand how nonbikers respond to Harleyriders on and off the road; likewise it was valuable toexperience the way in which Harley riders respond tothe responses of nonbikers. Two important insights, forexample, that came only from extensive ridership were(1) the extent to which riding a Harley can be regardedas performing for an audience, and (2) the extent towhich Harley riders seek, monitor, and respond to au-dience response in this performance mode.

As a direct result of purchasing bikes we gained ad-ditional insights into processes and emotions involvedin buying, selling, and owning objects of deep personalattachment. For example, we knew that for many bikersthe sound of the Harley engine is an important aspectof the Harley experience, but its real importance wasnever fully appreciated until the day one of us went topurchase a used Harley Sportster' from a working-classbiker looking to trade up to a larger model. Considerthe following field notes excerpt:

Billy answered the door looking like he had just wokenup. He ushered the massive rottweiler in from the porch(much to my relieO making flagrantly racist remarksabout the dog's preferred lunch menu. . . . He invitedme to sit at the dinette where the motorcycle title alreadylay among trash from a not too recent trip to Taco Bell.Then, rather than sit down, he excused himself momen-tarily and walked out the door. . . . Suddenly I heardthe roar of the bike with its straight drag pipes. Billygunned the engine a couple of times, fiddled with thechoke, and came back in while the bike continued tolope and idle in the front yard. 1 looked at him ques-tioningly and he explained, "1 just had to hear it onemore time before you take it away." He let the enginerun the whole time we spent completing the transaction,going back outside once to readjust the choke.

The more we integrated motorcycling and related ac-tivities into our daily consumption patterns the betterwe understood the nuances of^the biker's lifestyle andidentity. An unanticipated outcome of our increasedethnographic involvement was that we became motor-cycle enthusiasts. Two or three days without riding amotorcycle brings on a yearning to ride. Such admis-sions bring to mind the question of overinvolvement,or "going native." in which the researcher gets so closeto the phenomenon under study that it becomes im-possible to maintain a balanced, scholarly perspective.The main safeguards we have employed against over-involvement are (1) critical self-examination and (2)continual vigilance for signs that the other researcheris slipping into a particular, narrow point of view.

Eieldwork

Our data collection consisted mostly of formal andinformal interviews, nonparticipant and participantobservation, and photography. Certain formal inter-views we audiotaped and transcribed. When taping wasnot practical we jotted down skeletal notes during theinterview and fleshed them out as soon afterward aspossible. Observations or data gathered through infor-mal interviews were reported into a microcassette re-corder periodically during the course ofa day's research

A chapter is the local unit of organization in HOG. This is anal-ogous to the terminology of outlaw motorcycle clubs that also areorganized into local chapters.

^The Sportster is currently the smallest motorcycle produced byHarley-Davidson. It can be purchased with an engine displacementranging from 883 to 1,200 cubic centimeters and is the entry-levelHarley for many riders.

SUBCULTURES OF CONSUMPTION 47

activities; we then played back those recorded notes asprompts for creating more detailed field notes at theend of the day.

We used photographs in the manner described byHill (1991) to assist in "reliving the lived experience,"and also as visual records of symbolism encountered inmodes of dress, grooming, motorcycle customization,and other behaviors in the HDSC. Sample photographsare included in the text to illustrate various themes. Weinterpreted the meanings of symbols in the context oftheir use both within and outside the subculture. Wetriangulated the meanings that we attributed to varioussymbols with interview data, member checks, and closereadings of the biker literature. Although most symbolsallow for multiple interpretations, certain meaningsmade more sense than others when viewed in the con-text of a holistic pattern or system of symbols.

Immersion in the HDSC also led to familiarity withpublications targeted to various subgroups of bikers.Close reading of such magazines as Biker. Easyriders.American Iron. Supercycle. Independent Biker. Enthu-siasl. and HOG Tales, as well as rally publications (e.g.,Urseth 1990) and club newsletters, all assisted us in theinterpretation and triangulation of interview and ob-servational data.

We selected field sites and informants in the courseof an emergent design in order to capture the breadthof the HDSC. Our original proposal for sampling (whichreflected a superficial understanding of biker culture)recognized three a priori groups to be interviewed: ri-ders, dealers, and corporate marketing decision makers.As soon as we began collecting data, we realized thatthe consumer side of the HDSC was much more com-plex than we had imagined. We broadened our sampleof sites and informants each time a new category ofbikers emerged.

Research sites included the annual rallies at Sturgis,South Dakota, and Daytona Beach, Florida, the Meccaand Medina of biker culture. Other rallies, includingregional HOG rallies, an ABATE" rally, and a mostlyBMW owners' rally in Iowa, were chosen for their ap-peal to quite different subgroups of the HDSC. Othersites included informants' homes (or, more commonly,garages), motorcycle swap meets, dealerships, clubmeetings, runs (road trips), bars, and restaurants. Takentogether they provided both front stage and backstageviews of biker life across a wide spectrum of membersof the HDSC.

We selected informants purposefully according to thedifferent types of Harley owners that we identified inthe course of the study. They differed along the lines ofsuch characteristics as age, social class, and lifestylepreferences. We interviewed members of various clubs

^American Bikers Against Totalitarian Enactments (ABATE) is anational organization chartered originally with {he political agendaof protecting bikers" rights, especially the right to choose whether ornot to wear a helmet.

as well as riders who chose to remain unaffiliated withany organized groups. The diversity of the informantsallowed us to challenge the validity and scope of emerg-ing interpretations through triangulation of data acrossinformants and through the search for limiting excep-tions. We formed lasting relationships with several keyinformants, and they have contributed valuable longi-tudinal perspectives of Harley ownership as well as ac-cess to various formal and informal settings with othermotorcyclists. With respect to the goals of this project,we can state with confidence that we have passed thepoint of data saturation or redundancy, the point in anemergent design at which one normally ceases aggressivedata collection (Glaser and Strauss 1967).

In order to gain a marketer's perspective of theHDSC, we conducted interviews at Harley-Davidson'scorporate offices in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, with keymembers of the marketing organization, including thepresident of the motorcycle division, the vice-presidentof motorcycle styling, the public relations manager, andthe director of business planning. In addition, we haveconducted interviews with six Harley-Davidson dealersin Iowa and Oregon and with dozens of vendors of bikeraccessories, clothing, and paraphernalia at swap meetsand rallies. Our relationship with Harley-Davidson,Inc., has deepened to the extent that recently we havebeen given access to extensive marketing research con-ducted for the company, both internally and externallyby various research firms, public relations firms, andadvertising agencies. The proprietary research and thepersonnel behind it have provided unique opportunitiesto triangulate our own conclusions.

Our conclusions resulted from a constant, iterativeprocess akin to puzzle building. In a variation of theprocesses described by McCracken (1988), Miles andHuberman (1984), and Glaser and Strauss (1967) weamassed, coded, compared, and collapsed specific datato form themes or categories. Then, treating each themelike a puzzle piece, we sought to devise a conceptualframework that would unite them all in a holistic fash-ion. For example, in the course of the study we exploredseveral models for the structure of the HDSC and re-jected all but one, because at some point they failed toaccommodate certain data.

The involvement of two researchers added anotheruseful dimension to the data analysis, that of "devil'sadvocacy" (cf. McAlexander, Schouten, and Roberts1993). Individual interpretations of the data were ad-vanced for discussion by either researcher, at whichpoint the other developed counterarguments. This in-tentional skepticism forced scrutiny of the proposedthemes and prevented premature closure. Themes thatbore up under scrutiny remained open to further dia-logue and development: those that did not were rejectedor modified and advanced again. Our findings aregrouped into four major categories: structure, ethos,transformation of self, and the role of marketing in thesubculture of consumption.


