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JOURNALOFR O M A NMILITARY EQUIPMENTSTUDIESDedicatedto the Study of the Weapons, A rm our, andMilitaryFittingsof theArm iesand EnemiesofRome andByzantium

VOLUME5 1994


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Contents

Listofcontributors vjInstructions for contributors v iiEditorial I. The HistoricalContextL'quipement militaired'poquerpublicaine enGauleMichel Feugre 3H. Contexts of UseSome observations on R oman m ilitaria of ivory Claus von Carnap-Bornheim 27DekorierteGladii un d Cingula: Eine ikonographische Statistik Ernst Knzl 33RmischeDolche- Bemerkungenzu denFundumstndenAndreas ThielundWerner Zanier 59Waffen und Aus rstun gsteile aus dem H olz-Erde-Lager von Iz aJn Rajtr 83Late Roman helmet fragmentsfrom RichboroughMalcolm Lyne 97III. Deposition onLandTh e Newstead pits Simon Clarke and Rick Jones 10 9Roman cavalry helmets inritualhoards from the Kops Plateau at Nijmegen, The NetherlandsH.L.H. va n Enckevorta nd W.J.H. Willems 125IV .D eposition inWaterLesarmes romainesde laSane: tatde sdc ouvertesetdonnes rcentes de fouillesou s Bonnamour et Annie Dumont 141Frhkaiserzeitliche Militariaauseinem A ltrheinarmb eiXanten-WardtHans-Joachim Schalles 155V.CrossingtheFrontiersRmische Schwerter imGebiet de s europischen BarbaricumMarcin Biborski 16 9Waffen im mitteleuropischen Barbaricum : Handel oder PolitikM ichael Erdrich 199Militaryequipmenton theterritoryofSlovakiaE. Krekovic 211The Roman swords from Danish bog findsUlla Raid 227VI.Shifting MeaningsThe re-use of Romanmilitaryeq uipm ent in barbarian contexts. A chain-mail souvenir?Katarzyna Czarnecka 245Index 255


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Roman cavalry helmets in ritualhoards from the KopsPlateauatNijmegen TheNetherlandsHarry van Enckevort and Willem J. H. Willems

The town of Nijmegen is situated at the transitionfrom the holocene river delta to the pleistocenevalleys of theRhineandMeu se. Especially the town'sstrategic location on the high ice-pushed ridge over-looking the riverarea and the easy connections to thesouth have contributed to the importance of thislocation, which can be traced back to the Neolithic.From a Roman point of view, Nijmegen will orig-inally have been of supra-regional military andpolitical significance. However, from the secondquarter of the 1stcentury onwards, until wellinto the5th century, its role was more limited to controllingthe river delta. At the same time, Nijmegen was theadministrative and economic centre of the Bataviancivitas in the province of Germania Inferior/Ger-mania Secundo.Shortly before 12 BC , the Roman army bu ilt alegionary camp on the Hunerberg, a plateau which ispart of the ice-pushed ridge between Nijmegen andKleve.Thecamp measures 42 hawhichissufficient toaccomodate a force the size of two legions.2 Someofthese troops, which were housed in wooden barracks,may havebeen quartermasters, charged with prepara-tions for the campaigns into Germanyunder Drusus,between 1 2 a n d 9 B C .The legionary camp seems to have been desertedaround 10 BC and a new and smallerfort was built atthe Kops Plateau, to theeast of the Hunerberg.1 Thisfort wasrebuiltseveral times,i tsmax imum size being4.5 ha. A rather large and luxurious praetoriwn an dthe number of what appear to be houses for officerssuggest that this was the base-camp of a high-rankingcommander,possibly Drusushimself.Th e troops weremainly legionary soldiers, which is indicated, forexample, by the graffito of T. Ussi(us), horseman orsignifer of the legio I G[---] on an Arretine cup typeHaltern 7 from the first phase of the camp.4 Astamp