STRUCTURE

A subculture of consumption comes into existenceas people identify with certain objects or consumptionactivities and, through those objects or activities, iden-tify with other people. The unifying consumption pat-terns are governed by a unique ethos or set of commonvalues. The structure of the subculture, which governssocial interactions within it, and which we now address,is a direct reflection of the commitment of individualsto the ethos.

Ethnographies of subcultures of sport, leisure, youth,and deviance reveal hierarchical social structures basedon the relative statuses of individual members. In herstudy of punk culture Fox (1987) describes a simple,concentric social structure. Members of the inner circle(hard core) demonstrate a commitment to punk styleand ideology that is full-time and enduring. The softcore is formed by those whose commitment to punkstyles and values is less complete and whose roles aresubordinate to and dictated by the hard core. Peripheralto the hard and soft core is a group of punk pretenders(or "preppie punks") who are fascinated by punk andwho delve superficially into the subculture, particularlyon weekend nights. Although they are looked downupon by the core members of the subculture, their pres-ence in punk bars serves the dual function of both au-dience and material support. Similar hierarchicalstructures have also been mapped out by Kinsey (1982)for the poly-drug-foe used subculture called "Killum andEatum" and by Klein (1986) for the bodybuilding sub-culture.

Outlaw biker clubs exhibit a structure similar to thatof the punk subculture (cf. Quinn 1983; Wolf 1991).Outlaws with full club membership constitute a hardcore that is absolutely committed to the club's ideology,bylaws, norms, and welfare (Thompson 1966). The softcore is composed of prospective and probationarymembers. Mimicry of outlaw styles by a wide range ofperipheral, non-outlaw-affiliated motorcyclists also hasbeen documented (Watson 1980).

Clearly, all Harley riders are not outlaws. From be-hind the general stereotype of bikers emerge severaldistinct subgroups. Our research indicates a complexsocial structure of multiple, coexisting subgroups thatclaim the biker designation and don the biker uniform(i.e., some combination of jeans, black boots, and T-shirts. a black leather jacket, and a vest that may carryinsignias of club affiliation; see Fig. 2). Each subgrouphas its own separate hierarchy. Moreover, although eachsubgroup is highly committed to the Harley-Davidsonmotorcycle and to a related set of consumption values,each subgroup also has its own unique interpretationof the biker ethos (cf. Fine [1979] on the idioculturesof Little League baseball teams), and each pursues itsown charter or purpose. For example, one national or-ganization called the Fifth Chapter exists expressly asa support group for recovering addicts and alcoholics

FIGURE 2

VARIOUS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE BIKER •UNIFORM"

and emphasizes participation in a twelve-step recoveryprogram. Another group provides unity and supportamong Vietnam veterans. Dykes on Bikes serves theneeds of lesbian motorcycle enthusiasts. Born-againChristian clubs such as the Trinity Road Riders conductdevotional services featuring guest evangelists, and atrallies on Sunday mornings they can be seen huddlingaround a motorcycle radio to catch a religious broad-cast.

The subculture of Harley owners cuts across manysocial categories, yet within its various subgroups thereis a propensity toward homogeneity. This pattern re-peats itself in HOG. All purchasers of new Harleys areautomatically granted one year of membership in HOG,making it the most diverse of the HDSC subgroups.However, each of the chapters we have investigated ex-hibits greater homogeneity than the organization as awhole. We visited one HOG chapter composed pre-


dominantly oF'*Mom-and-Pop" bikers, semiretired orretired couples with a preference for "dressers" (touringbikes with hard saddle bags, trunks, fairings, stereos,and other such amenities). In contrast, we have alsoridden with a chapter of "RUBs" (rich urban bikers),richly costumed in leather and riding highly customizedHarleys down the backroads of midlife crises. Yet an-other chapter was mostly working-class families, manywho treated HOG events as mainstay family entertain-ment and for whom owning one or more Harieys con-stituted a major financial sacrifice.

To outsiders (including nonbikers and aspirants tothe subculture) or to newcomers in the HDSC, the var-ious biker subgroups may appear virtually indistin-guishable, even stereotypical. However, as new bikersgain experience in the HDSC, they begin to discernamong groups and to gravitate toward those that bestfit their needs and their personal interpretations of thebiker ethos. Two of our RUB informants shopped ex-tensively in the Los Angeles area for a HOG chapterbefore choosing one. Not all riders join organizedgroups; many prefer to remain unaffiliated and to ridealone or in small, informal groups of friends. Even un-affiliated bikers tend to be attracted to "bike-cultural"events such as rallies and swap meets and may maintainloose relations with one or more organized groups.

Hierarchies of Commitment andAuthenticity

Each subgroup within the HDSC maintains a formalhierarchy of officers that is subsumed by an informalhierarchy based on within-group status. Status is con-ferred on members according to their seniority, partic-ipation and leadership in group activities, riding ex-pertise and experience, Harley-specific knowledge, andso forth—in short, the results of an individual's com-mitment to the group's consumption values.

Visible indicators of commitment include tattoos,motorcycle customization, club-specific clothing, andsew-on patches and pins proclaiming various honors,accomplishments, and participation in rallies and otherrider events. The status hierarchy is also refiected in thegroup's riding formation. The most venerated positionsin any club are those of the president (or director) andthe road captain, who ride together at the head of thegroup on runs. With the exception of one or two ex-perienced riders (sometimes designated sergeant at armsand/or assistant road captain) who bring up the rear,riders with higher status ride closer to the front andnewer riders or nonmembers ride at the rear.

A separate and somewhat looser status hierarchy ex-ists across subgroups within the HDSC. This status dif-ferential is evident in the interaction among motor-cyclists on the road. It is common for bikers to saluteeach other in passing; however, it is also quite commonfor a saluted biker who perceives his own status to behigher than that of the saluter to snub the latter by re-

fusing to return the wave. True outlaws do not wave toanybody but their brother outlaws; anyone else is den-igrated as a "citizen" (Hopper and Moore 1983; Quinn1983). Hard-core bikers who consider themselves "de-fenders of the faith" often will not acknowledge Moms-and-Pops and RUBs, whom they regard as unauthenticpretenders or "weekend warriors." Likewise, weekendHarley enthusiasts may feel quite free to snub non-Har-ley riders, but not any of the former groups.

The logic of this across-group hierarchy is based onjudgments of authenticity; however, there exists somedisagreement as to what constitutes a real or authenticbiker. Illustrative of this argument is a collection ofderisive appellations by certain subgroups for otherswhom they regard as less authentic. The following wastaken from a Harley-oriented computer bulletin boardon Internet and is attributed to ''The Independent Biker,a Bay Area-based free biker paper."

To get down to task, there are several new classes of riders[sic] fouling the wind with the misapprehension thatmerely owning a Harley will transform them into a biker.This is the same type of dangerous ignorance that suggeststhat giving a dog an artichoke turns him into a gourmet.Through exhaustive research, undertaken at our own not-inconsiderable expense, the Cycle Lords of the HighTruth M.C. have identified several classes of these of-fenders:

RUBies: Rich Urban BikersSEWERS: Suburban Weekend RidersRIOTS: Retired Idiots On TourMUGWUMPS: My Ugly Goldwing Was Upsetting My

PeersAHABS: Aspiring HArdass BikersBASTARDS: Bought A Sportster. Therefore A Radical

DudeIGLOOS: I Got the Look, Own One SoonHOOTS: Have One Ordered, True StoryASSHOLES: assholes

Authenticity among bikers is a matter of perspectivebased on one's identification with an outlaw versus anenthusiast perspective. Newcomers, responding to me-dia-perpetuated stereotypes, generally equate authen-ticity with the outlaw orientation. To the outlaw biker,though, all others are pretenders. However, enthusiasts(e.g., HOG members) view themselves as authenticbikers who simply have a different orientation towardmotorcycling than outlaws, whom they may treat withdeference grounded in fear.