of the legio X Geniina on a dish of what is presum-ably imitation-Arretine ware probably belongs to thesame phase.5 Th e same legion is mentioned on thewell-known bronze helmet from the Meuse nearBuggenum. It is a legionary helmet of the Montefor-tino or Buggenum type. Th e evidence indicates thatthis legionwas located in the frontier zone and partsof it may have been charged with controlling connec-tionsto theGallic hinterland along theMeusevalley.6In about AD 10 the original fort was rebuilt, pre-sumably in connection with the reorganisations of thearmy after the defeat of Varus in the Teutoburgerwald.Between 10 and 20 an additional small auxiliary cam pwas built at the Trajanusplein, at the western end ofthe ice-pushed ridge. In the same period at least onebut probably three small auxiliary camps or annexeswere added to the fort at the Kops Plateau. Th e mostf u l l y excavated annex,with the remainsof stables, islocated south of the fort and meaures 0.75 ha.Thereisevidence that Gaulsmayhavebeen present among theauxiliary soldiers stationed here, an d also for Ger-manic troops. These units may have belonged toGermanicus' army, who campaigned in Germanybetween AD 14 and 16.The change in the German policy, whereby militarycampaigns were replaced by diplomatic relations andth e existing military infrastructure along th e Rhinewas converted into a limes,became apparent aroundAD 40. New castella were buil t on the banks of theRhine. The fort at the Kops Plateau was largelydemolishedandreplacedby afort which- incontrasttotheprevious installations- seems to have beenofonly regional importance. This can, for example, bededuced from the fact that a large part of the prae-toriwn was pulled down. Features and finds indicatethepresenceofcav alry and,as is argued below, it maywell be that this was the base of the renowned Ala

JRMES 5 1994125-37


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126 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994 O 00

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J.7:Roma n Nijmegen between 15 B.C. an d A.D. 70: 1 Augustan legionary fortress at the Hunerberg; 2 fort atthe Kops Plateau; 3- 5 military annexes on the Kops Plateau; 6 military camp at the Trajanus-plein; 7 thecivilian settlement Batavodurum/Oppidum Batavorum;5AugustanlTiberian settlement along th e Berg enDalseweg; 9 cemetery Kruisweg; 10 cemetery Museum Kamstraat; 11 cemetery Kronenburger-park; 12graves at the W aalkade; 13 graves near the eastern gate of the legionary fortress. Drawing ROBIH. de Kort.

Batavorum. The fortwas finally abandoned around69,inconnection withthe Batavian revolt.Th e excavations by the Dutch State ArchaeologicalService (ROB), which lasted from 1986-95, haveyielded over 30,000 metal objects, including morethan 1000 bronze and iron items of horse harnesses.This quantity indicates that cavalry uni ts were pro-bably present in allthree of the successive forts at theplateau. There are also a number of iron helmetswhichare indicative of cavalry soldiers. Conservationofthese helmets is still in progress, so thiscontribu-tion can only be a provisional report. The importanceofthese findsmerits afull study atsome la ter stage.Only a few fragments of helmets can be dated tothe Augustanperiod. Among these is a pierced crestknob from a helmet of the Coolus or Hagenau typeused by an infantryman.

A MODIFIED IMPERIAL-GALLIC HELMETThe oldest helmet7 dates from the Tiberian period.The three transverse ridges on the occiput area of thebowl and the cut-outs on the side of the bowl for theears indicate that we are dealing with a modifiedhelmet of the Imperial-Gallic or Weisenau type.Stylized eyebrows, cheekpieces, brow guard, ear-protectors and neck-guard are missing. They mayhave been removed intentionally and itseems as if theowner remodelled the helmet to his own needs ortaste. Th e helmet w as found in a pit located south ofthe fort an d east of the annex with stables. Apart fromthe helmet, the pit contained several broken but moreor less complete pots, suchas some Gallo-Belgicbutt-beakers, a so-called cork-urn in chalk-tempered ware,a thin walled cup and a crucible. Date, location andother finds from the pit suggest that the helmet


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Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994 127belonged to one of theaux il iar ies from theannex.A similar modified helmet is known from Gelduba(Krefeld-Gellep, Germany).8 The find-circumstancesindicate that itmu st have been lostin 69,whenCivil isand his Batavians attacked the troops commanded byVocula who occupied the fort. Due to special condi-tionsof conserva tion, the remains of decorations madeof organic material were preserved on the helmet. Therim was provided with a leather strap, while the topw as covered by an animal skin. In addition, somefeathers ha d originally been attached to the front.Reichmann, who studied the find, has concluded itprobably belonged to a Germanic soldier, serving inone of theauxiliary units before therevolt.TH E AU X ILIARY CAV AL RY HELMETS

One iron helmet of auxiliary cavalry A or Weilertype9 presumably dates from the Tiberian period, inview of its association with several fragments ofArretine ware .10 This helmet is characterised by anarrow neck-flange. Thecheekpieces lackears,whichindicates that such cheekpieces ca n indeed belong tothis type of helmet, a fact fo r which Waur ick s t i l llacked evidence.Four additional helmets, dating from Claudiantimes, presumably belong to this category althoughthis ca n only be established with certainty after thepieces have been properly cleaned.12 They differ fromtheTiberian specimen by the sculptured ears on theiron cheekpieces. In at least one case the narrowneckflange seems to be typicalfor thecavalry helmet.Indications for a brow-guard are lacking. All fourspecimenswere foundin the central partof the fort.Th e Tiberian helmet was found in a pit. A properanalysis is still lacking, but the associated findssuggest this was a refuse pit. Three of the otherhelmetswere buried together with broken butmore orless complete pottery: in one case consisting of twoterra nigra vessels while the others were bothassociated with ajar. The pottery dates these finds intheC laudianperiod.CAV AL RYSPORTSHELMETSCavalry sports helmets were normally worn byauxiliaries.11 In 1983, before the excavation started, abo y discovered an iron mask at the Kops Plateau,without ears and belonging to a two-piece cavalrysports helmet.14 During the excav ations three such facemasks were foundtogetherwithth eiron helmetsin twopitsdatingfrom thereignsofClaudiusorNero.15

During provisional cleaning of the finds, it wasdiscovered that thebowls wereprovided withcovers,preserved by the iron-oxides of the helmets. In onecase the cover was preserved in such excellent condi-tion that it will be possible to reconstruct it nearlycompletely. It was made of fur and embroidery invarious ingenious patterns, made of hair ofbears an dhumans or horses. Shape and construction classifythese helmets as auxiliary cavalry A or Weiler type.Final restoration and conservation of the face maskshas not yet been completed, and the helmets are stillbeing worked on. Two of the iron masks were orig-inally covered with a silver sheathing, as can bededuced from the remains of this sheathing under-neath the rivets on theedges.The emb roidery is directly comparable to that onthe cover on an iron helmet of auxiliary cavalry typeA or Weiler type, discovered in 1991 during gravel-dredging operations in a former Rhine channel nearXanten-Wardt (Germany).16As mentioned by Waurick, helmets of auxiliarycavalry A or Weiler type are closely connected to thedecorated cavalry sports helmets.17 Decoration con-sisting of embossed and/or engraved hair is , however,lacking on the specimens from the Kops Plateau.Instead,these havebeen provided with thedecoratedcovers of organic materials. These covers and theassociated masks show the close typological relationbetween the plain helmets of auxiliary cavalry A orWeiler type and the richly decorated cavalry sportshelmets with masks.Two of the helmets were placed in a small pit,together with the facemasks. This pit did not containother finds, at least none that were traceable (for-tunately, the pit can bedated by aterm inus post quemthrough finds from an earlier, un derly ing feature). Thethird helmet an d mask were also placed in a pit,together with several itemso fpottery and achicken.Apart from the four face masks and the threehelmets, several other finds should be mentioned.There is one more face mask, this time a fragment,discovered in a small pit and only recently identifiedamong the iron finds being treated in the ROB-labor-atories.18 Also, finds from a cellar in the praetoriumincluded a number of fragments of ahelmet.19 Thisspecimen w as made of iron, embossed and engravedto look like hair on the bowl itself. The whole wasoriginally covered witha silver sheathing, remains ofwhich have been preserved. The helmet has not yetbeen restored or studied, and it is not clear whether or