Aspirants and Barriers to EntryThe structural integrity or exclusivity of the HDSC

and its subgroups is protected by barriers to entry. Newmembers rarely, if ever, are recruited aggressively. Theclub does not approach you; you must approach theclub as a supplicant. Many organizations (all outlawand some other clubs) require that new members passthrough "prospect" status before they can be accepted


by the club as full members. The Harley Owners Groupis a notable exception to this requirement; the only of-ficial barrier to HOG membership is payment of duesand proof of Harley ownership. However, individualHOG chapters do appear to exercise a de facto proba-tionary period. As visitors to different HOG meetingsand as eventual joiners of one particular chapter, wehave experienced a definite "feeling out" processwherein the encouragement we received to proceed withjoining appeared linked to an assessment of our overallfit with the group.

It is not surprising that the HDSC has its aspirantsor "wanna-bes." These nonowners of Hadey-Davidsonsdemonstrate their admiration by donning Harley ap-parel and displaying other branded merchandise suchas decals and posters. Such manifest commitment tothe concept of Harley ownership may predate actualownership by many years; indeed, ownership may neveroccur or may occur only briefly or periodically as cir-cumstances allow.

The most common barrier to Harley ownershipamong true aspirants is the expense.^ Barriers to mo-torcycle ownership in general also play a part; they in-clude social pressure from family members (especiallywives and parents) and a general feeling of family re-sponsibility that leads to avoidance of the perceivedphysical risk of riding. Many aspirants ride, as an in-terim measure, more affordable Japanese motorcycles;others would rather not ride at all than ride anythingbut a Harley. Harley owners seem to derive satisfactionfrom the admiration of wanna-bes; however, they maygo out of their way to distinguish themselves as actualowners rather than aspirants. One rather popular T-shirt makes the statement, "I own a Hariey, not justthe shirt!" Likewise, an oft heard slogan states with ex-treme brand centrism that "There are two kinds of peo-ple in the world: those who own Harleys and those whowish they did."

Summary

Subcultures of consumption display complex, hier-archical social structures that reflect the status differ-ences of individual members. Within-group status is afunction of an individual's commitment to the group'sideology of consumption. Across-group status is basedon each group's judgments of the other group's au-thenticity as representatives of the subculture. The mostcommitted (i.e., hard-core) members of a subculturefunction as arbiters of meaning and opinion leaders.Less committed members are important for their ma-

A basic Sportster, the smallest and least expensive Harley. costsjust under $5,000 (1993 M.S.R.P, [manufacturer's suggested retailprice]). The more popular "big twins" range in price from $10,000to $16,000. Buyers typically face a delay of four to six months betweenordering a bike and taking delivery, and they often pay hundreds ofdollars above the manufacturer's suggested retail price.

terial support and their adulation of more committedmembers. Aspirants serve the function of audience andare important for the expressions of envy that vindicatethe actions and investments of members of the subcul-ture.

ETHOSPart of the reason for the existence of the HDSC is

that certain people have found embodied in the Harley-Davidson motorcycle cultural principles and categoriesthat resonate with their own needs and values. Eachsubgroup within the HDSC is committed to the sameset of core values, but each group interprets them in amanner that is contextually consistent with the pre-vailing life structures (i.e., ages, occupations, familystructures) of its members. The values that make upthe biker ethos touch on virtually all aspects of mem-bers' lives, including the social, the political, and thespiritual. So strong is the Harley-Davidson motorcycleas an organizing symbol for the biker ethos that it hasbecome, in effect, a religious icon around which an en-tire ideology of consumption is articulated.

Religious Aspects of the Subculture

The world of the HDSC is a sacred domain withinthe everyday life of the Harley owner. The biker motto,"Live to ride, ride to live," suggests that motorcyclingis a total lifestyle for the enthusiast; however, for allbut the most hard-core members of the subculture, itis more ofa sanctuary in which to experience temporaryself-transformation.

The Hariey consumption experience has a spiritualityderived in part from a sense of riding as a transcendentaldeparture from the mundane. One senior executive whofrequently commutes on his Harley spoke of his typicalride home as an experience that, unlike driving homein his car, cleanses him from all aspects of his work dayand prepares him to arrive home psychologically un-burdened. His family notices the change: "When mykids hear the Harley in the driveway they run out tomeet me because they know I'll be in a good mood."Several elements contribute to spirituality of the ridingexperience: the increased closeness to nature, theheightened sensory awareness, the mantric throbbingof the engine, the constant awareness of risk and theconcomitant mental focus, and, in group riding, theconsciousness of oneself as an integral part of a largergroup or purpose. Lanquist (1987) considers riding aHarley to be a modern equivalent of the shamanic ex-perience of magical flight. Under certain conditions(e.g., in fog, snow, or heavy rain; on deserted streets atnight; pursuing mirages on a desert highway; or at theleading edge ofa storm front) the whole experience ofriding can seem particularly magical or otherworldly,somewhat akin to the extraordinary experience of riverrafting as described by Arnould and Price (1993).

SUBCULTURES OF CONSUMPTION SI

Another religious aspect of the HDSC is the reverenceor awe with which bikers and other devotees treat Har-ley-Davidson motorcycles. It is strictly taboo to touchanother person's Harley without permission; in theoutlaw subculture to do so invites violent reprisals(Hopper and Moore 1983). The sacredness of the bikeis observed in elaborate rituals for motorcycle cleaningand maintenance. For instance, when one informantchecks into a hotel for the night he routinely asks fortwo extra hand towels; these he uses (one wet, one dry)to clean and polish his bike first thing the followingmorning. No spot of dirt is overlooked, and no spot ofchrome goes unshined before the day's ride.

Bikers' adoration of their machines is also manifestin the creation of shrines for housing and administeringto them. One Oregon school teacher, upon purchasinghis first Harley and lacking a garage in which to storeit (a covered carport was deemed insufficient protec-tion), wheeled it into the living room of his home in-stead. His wife lacked sympathy for such behavior, andhe soon built a special shed for the bike. The shed, be-decked with Harley posters, calendars, and memora-bilia, has become a temple open only to fellow bikersfor the purpose of sharing sacramental beer along withHarley-related goals, lore, and experiences. Many suchshrines were described by informants and/or visitedby us.

The principle of brotherhood among bikers alsocarries religious connotations. The appellation of"brother" or "bro" commonly bestowed on one bikerby another signifies membership in a community ofshared belief, purpose, and experience. Playing on thattheme, Bros Club is the name of a cooperative roadsideassistance organization for bikers. Among outlawsbrotherhood means fierce, unconditional loyalty to allmembers in good standing with the club (Hopper andMoore 1983; Reynolds 1967). The sense of brotherhoodis strengthened for all bikers, whether enthusiast oroutlaw, by a feeling of marginality that goes hand inhand with the biker persona. Perhaps the most sublimemanifestation of brotherhood lies in the shared expe-rience of riding in formation with a large group of otherbikers; the formation moves like a single organism, thesound of a single motorcycle is caught up in a symphonyof pipes, and individual identity is subsumed by thegroup (cf. Celsi. Rose, and Leigh's [1993] descriptionof "communitas," or shared flow, among skydivers).