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128 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994No Dating Type Hoard Associatedwith123456789101112

TiberianTiberianClaudianClaudianClaudianClaudian

Claudian/NeronianClaudian?Claudian

Imp. GallicAux .cavalry AA u x .cavalry AA u x .cavalry AAux. cavalry AAux .cavalry ACavalry sportsCavalry sportsCavalry sportsCavalry sports?Cavalry sports

yes?yes?ye sye sye sye sye sye s?nono

pottery

potterypotterypotterypottery

pottery, chicken

Table 1: The dating and context of the cavalry helmets from the Kops Plateau.nota face mask could havebeen attachedto it.It is remarkable that inviewof allthese finds,otherspecial equipment or armour for use at the so-calledhippika gymnasia, such as shields (a single specimenhas been found), thigh-guards and greaves, but alsochamfrons an d peytrals for the horses, are virtuallyabsent. This is even more remarkable since the exca-vations yielded such large amounts of regular cavalryequipment. The only items which could qualify foruse during tournaments could be the dozens of bronzebells in various sizes and shapes, which may havebeen partof theequipmentof thehorses, although thisremainsquestionable.20

Except for the complete or large pieces of helmetsmentioned so far, the finds also include two almostcomplete helmets of the Imperial-Gallic or Weisenautype, anumbero f fragmentsand parts, suchas cheek-pieces, tw o crest-supports with double tongue,carrying handles (?) and a plain ear-guard.RITUAL HOARDSTh e Kops Plateau excavations have produced animportant collection of helmets, which merits moredetailed study in the future. For the moment, it isuseful to draw attention also to the contextof thesefinds: it is remarkable that many of the more or lesscompletespecimens were deposited in the same way.These are the modified Imperial-Gall ichelmet, pro-bably the four auxiliary cavalry helmets with ears on

thecheekpieces and the three cavalry sports helmetswith covers. Six of these were buried together with(broken) pottery, for two others archaeologicallytraceable associated finds are lacking. Th e pits inwhich thehelmets weredeposited werenot very largeno rvery deep, al l having a similarfill.Thesec i rcums-tances, together with the fact that, except fo roccasional strayfindsfrom earlier periods, refuse suchassherds orother material isabsent,virtually rule ou tafunction asrefuse-pit.It is also unlikely that we are dealing with hiddenequipment which was not retrieved by its owner. Noapparent attempt w asmade toshield the material fromcorrosion and atleast in twocases the silver sheathingw as removed from the face masks prior to theirdeposition. Also, the pottery w as broken beforedeposition. Although during the excavations it was insome instances assumed thatw emi gh tbedealingwithsymbolic 'house offerings', this alternative is lessplausible because in several cases a connectionbetween pits containing helmets andbuildings can becompletely ruled out.Am ore attra ctive alternative seems to be an inter-pretation as hoards. Most helmets were found in thesouthern part of the fort.Their distribution, althoughas yet not very informative, has been indicatedon fig.2.Table 1givesanoverviewof thehelmet-deposits.In an interesting study on prehistoric hoards,Levy21 ha s discussed ritual hoards, which arecharac-terized by a special context. In general these hoardsare composed of intact ornaments and/or weapons.


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Journal of RomanMilitary Equipment Studies5 1994 129

10 100m

Fig.2: TheKops Plateaubetween 12 B.C.and 70A.D. l contour line;2unexcavated;3fort period 1 ca.10BC-AD10);4fort period2 ca.AD10-30);5fort period3 AD30-69);6annex; 7buildings;8road;9graves; 10 findspot of a (fragment of a)helmet;a praetorium; b horreum; cstables; A firstexcavation Dr.Holwerda 1914; B excavation Catholic University 1971-1972; C excavation municipal archaeologistNijmegen 1992. DrawingROB/H. de Kort.