There is also a darker, cultic side of the biker religion.Outlaw club names like Hells Angels, Satan's Slaves,and Pagans play off of religious metaphor in such a wayas to suggest the Antichrist. Outlaw clubs conduct theirown religious ceremonies, including major rites of pas-sage such as weddings and funerals (Saxon 1972). Theclub president or another high-ranking member acts asthe ecclesiastical authority, and a Harley owner's man-ual is customarily used as scripture (Hopper and Moore1983; Thompson !966). Motifs of death, such as theskulls and grim reapers pervasive in biker jewelry, tat-

toos, adornments, and paint jobs, are also suggestive ofoccult fascination and a greater credence in fate thanin faith {cf. Watson 1980).

Proselytism and missionary work, especially commonin Christian religions, also have a limited place in theHDSC despite a general ethic of separation and non-recruitment. Members of groups such as HOG chaptersor Christian clubs sometimes proselyte within theHDSC. For example, after one conversation with amember of a Christian club one of us began receivingregular newsletters and other club mailings. Somewhatlike "secular missionaries," proud and enthusiasticHarley owners advertise their "faith" with T-shirts,other apparel, collectibles, and the bikes themselves, allof which may serve as stimuli for conversations in whichto spread Harley ideology. Our experiences on the re-ceiving end of such missionary work indicate that re-cruitment is more likely to be done by relative new-comers to the group rather than by higher-statusmembers of the group's hard core. This may be ex-plained as a strategy for status enhancement. Newcom-ers tend to have less status within the group than vet-erans; by bringing yet newer riders into the fold the"missionaries" may elevate their own relative status.

Core ValuesThe "gospel" or ideology of the HDSC is built upon

a set of core values reflected in the meanings attributedto the Harley-Davidson motorcycle and its usage. Instudying the Harley ethos we discovered several dom-inant values. It is interesting to note that with respectto some of the values, we discovered discrepancies be-tween the myth and the reality of Harley ownership.

Personal Freedom. The dominant value in the ethosof the HDSC is personal freedom. Two kinds of personalfreedom are particularly important: liberation (i.e.,freedom from) and license (i.e., freedom to). Virtuallyevery biker identifies strongly with the motorcycle as asymbol of freedom that contrasts starkly with the au-tomobile ("cage" or "coffin" in biker vernacular) as asymbol of confinement. Two systems of symbols em-body the value of personal freedom; they are the spread-winged Harley eagle and the Harley-as-horse metaphor.

The spread-winged eagle, broadly representative offlight and American political freedom (as well as pre-dation and power, which are relevant to a different corevalue, i.e., machismo), pervades Harley-Davidsonbranding as a symbol of liberation. Variations on theeagle are incorporated into several trademarks andbrands (including Eagle Iron accessories and Screamin'Eagle performance parts). The eagle motif also appearsregularly in biker body art (tattoos) and bike body art(custom paint). For at least one informant (a 39-year-old hospital administrator with a strong antiestablish-ment bent) the eagle is a personal totem. In one of sev-eral interviews he stated, "I don't know if I believe inreincarnation, but if its true, I'd like to come back as


FIGURE 3

EXPRESSIONS OF "FREEDOM OF THE ROAD": HELMETS OFF, SADDLE BAGS, BED ROLLS.AND OANTEEN—2.000 MILES FROM HOME

an eagle." When asked why he responded, "For thefreedom. It would be great to be able to take off anytime I wanted and just soar above the earth anywhereI pleased."

The Harley-as-horse metaphor, common in biker art,poetry, and fiction, is central to various personae createdin the minds and public performances of Hariey owners.Two such personae that exemplify personal freedom inthe American consciousness are the wild west drifter(i.e., a frontiersman whose freedom is based on a lackof attachments) and the western folk hero (whose free-dom derives from his prowess with a six-gun). Thesesymbols of frontier liberty and license are supportedfurther by biker clothing and accessories with westernmotifs, including leather chaps, boots, vests, and sad-dlebags, often adorned with fringe or conches (see Fig.3). Like the western folk hero (and its medieval andpostapocalyptic versions, the "black knight" and the"road warrior"), the biker may operate on either sideof the law.

Taking the position that liberation is a core value ofthe HDSC naturally leads to the question. Liberationfrom what? The Harley-Davidson motorcycle/eagle/steed stands for liberation from confinement. For bikersthe Harley is the antithesis of all the sources of con-

finement (including cars, offices, schedules, authority,and relationships) that may characterize their variousworking and family situations. Similarly, symbols suchas the tattoos, long hair, and bushy beards of manybikers, especially working-class members of the baby-boom cohort, signify liberation from mainstream valuesand social structures. The myth of the Harley and itssupporting symbolism is one of total freedom. Thereality of daily life is usually one of multiple sources ofconfinement. For the biker it is the reality of confine-ment that makes the myth of liberation so seductiveand the temporary experience of flight so valuable. Itis ironic that members of the HDSC commonly choose,in joining formal organizations, to accept rigid newstructures, new codes of conduct, new pressures to con-form, and new sources of authority.

Given the importance of the Harley-Davidson as asymbol of personal freedom, it should not be surprisingthat bikers rankle at legislation that hampers their mo-torcycling experience. For example, mandatory helmetlaws are anathema to most Hartey owners, who claimthat it is their natural right to feel the wind in their hairas they ride. The disdain for restrictive legislation hasled to a substantial market for products that allow bikersto skirt certain laws with impunity. Helmet laws have


led to the development of light, thinly padded "skull-cap" helmets that, although they do not meet Depart-ment of Transportation (DOT) standards, carry coun-terfeit DOT approval emblems and are widely availableat motorcycle rallies and swap meets. Likewise, in manystates it is illegal to alter the stock exhaust systems ofstreet cycles; yet stock mufflers do not achieve the loud,throaty, rumbling sound that Harley owners prefer. Themarketing response from Harley-Davidson and after-market accessory manufacturers is a full line of lightlybaffled mufflers and/or unmuffled pipes that bear thedesignation, "For Off-Road Use Only." This is morethan a little ironic given the highly limited ofF-road ap-plications of a 700-pound Harley.

Riding a Harley-Davidson, especially in the contextof a group function such as a rally, grants license tobehave in ways that would be socially awkward or un-acceptable outside the HDSC. One important form oflicense is the freedom to create for oneself a persona ortemporary alter ego. Jim Paterson, then president ofthe Harley-Davidson Motor Company, compared theHarley to a blank canvas that allows its owner to painthimself (or herselO in any fashion desired. For manyriders the chosen personae borrow heavily from theoutlaw stereotype, which allows them to dress, act, andfeel rougher, tougher, freer, and wilder than they nor-mally would.

The HDSC also grants a degree of sexual license, es-pecially at rallies (cf. Young [1988] on license within arugby subculture). Public displays of both male and fe-male nudity abound at many rallies; yet the nudity isoften meant more for shock or humor than for titilla-tion. At an ABATE rally in Iowa, for example, a groupof men held up a hand-lettered "Show your tits" signinside the entrance to the rally grounds; although manywomen declined, a significant number obliged as theywalked or rode by. Somewhat later in the afternoon agroup of women retaliated with their own sign that said,"Show yer pee-pee-doodle," prompting a motorcade,amid howls of laughter, of bikers dressed in their bootsonly. The specific types of license taken by bikers varyalong the lines of class, religion, and other social de-marcations, but the general tendency is toward greatersocial risk-taking and more hedonic indulgence.

Patriotism and American Heritage. To the extentthat the Harley-Davidson motorcycle represents per-sonal freedom, as the sole survivor of the Americanmotorcycle industry it also represents America. Amer-icanism is an important value throughout the HDSC,although it is expressed differently across subgroups.Americanism for some (e.g., midwestern Mom-and-Popbikers) means mainstream patriotism along the lines ofIndependence Day parades, apple pie, and John Deeretractors. For others (especially working-class bikers)patriotism rings with xenophobia, complete with Japanbashing and perhaps other forms of bigotry. We shouldnote that in the mindset of the HDSC "patriotic" and

"law-abiding" are not necessarily synonymous. Forbikers who read "America" as "personal freedom" and"the pursuit of happiness," riding a Harley may be con-sidered a more patriotic act than obeying laws that theysee as infringements of their personal rights. That evennon-U.S. bikers value Harley's Americanism is evi-denced by this quote from a British motorcycle maga-zine, "I don't think it's too cynical to suggest that Harleymarketing abroad relies on the rest of the world's fetishfor old Americana" (Leonard 1993).

In addition to the Harley-Davidson motorcycle itself,other symbols of patriotism are ubiquitous in theHDSC. American flags abound at rallies. They can beseen as decals, paint jobs, and actual flags on bikes;patches, pins, or screen prints on clothing; or even hugeflags unfurled as backdrops for campsites (see Fig. 4).Personalized license plates and frames, custom paintjobs, and clothing often carry pro-USA messages rang-ing from the benign (e.g., "USA RIDE" on a licenseplate) to the bellicose (e.g., "Remember Pearl Harbor"on a license plate frame). Heeding and perhaps feedingsuch patriotic expressions, Harley-Davidson. Inc., hasincorporated USA symbolism into various of its logosand paint designs; images such as the Statue of Libertyand the words "Made in USA" have recently been in-corporated into stock paint jobs. During the DesertStorm operation in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, we ob-served banners, flags, and posters supporting Americantroops displayed prominently in Harley dealerships aswell as throughout the Harley engine and transmissionplant in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Indicative of the extentto which the Harley-Davidson motorcycle has becomean American icon is a recent Harley ad that depicts aHarley Electra-Glide against a southwestern desertbackground accompanied with the caption; "Is this agreat country, or what?"

Drawn from the same well of conservatism that feedstheir patriotism is another related concern of Harleyowners: tradition or heritage. One reason Japanese bikes(dubbed "rice grinders" or "rice rockets") are scornedby the HDSC is the perceived disdain of Japanese man-ufacturers for tradition, as demonstrated by the frequentintroduction of new models and the extinction of othersafter only a few years. Harley-Davidson, in contrast,emphasizes a continuity that connects its newest mo-torcycle in a direct line of ancestry to its earliest pro-totype. Model names such as Heritage, Classic, Nos-talgia, and Evolution underscore this obeisance to thepast. To us. the importance of this tradition to the Har-ley owner appears to lie partly in a symbolic linkage tothe golden years of American heavy industry—a timewhen American manufacturing was the pride of the na-tion and the backbone of its economy.

Biker patriotism is expressed directly through buyerbehavior; however, the behaviors differ among the ma-jor subgroups of the HDSC. The most vociferously pro-American are the working-class bikers, adamant aboutbuying American-made products, in part, because they


FIGURE 4

GROUP CAMP SITE AT AN IOWA ABATE TREEDOM RALLY"

feel their livehhoods are directly threatened by importedgoods. Their "buy-American" creed extends beyondtheir motorcycles to include the purchasing of clothing,automobiles, tools, and accessories, and they are re-sentful of people who do not share their loyalty. RUBs,in contrast, while proud of their American Harleys, of-ten prefer Japanese or European automobiles and, ingeneral, shop for quality and value before country oforigin. Part of the appeal of Harley-Davidson acrosssubgroups of the HDSC is their perception of the motorcompany as an American folk hero in an economic warwith Japan.

Machismo. Members of the HDSC value manli-ness. Expressions of machismo abound. A popular T-shirt in Harleydom proclaims that "Real Men WearBlack." The concern for what real men do pervadesvirtually every aspect of the biker experience. Harleysare reputedly the biggest, heaviest, loudest (albeit notthe fastest), and, therefore, manliest motorcycles on theroad. In some ways these properties of the motorcyclemirror properties displayed by the bikers themselves;massive bellies (or biceps) and loud, aggressive behaviorseem more natural on a Harley than on any other typeof motorcycle. Bikers adorn their machines with mas-sive quantities of chrome and leather, and they tend toadorn themselves in a similar fashion; leather clothing,

heavy boots, and gauntlets (all black) lend a road-war-rior-like appearance that often is made even more pro-nounced with the addition of knives, wallet chains,conches, chrome studs, and other such hardware. Astroll through a biker swap meet will invariably leadone past displays of weaponry including knives of alltypes, blackjacks, and brass knuckles.

The aggressive biker stereotype featuring heavybeards, long hair, and tattoos is found most readilyamong the working class. However, RUBs tend towardsomewhat campy interpretations of the stereotypicalbiker image, adding a designer flair to their expensive"dress-up" leathers; furthermore, their professionalstatuses preclude the adoption of indelible symbols ofbarbarism. Riders in the Mom-and-Pop segment arethe least extreme; their appearance is less aggressive,and their bikes are more comfortably appointed. Don-ning the trappings of machismo is not merely dress-up;it occasions a transformation of attitude and experience.Several informants have reported, and we can corrob-orate, that the motorcycle and leather clothing seem toimpart a sense of power, fearsomeness, and invulner-ability to the rider.

In this patently masculine subculture the roles ofwomen traditionally have been subordinate at best tomen. In outlaw clubs women are considered literally to


be the property of one or more men and are completelysubservient to the sexual and economic demands of themales to whom they belong (Hopper and Moore 1990).Our research among nonoutlaw groups indicates thatthe rest of the HDSC is almost equally, although notso brutally, male dominated. Women are treated largelyas motorcycle accessories, that is, adornments who rideon the back of a man's bike, if at all. Dykes on Bikeswould reject that characterization strenuously. Ladiesof Harley (LOH), a women's auxiliary organization at-tached to HOG and sponsored by Harley-Davidson,might also take offense at being called adornments, butless rightfully so. A small but growing number of femaleriders are moving "up from the back seat" to ride theirown Harleys. thereby elevating their status in the sub-culture. The LOH group attached to the San FranciscoFog Hogs chapter of HOG has changed its name unof-ficially from Ladies of Harley to Ladies on Harleys, re-jecting the dependent status along with the possessiveprepositional phrase. Women who ride also display thesymbols of machismo (e.g.. chrome, leathers, tattoos,loud pipes); however, the symbols often are softenedwith the addition of pastel colors, floral motifs, andother feminizing touches.

The motives behind the temporary or sustained as-sertions of masculinity that typify the biker image areopen to speculation. Some informants give the impres-sion that they are engaged in something akin to per-formance art for the mere fun of it. There is indeed aHalloweenish aspect of playing biker that is amusingand enjoyable. Others, however, take the machismomore seriously, as if they have something to prove byit. In either case, indulgence in an overtly masculinesubculture may function (for men at least) to compen-sate for some self-doubt in an area of supposed malecompetency. For example, feelings of incompetency asa breadwinner, of alienation or emasculation in thework place, or of failure in a love relationship all con-ceivably could be assuaged or insulated by the rein-forced masculinity of a biker persona.