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130 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994

Fig. 3: The modified helmet of the Imperial-Gallic or Weisenau type from the Kops Plateau. The top was heavilycorroded and has partly disappeared. Height ca. 12 cm, width ca. 20 cm. Photo RO B.

Fig. 4: An iron helmet of auxiliary cavalry A or Weiler type from the Kops Plateau. The cheek-pieces were putinsidethe helmet.Heightca.19 cm. Findno. 433/315. Photo ROB.


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Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994 131

Flg. 5: Three face masks from the Kops Plateau after restoration. The height of the mask in front is ca. 16.5 cm.Photo ROB.

These objects are sometimes associated with food andthey have been arranged inspecialways .Si x helmet-finds from the Kops Plateau could,according to Levy's criteria, be described as hoards.They hadbeen intentionally placed in a pit,togetherwithsmashed pottery whichm ayhave contained drinkand food, in one case a chicken. Two helmets weredeposited together, which according to Levy is astrong indication for a ritual hoard. No archaeologi-cally traceable finds were found together with thesehelmets, but the general context makes a similarinterpretation likely. As far as the other helmets andfragments are concerned, the interpretation has toawait further analysis.It is noteworthy that not all helmets were buried inmint condition. An indicationis provided by the twoface masks where the silver sheathing was removedpriorto theirdeposition.In other instances the condi-tion of the helmets at the moment they were buriedcannot be accurately determined due to corrosion, soilconditions and the method of excavation.22 Th epottery was intention ally destroyed, which is reminis-cent ofprehistoricburial practices where weapons areknownto hav e been treated in the same way.A context very similar to the Kops Plateau finds isprovided by the well known iron helmet of early

imperial-Gallic A or archaic Weisenau type, probablydating from the late 1s t century BC and found justoutside the defences of the Augustan legionary for-tress in Nijmegen.23 This helmet was found togetherwith the remains of a shield and abronze strigil, allplaced in a timber-lined pit.24 The strigil was datedbetween 12-8 BC. The authors suggest that thehelmet, shieldand strigilbelonged to a Roman soldierwhokeptwatchon top of the ice-pushed ridge. Duringhisvigilanincidentcosthim hislife.The thrust withablunt inst rum ent in his face, w hich caused a large dentin his helmet, is assumed to have led to his death. Atsome later time hisdecomposed remains, thedecom-posed remains of three (not cavalry) horses and hishelmet, shield and strigil were buried in separatepits.25 The reconstructionof these events seems ratherfar fetched, if only because the objects would thenhave been buried separately from the body, whichwould be quite unusual. In addition, while weapon-burials of veterans arescarce but not unusual ,2 6 suchburials of Roman soldiers in cemeteries near theircamps would be very unusualindeed.27 It is muchmore likely that we are dealing here with a ritualhoard comparable to those at the Kops Plateau.Thew ell know n fort atNewstead hasalsoyielded anumber of helmets in pits whichappear to be ritual


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132 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994

Fig. 6: Some details of th e cover of a cavalry sports helmet. Photo ROB.hoards.28 Especially thec omposit ion of the finds frompi t XXII , with th e helmetof auxiliary cavalry typeA,dated between AD 80 and 100, is highly informa-tive.29 Besides this helmet the excavators found fo rinstance a skull of a horse, an iron sickle, an ironarmlet, the skull of a dog, antlers of red deer, portionsof amphorae, a quern, two iron bridle-bits, severalbronze objects, a complete set of four saddle horns, abrass helmet, another iron helmet and some pottery

sherds. In some other comparable pits bones of menan dhorsesan dfragments of shields have been found.Although th e Newstead pits contained a richerassemblage of finds, parallels with the ritual hoardsfrom Nijmegen are striking. The Augustan helmetofearly imperial-GallicA or archaic Weisenau type w asfound together with a shield, in combination withhuman an d horse bones in two other pits. The pits attheKops Plateau haveaslightlydifferent an d perhaps