Summary

Underlying the behaviors of a subculture of con-sumption is an identifiable ethos, that is, a set of corevalues that are accepted to varying degrees by all itsadherents. Those values find expression in certainproducts or brands and their usages. Where multiplesubgroups coexist within a subculture, expressions ofthe core values through symbolic consumption may re-flect cultural or socioeconomic idiosyncrasies of thesubgroups. Commitment to key brands and productusage behaviors may be held with religious intensity,even to the point of elevating certain brands to the statusof icons. The popularity of such brands may be en-hanced by missionary-like behaviors on the part of en-thusiastic members of the subculture of consumption.

TRANSFORMATION OF SELF:BECOMING A BIKER

In a process similar to the reconstruction of identitydescribed by Schouten (1991) for consumers of cosmeticsurgery, aspirants to the HDSC experiment with theconcept of "biker" as a possible self Once the possibleself is sufficiently elaborated and deemed to be bothdesirable and achievable, the aspirant is ready (in theabsence of other barriers) to malce the acquisition thatinitiates him or her into the ranks of Harley ownership.However, as the Cycle Lords of the High Truth are quickto point out, the mere acquisition of a Harley-Davidsonmotorcycle doth not a biker make.

The individual's movement into and through thecommitment-based status hierarchy of the HDSC con-stitutes a gradual transformation of the self. Like mem-bers of other groups that rightly can be called subcul-tures of consumption, such as skydivers (see Celsi et at.1993) and surfers (see Irwin 1973), bikers undergo anevolution of motives and a deepening of commitmentas they become more involved in the subculture. Herewe discuss the evolving identity of a member of theHDSC and the consumer behaviors that facilitate andsignify the various stages of transformation. In general,the stages traversed are as follows: (I) experimentationwith the biker identity, (2) identification and confor-mity, and (3) mastery and internalization.

People approach the HDSC for numerous reasons:their values may resonate with those of the subculture,they may experience peer influences, or they simplymay be attracted to the style or mystique of the mo-torcycle. For aspirants to the HDSC, products such asHarley apparel, collectibles, and promotional itemsprovide the means to display their commitment to theconcept of Harley ownership and/or their sense of af-filiation with the subculture. Perceived by Harley own-ers as signs of envy, the imitative display by nonownersof Harley-branded goods reinforces the HDSC mem-bers' feelings of status or superiority. The marketing ofsuch goods serves the needs of both bikers and aspirantsand expands the market for Harley-Davidson productsbeyond the realm of motorcycle owners.

Regardless of the motives that draw an individual tothe HDSC, the price of membership remains the same—Harley ownership. Riding a Harley reinforces anothermotive for ridership, that is. a sense of being set apartfrom the masses. To the nonriding citizen the newowner appears to be a biker just like any other, andtheir responses run a gamut f rom hostility to fear, todeference, to admiration, or to indifference real orfeigned. Aspirants, on the other hand, now grant therider obeisance with responses ranging from admiringlooks to gestures or shouts of approval. Whatever feel-ings of marginality and distinction the HDSC newcomerhas to begin with are reinforced by such public re-sponses, and the newcomer becomes acutely aware ofanother important aspect of Harley ownership, perfor-


mance for an audience. Much of what guides the new-comer's purchases of protective clothing, footwear, hel-mets, and accessories can be explained as tasks ofimpression management driven by perceptions of au-dience expectation.

Neophytes of the HDSC divide the social world rathersimplistically into bikers and nonbikers. Their conceptof a biker remains stereotypical (cf. Donnelly andYoung 1988; Irwin 1973), and Harley ownership pro-vides feelings of insider status. However, once they gainsome experience as members of the subculture new-comers Inevitably begin to recognize their lowly positionin the overall status hierarchy. Feelings of uncertaintyabout correct behavior and dress are diminished in partby the acquisition and display of stereotypical bikercostumery in acts of symbolic self-completion (seeSchouten 1991;Soiomon 1983). Models for appropriateconsumption behavior come from a variety of sourcesincluding other bikers and the media. Because the new-comer is ignorant of many nuances of biker culture, hisor her socialization may be facilitated opportunisticallyby marketing efforts. For example, purchasers of newHarley motorcycles automatically receive membershipin HOG, and, as members, they receive promotionalliterature such as HOG Tales (the national HOG news-letter). The Enthusiast (a corporate magazine for own-ers), and catalogs of official clothing and accessories.These promotional efforts, reinforced by substantial rolemodeling and peer pressure from more experiencedbikers, help to instruct new riders in "the look." Thissocialization process has the effects of molding themalleable perceptions of the new biker toward an ac-ceptance of the corporate vision of bikerdom and ofcreating customers for official Harley-Davidson clothingand accessories.

Once a part of the HDSC, the importance of main-taining the biker image for an outside audience yieldssomewhat to a desire to increase one's status within thesubculture. Celsi et al. (1993) mark this shift clearlyamong skydivers. Within-group status increases as therider gains experience, forms interpersonal relation-ships, customizes his motorcycle, and otherwise investstime, energy, and money into Harley ownership. Thepsychological outcome is a feeling of increased authen-ticity as a biker.

In a process described by Scammon (1987) in thecontext of horse training and ownership as making "sidebets," the biker accumulates specialized possessions thatboth demonstrate and increase commitment to motor-cycling and to the Harley-Davidson brand. Material sidebets include branded leathers and other clothing, ex-pensive accessories for the motorcycle, tattoos, and thevirtual shrines erected by many bikers for the purposeof storing, maintaining, and displaying their bikes.Equally important as side bets are the social relation-ships that evolve around motorcycling. It is not un-common fora biker to devote the majority of his or herleisure time to motorcycling activities with friends or

club members. Taken together, the side bets functionas formidable barriers to leaving the subculture orswitching to another brand of motorcycle. For example,to a member of the HDSC the notion of riding a Jap-anese bike is distasteful; but the idea of riding a "ricerocket" while wearing Harley leathers is nothing shortof mortifying.

The ultimate conclusion of continued commitmentto the HDSC is the development of a total biker lifestyle.At this stage, identification and conformity have givenway to mastery and the internalization of the bikerethos. The biker no longer feels self-conscious in thepublic performance aspects of ridership. In fact, the im-portance of dramaturgical aspects of riding may giveway to the importance of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 1990)or similar psychospiritual experiences. Some riders feelat liberty to deviate from established or stereotypicalcostumery and create individual styles. This particularpoint was made clear when the we crossed paths witha Hells Angel in Amsterdam who unabashedly rode hischopper^ in full colors (i.e., wearing his official clubinsignias) over a white T-shirt, fiowered bermuda shorts,and red Converse sneakers, instead of the uniform blackT-shirt, greasy blue jeans, and black boots of the outlawbiker. More commonly, however, those who havegained some standing in organized groups become "de-fenders of the faith," sacrificing the freedom of indi-vidual expression in order to perpetuate the look of thestatus quo from which they derive their prestige (cf.Irwin 1973).

SummaryBecoming a member of a subculture of consumption

generally means entering at the bottom of a status hi-erarchy and undergoing a process of socialization. So-cialization brings about a transformation of the indi-vidual that entails an evolution of motives forinvolvement and a deepening of commitment to thesubculture and its ethos. The process begins with ex-perimentation with a biker persona. The individual re-fines self-presentation through conformity and imita-tion, all the while gauging the effectiveness of his or herperformance with respect to relevant (and changing)audiences. Commitment and concomitant status areincreased by the establishment of material and socialside bets. Individuals who invest sufficient energy intoa subculture of consumption may eventually internalizeits values and forms, becoming hard-core members.