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Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994 133

Fig. 7: Some bells from th e Kops Plateau which may have been part of a horse harness. Photo ROB .moremodestcharacter.Th e Newstead evidence indicates that it is quitelikely that pieces of military equipment other thanhelmets were also deposited in ritual hoards. Suchfinds arealso present at the Kops Plateau. Fo r exam-ple, in one case a folded shield was placed in a pit,again together with a number of brokenpots.30Thereareother finds which might be interpreted in the sameway, such as the two complete hackamores,31 elevenbronze saddlehorns,32 and an undamaged bronzescabbard containing a dagger with the hilt broken off.The context in these cases has not as yet beensufficiently clarifiedtoal lowaninterpretation.WHY RITUAL HOARDS?Robinson33 wonders why the additional expenserepresented by the cost of items totally unsuitable fo rbattle purposes, such as cavalry sports helmets an d

other equipment, should have been incurred by theRoman army for the sake of the auxiliary units. Hegives tw o solutions. He thinks they were used indisplays of skill, for instance during religious festi-vals, the hippika gymnasia, an d also that the sportshelmets had a function to impress the conqueredfrontier people.It is interesting that many helmets and masks werefound during dredging operations in river valleys.Oldenstein 34 refers to the fact that about 80% of theimperial helmet finds mentioned in Klumbach35 an dRobinson36 come from water. The same is true, forinstance, for the early helmets of the Montefortinoo rBuggenum type in the Netherlands listed in the articleof Bogaers37 and the helmets and other militairyequipment from Xanten-Wardt.38 Oldenstein thinks'.... that this number seems too large (. . .) for anyinterpretation whereby the helmets were al l lost bysoldiers by bridge or ferry. As a rule, river finds can


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134 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994also interpreted as votive deposits'.39 Bishop andCoulston agree with this conclusion. Soldiers vowed'some item of personal value (and soldiers had fewthingsof greater value thantheir equipm ent)to adeityin exchange for his safety. This practice fits into ourpicture of the contract religion practised by the CeltsandRomans'.40A similar interpretation is offered by Roymans,whoelaboratesfurtheron this theme.In his analysisitis shown that the deposition of metalwork in water inpre- and protohistory had a long tradition, whichstarted in the Early Bronze Age when swords an dother bronzes were thrown in the rivers and bogs ofCentral, Atlantic and Northern Europa. Religious an dsocial motives underlie this deposition pattern andtherefore the majority of the water finds can beregarded as ritual evidence. Roymans states that theritual deposition of metalwork in rivers is a publicdisplay of wealth, which might have been employedbyelites in buildingup and consolidating social statuspositions and is closely connected with elitecompetition.41Apart from their inherent purpose, weapons andamouralso have an important function in the realm ofsocial relations, ceremonial exchange and ritual. Thisisreflected in the specific ritual context in which theyare often found.Roymans42 studied this theme in thecontext of the martial elite-ideology in Northen Gaul.In his view, many of the late La Tne swords andhelmets found incultplaces and rivers can beseen as'votive offerings, intended for deities w ho werecloselyassociated with warfare and who symbolised awarrior ideology.'43 In the pre-Flavian period theRoman army used large numberso f native auxiliariesrecruited locally, allowing them to retain their ownwarrior traditions and organisational structures. Thepersistence of traditional martial votive practicesexplains why so many helmets an d swords are foundin river-channels in the frontier zone along theRhine.'In the Rh inel and , a sub stantial part of the native eliteremained a warrior elite who considered the martialideal to be of high importance. (...) Th e trenddescribed above w as materialised in the continuationofawiderangeof ritualdepositionsof weapons in theRhinelandarea'.44According toRoymans,thespecificmotive for offering weapons in rivers and at cultplaces can be found in the behaviour of veterans ofprobably auxiliary units; after their missio honestathey dedicated the most honorable parts of theirequipment to a deity who hadprotected them during