'The chopper is the most recognizable symbol of the outlaw biker,although it did not originate strictly as an outlaw creation. A chopperis a customized Harley-Davidson formed first by the removal (hence"chopping") of unnecessary body metal, luggage, large gas tanks,windshields, shock absorbers, and other accoutrements. In their placeare added extended forks, small "peanut" gas tanks, tall "ape hanger"handlebars, unmufiled custom exhausts, and custom paint. For a de-tailed "nuts and bolts" discussion of the chopping process, see Saxon(1972, pp. 144-153).


MARKETING AND THE SUBCULTUREOF CONSUMPTION

Subcultures of consumption, in their devotion to andritualistic consumption of certain products, tend to pa-tronize marketers who cater to their specialized needs.It is possible for a marketer who understands the struc-ture and ethos of a subculture of consumption to cul-tivate a long-lasting, symbiotic relationship with it.Harley-Davidson has maintained such a relationshipwith the HDSC (see Fig. 5). Other examples of suchsymbioses include those between Deadheads and theGrateful Dead organization (Pearson 1987), betweenbodybuilders and the Weider brothers' empire (Klein1985. 1986), and, to a lesser degree, between small pro-prietorships such as punk bars and their regular sub-cultural clientele {Fox 1987).

By understanding the process of self-transformationundergone by individuals within a subculture of con-sumption, a marketer can take an active role in social-izing new members and cultivating the commitment ofcurrent ones. Harley-Davidson cultivates consumercommitment through means such as supplying a steadystream of information geared to the needs of newcomersand providing a full range of clothing, accessories, andservices that function as involvement-enhancing sidebets and exit barriers.

Harley-Davidson provides necessary goods and ser-vices for the functioning of the HDSC, and in return itreceives such enviable benefits as fierce customer loy-alty., voluminous publicity, and highly useful consumerfeedback. Another remarkable benefit that accrues tomarketers from subcultures of consumption is the phe-nomenon of "grassroots R and D" that occurs as highlyinvolved consumers develop stylistic and technologicaladvancements for existing consumer goods (see Schou-ten and McAlexander 1993). Such consumer-initiatedinnovation has generated many of the design ideas inHarley-Davidson clothing and accessories. The samephenomenon lies also at the heart of industries likeequipment and clothing for skydivers and for surfers(Lyngand Snow 1986).

Marketing the Outlaw Mystique:The Transfer of Cultural Meaning

Since the 1960s Harley-Davidson, Inc.. has been sad-dled with the strongly deviant meanings attached tobikers in the public mind. The image of the outlaw bikerthat dominates the stereotype of Harley owners is thecocreation of marginal social groups, a sensationalisticpress, and the movie industry.^ For a marketer to main-stream America this countercultural position wouldpose real problems; however, for a marketer to a mar-ginal subculture, especially in light of America's "pe-

'For an account of the historical development of the outlaw bikersubculture, see Harris (1985).

FIGURE 5

1-90 NEAR STURGIS, SD: HARLEY-DAVIDSON, INC.,RETROACTIVELY ASSERTS CORPORATE

INVOLVEMENT IN A 50-YEARBIKER TRADITION

culiarly western tendency to tolerate dramatic violationsof cultural norms" (McCracken 1986, p. 76), the outlawimage presents unique marketing opportunities. Harley-Davidson's response has been not to fight the outlawimage but. rather, to expropriate certain symbols of theoutlaw subculture and employ the product design andadvertising components of the fashion system (seeMcCracken 1986) in order to redefine their meaningsjust enough to make them palatable to a broader groupof consumers. A case in point is the chopper. Once theexclusive product of the shade-tree mechanic or the clubchopper shop, the chopper was considered an outlawmachine. Now, however, by incorporating such itemsas sissy bars, extended forks, and leather saddle bagsinto their product design, Harley-Davidson has madeit possible to buy a factory chopper right from the


showroom floor; in fact, chopper-style bikes are amongthe most popular in Hariey's line-up.

The commercialization of certain subcultural prod-ucts is not uncommon (Gottdiener 1985). The Amer-ican hot-rod subculture elicited a strong marketing re-sponse from Detroit during its "muscle ear" era(Moorhouse 1986). Examples from the music industryinclude the popularization of blues standards by whiteartists such as Elvis Presley and the introduction of rapinto the mainstream of popular music (Blair and Hatala1991). Elements of hippie and punk style, respectively,became popular in hair, jewelry, and clothing styles.Surfer styles repeatedly have been copied into popularswimwear.

In the creation of HOG, Harley-Davidson has donemore than commercialize products of a counterculture;the company has created a vital parallel subculturewithin the greater HDSC. To achieve this Harley-Davidson has coopted important symbols and structuralaspects of the outlaw subculture, sanitized or softenedthem, and given them more socially acceptable mean-ings. Retained from the outlaw mystique are a sense ofbrotherhood and outsider status. These are reinforcedsymbolically by HOG's uniform vest and insigniasreminiscent of the outlaw's "colors." The organizationof a HOG chapter (this term parallels gang terminology)resembles that of an outlaw club chapter, especially onthe road. The two-column formation adhered to on arun resembles a gang's road organization (McQuire1986). The psyche of the HOG chapter on a run is aganglike exhibition of machismo and (albeit mild) in-timidation of other motorists achieved through the col-lective noise of the bikes, the movement through trafficin a solid phalanx, and the overall appearance of theblack-leather clad group.

However, just as notable as the similarities are thedifferences between a HOG chapter and an outlaw club.The HOG stresses family participation and family val-ues (a definite asset in the socialization of children tothe subculture). The HOG-sponsored rallies exhibit lit-tle or none of the outrageous behavior (e.g., public nud-ity and sexual exhibitionism) found at events such asSturgis and ABATE rallies. Instead, activities at HOGrallies include lectures on motorcycle safety andmaintenance, children's activities, sock hops, and focusgroups that discuss topics such as HOG merchandise.The HOG members appear to be able to partake sym-bolically in the outlaw mystique without ever venturinginto the realm of the outlaw biker.

The benefits of supporting HOG to Harley-Davidsonare numerous and substantial. By making the subculturemore approachable the company has expanded the ap-peal of its products to a more socially mainstream con-sumer. Sponsored events such as state, regional, andnational HOG rallies become intense marketing eventsfeaturing such popular agenda items as a "HOG mall"for the sale of exclusive HOG apparel and collectibles,test rides of new motorcycles, shows and competitions

for accessorized motorcycles, focus groups and "townmeetings" with Harley-Davidson representatives for thepurposes of information gathering and customer rela-tions, and the presence of "corporate celebrities" suchas Willie G. Davidson and Ms. Harley-Davidson forthe generation of goodwill. Within the exclusive con-fines of HOG rallies and other corporate-sponsoredevents, Harley-Davidson is marketing to a loyal follow-ing; but the rallies also generate significant amounts ofpositive publicity for a more general audience. TheHOG members proudly participate in parades throughdowntown areas. Local television coverage is commonbecause of the size and visibility of regional events; na-tional events such as Harley-Davidson's eighty-fifth andninetieth anniversary celebrations in Milwaukee re-ceived national press and television coverage.