theirperiod ofservice.If Robinsonand Ro yma nsare correct inattributingreligious connotations to thehelmets of auxiliaries, asmentioned above, itwouldnot be surprisingif soldierswould offer this equipment, which ha s such a strongsymbolic meaning, to a diety on the occasion of animportant momentin their military career. Inthis way,several helmets and face masks found in the riverWaal at Nijmegen could be explained.45 A similarritualcould be the reason for the deposition of helmetsand masks at sites such as the Kops Plateau andNewstead. It is futile to speculate on the preciseoccasion fo r which such a ritual was performed.Perhaps it was a different one than thecircumstancesleading toofferings in water. It isalsopossible, and infact quite likely, that we are dealing with differentdeities.Roymans assumes that the offering of helmets inthe Lower Rhine zone in the pre-Flavian period mustbe attributed to native auxiliaries. The d istrib ution ofthese finds in early-Roman times, however, includeshelmets of various kinds, including those who aregenerally attributed to legionary troops. Some evenhave graffiti with the names of legionaries.46 It is ofcourse possible that auxiliary troops were providedwith legionary helmets. This w ould hav e some conse-quences for existing typologies which make a cleardistinction between th e two. An alternative option,however, is that in the early-Roman period Celtic

soldiers from, fo r example, northernItaly w ho servedin the legions also engaged in thepracticeofofferingtheir equipment.47 There is also evidence from theGreek world for helmets being left at cultsites,48andthe practice,a s were so many others, may have beencopied by the Romans. This would imply that not allfinds need to be ascribed to offerings by auxiliariesfrom northern Ga uland theLower Rhine area.BATAVIAN HELMETS?Th e modified helmet of the Imperial-Gallic orWeisenau type from the Kops Plateau and themodified helmet from Gelduba are very similar,although the former is several decades older and theorganic cover has not been preserved. The Geldubahelmet is connected to the Batavian Revolt and it isentirely possible that it belonged to one of the rebelsoldiers.Despite the differences, thisleads to anotherinteresting possibility which should be mentionedhere.


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Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994 135Th e helmet from the Kops Plateau could have 8.belonged to a Batavian stationed in the annex of the 9.fort between AD 10-20. The three cavalry sportshelmets with cover date from the third and final fort at

the plateau, acastellwnfor wh ich these and num erous 10.other findsindicate thepresenceofcavalry. It may bevery significant that this fort was not burnt down 11 .during the Batavian Revolt, as were so many othercastella on theLowerRhine. Even the nearby civiliansettlement of Oppidum Batavorum, the central place 12 .of the Batav iancivitas,did notescapethis fate. This isless surprising than it mayseem to be,becauserecent 13.research ha s shown that this was not a nat ive settle- 14 .ment at all. It was a capital fo r rather than of theBatavians with all the characteristics of a Roman,colonial implantation.49 15 .

This makes the apparent survival of the fort evenmorecurious.T heobvious explanation wouldb e, that 16 .the fort was garrisoned by auxiliary cavalry who 17.joined the cause of the Batavians during the revolt.Because we know that the Ala Batavorum was sta- 18 .tioned in its own tribal area the combinat ion of 19.evidence suggests that this ala was stationed at the 20.plateau. The helmets with covers of human and/oranimal hair from the plateau and the helmet from 21.Xanten-Wardtcould th us constitute a Lower Rhineor 22.even a Batavian variant of the cavalry sports helmetwith embossed an d engraved hairs which w as usedwidelyin the Roman empire. 23.NOTES1. For a general ove rvie w, see WIL LEM S, 1990; see also 24.BECHERT &W ILLE MS, 1995.2. SeeHAALEBOSa.o. 1995, 9-26.3. BOG AERS & HAA LEBOS, 1975; WILL EMS, 1991a; 25.VAN ENCK EVORT & HAA LEBO S, 1995; VAN 26.ENCKEVORT ZEE, 1996. 27.4. BOGAERS & HAALEBOS, 1975, 164-6 and plate 28 .LI.8. 29.5. WIL LEM S, 1990, 30;WILLEMS, 1991a,213,fig.36.4. 30.6. BO GA ERS, 1959; WA UR ICK , 1988, 353-4; 31 .HAALEBOS, 1993, 22-3. It is remarkable that these 32 .helmets in Northwestern Europe seem to have been 33 .