Efforts to capitalize on the marketability of a sub-culture of consumption also entail risks commensuratewith the benefits. Attempts to exploit the subculture bybroadening its appeal may have a deadly corruptinginfluence on the subculture itself. Part of the psychicbenefit of being a biker is the distinction of being partof a marginal group. However, as membership in thesubculture becomes more accessible and acceptable tomainstream consumers, and as more mainstream con-sumers begin to don the trappings of bikers, lines ofmarginality become blurred and some of the distinc-tiveness of the biker subculture is lost. We have en-countered an almost palpable tension within the HDSCbetween bikers with outlaw sensibilities and the new,upscale bikers, whom they regard as poseurs. One blue-collar informant, formerly with outlaw leanings, ex-pressed this tension in terms of his own concern for thebiker image: "I've seen how the brothers react to theseyuppie poseurs. I'm just afraid somebody's going to gethurt one of these days." The same tension is also feltfrom the side of upscale bikers, whose apocrypha in-clude stories of menacing behavior from outlaws in-cluding personal assaults and motorcycle thefts.

A similar tension between traditional and yuppiebikers is rooted in socioeconomic factors. We encoun-tered two informants, both blue-collar bikers with manyyears of Harley ownership, who had sold their Harleysand turned to riding dirt bikes because, in the words ofone, Harley-Davidson had "sold out for the mightydollar." They felt that Harley-Davidson had betrayedtheir loyalty by pricing them out of the Harley market.Their rationale is that prices are too high because Har-ley-Davidson is profiteering among the yuppies andselling a mystique that they and other "authentic" bik-ers had helped create.

A danger underlying the potential alienation of tra-ditional bikers from the HDSC is that the subcultureconceivably could lose the vitality it draws from theperceived outlaw connection. Without its renegademystique the subculture risks becoming stale and unex-citing. The marketing consequence of this danger is thatbrand management is faced with a veritable tightrope


walk between the conflicting needs of two disparate butequally important groups of consumers: those who givethe product its mystique and those who give the com-pany its profitability.

SummarySubcultures of consumption provide opportunities

for marketers to engage them in symbiotic relationships.Marketers who understand the structure and ethos ofa subculture of consumption can profit from serving itsneeds. In addition to providing necessary objects forthe functioning of the subculture, marketers may alsoassist in the socialization of new members, facilitatecommunications within the subculture, and sponsorevents that provide havens for the activities of the sub-culture. In return marketers may accrue increased cus-tomer loyalty, publicity, and consumer feedback,among other benefits. Marketers may make a marginalsubculture more accessible to mainstream consumers,thus increasing the size of their market; however, to doso indiscriminately runs the risk of alienating hard-coremembers, corrupting the subculture, and diluting itsoriginal appeal.

CONCLUSIONIn this article we have developed a theoretical frame-

work that situates achieved, consumption-orientedsubcultures within the context of American consumerculture. Although we studied a subculture that by somereckonings would be considered exotic, subcultures ofconsumption are ubiquitous in our society and extendwell into the realm of the mundane. Everyday activitiessuch as gardening, woodworking, or fly-fishing may suf-ficiently guide people's consumption and social activ-ities to form the bases of subcultures of consumption.For example, a devotion to gardening may directly in-fluence product choices (e.g., tools, clothing, fertilizers,seeds), retail patronage (e.g., stores with good gardencenters), social interaction (e.g., through formal orga-nizations or informal conversation), media usage (e.g.,magazines, public television programs), and so forth.The concept of the subculture of consumption is robustenough to encompass virtually any group of peopleunited by common consumption values and behaviors.

As an analytic category the subculture of consump-tion solves nagging problems inherent in the use ofother, a priori categorizations for the understanding ofconsumption patterns. McCracken (1986) points outseveral difficulties in attempting to understand con-sumers via ascribed groups such as age. class, gender,ethnicity, or lifestyle. Not the least of the problems isthat people have the latitude in Western culture to re-define their own categories. They simply will not stayput in the boxes drawn up for them by sociologists,marketers, or demographers.

McCracken (1986) goes on to explain that social cat-egories are merely conceptual tools having no substance

of their own until they are substantiated or given formthrough the use of agents such as material goods. Thisall goes to say that relevant categorizations cannot beknown except as they are conveyed through consump-tion patterns. Why then, as scholars of consumer be-havior, do we persist in the use of ascribed social cat-egories when (1) people freely reject such categorizationsin practice, and (2) people generally are quite wiltingto supply us with categories that do fit and that aresubstantiated by their own consumption behaviors?

Consider the case of one author's boyhood friend.Chuck's given name was Carlos. He was born to Mex-ican parents in Los Angeles. As a high school student,he lived in an ethnically mixed neighborhood. He un-derstood (although he refused to speak) Spanish. Allthe traditional indicators would place Chuck in the cat-egory of "young Hispanic male." Traditional wisdomwould further ascribe to Chuck values and consumptionpatterns consistent with that categorization—consis-tent, that is, to anyone who had never met Chuck.Chuck's most valued possession was his surfboard. Hedrove a compact pick-up with surfboard racks. Hiswardrobe was "surfer." His best friends, all surfers,never heard him speak or respond to a word of Spanish.When he married it was to a blonde "surfer chick."Chuck certainly belonged to a subculture, but not theone assigned to him by the U.S. census; he belonged toa subculture of consumption.

In our consumer culture people do not define them-selves according to sociological constructs. They do soin terms of the activities, objects, and relationships thatgive their lives meaning. It is the objects, and consumergoods above all, that substantiate their place in the socialworld. It is through objects that they relate to otherpeople and make judgments about shared values andinterests. Through consumption activities they formrelationships that allow them to share meaning andmutual support. Those relationships and activities aregoverned by ideologies of consumption. Around thoseideologies of consumption consumers constitute theirown categories, and those categories define subculturesof consumption.

Within this framework we discuss several key topics.We first explore and define the social structure ofa sub-culture of consumption. Our study reveals a hierarchicalstructure based on status, the source of which is one'scommitment to the subculture's ideology as manifestedin patterns of consumption. Moving our focus to theethos of the subculture we find that select consumergoods are the repositories of meaning within the groupand that the rituals for their consumption facilitate thesharing and reinforcement of that meaning. We alsofind that as a member of the subculture an individual'sidentity, motives, and level of commitment evolve inpatterns that, once again, are linked inextricably togoods and consumption activities. Finally, we discussways in which understanding subcultures of consump-


tion provides opportunities for marketers to cultivatesymbiotic relationships with them.

Directions for Future ResearchIn his study of the surfing subculture, Irwin (1973)

suggests that a subculture of consumption exhibits alife cycle composed of four stages: articulation, expan-sion, corruption, and decline. If his conclusions aretransferable to the HDSC one might conclude that thebiker subculture is currently in a stage of expansionverging on corruption and inevitable decline. However,the emergence of organized professional surfing sincethe time of Irwin's study suggests that the surfing sub-culture has experienced an evolution rather than acomplete decline. Uncertainty about the life cycle andlongevity of subcultures of consumption suggests theneed for further exploration.

The full cross-cultural implications of a subcultureof consumption are not yet known. The apparent ten-dency of subcultures of consumption to transcendboundaries of nationality, ethnicity, gender, and gen-eration indicates the need for additional research. Wehave encountered direct evidence of the internation-alization of the HDSC; however, many questions re-main about the nature of the subculture in non-Amer-ican cultures. For example, interaction with Harleyowners in Europe and Malaysia has led us to suspectthat the outward symbols of the subculture (e.g., modesof dress and motoreycle customization) are transferredfairly intact but that they are overlaid on a new systemof referents more relevant to the host culture. It is im-portant to learn how the basic symbols of subculturesof consumption are used, altered, or reinterpreted whenembedded in a nonnative host culture with differingcultural categories and principles.

[Received April 1993. Revised May 1994. BrianSternthal served as editor and John F. Sherry, Jr.,

served as associate editor for this article.]

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