found only around Nijmegen(FE UGRE , 1994, 81, fig., 34.supplemented by finds ment ionedb y BOGAERS, 1959, 35 .90). An exception is a specimen from the isle of Texel 36 .(BOG AERS , 1959, 90), wh ich may be connected to a 37.campaignover w ater underDrususor Tiberius. 38.7. Helmetno. 1,finds no.395/095. 39.

R E I C H M A N N , 1994,esp.the illustrationson p. 7.Helmet no. 2, finds no. 379/188. Compare the helmetfrom Newstead in CURLE, 1911, plate X X V I . l an dROB INSON, 1975, 94 , plate 246.Two sherds of coarse ware could, however, be early-Claudian.WAURICK, 1988. 343: 'Ob di e Wangenklappen ohneOhrbildung ebenfal ls hierher gehren, is t mangelsentsprechender Befunde nichz uentscheiden'.Heimets nos. 3-6, finds nos.424/144;428/123and 124;429/067:433/115.ROBINSON, 1975, 107.Helmet no. 12, finds no. 000/001. See WILLEMS,1991b,especially 10-11,fig. 1-2 and WILLEMS, 1992,especially 57-8, fig. 1-2.Helmetsnos. 7-9, finds nos.401/198; 401/199; 429/039,040and 041.SCHREITER, 1993,47-9;K E MPK E NS, 1993.WAURICK, 1988, 343 and Beilage 2. See alsoFEUGRE, 1994, 110.Helmetno. 10, finds no.296/208.Helmet no . 1 1 findsnos. 373/167, 168 and 174.They are virtually never mentioned in the literature,seee.g. BISHOP&COULSTON, 1993.LEVY, 1982, 17-44.Unfortunately in a few instances not all fragments seemto have been recognised and collected duri ng exc avation,which prohibitsconclusions about th econdit ioni n whichthese helmets were b uried.BRUNSTING & STEURES, 1992, with further refer-ences 101, note 2. See also BISHOP &COULSTON.1993, 93,fig.56. 3.B RUNST ING & STEURES, 1992, 103: No trace ofhuman remainsw as found. The pit also contained somesherds.BR U N STIN G STEURES, 1992, 109-10.KRI E R& REINERT, 1993.ROYMANS,1993,46.CURLE, 1911,164-72.CURLE,1911,121-2.Findsno.399/066, Claudian.WILLEMS, 1992, 65, fig. 11.WILLEMS.1992,64,fig. 9.ROBINSON, 1975, 107.OLDENSTEIN, 1990,36.KLUMBACH, 1961.ROBINSON, 1975.BOGAERS, 1959.SCHREITER, 1993.OLDENSTEIN, 1990. 36. See alsoBISHOP COUL-


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136 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 5 1994STON, 1993, 37.40 . BISHOP&COU LSTON , 1993, 37-8.41 . ROY MA NS, 1991, 24-7. See also T ORB RGGE ,1970-71andLEVY, 1982.

42. ROYMANS, 1993.43. ROY MAN S, 1993,37 .44. ROY MAN S, 1993, 48.45. Seea.o. WILLEMS, 1992,61, fig. 6.46. ROYMANS,1993,47.47 . There is a large number of late-Iron Age helmets fromNorthern Italy: see the distribution of La Tne and Chelmets inFEU G RE, 1994, 65 .48 . BISHOP&COULSTON, 1993, 37 .49. WIL LE MS , 1990, 35 .BIBLIOGRAPHYBECHERT & WILLEMS 1995: T. Bechert & W.J.H.Willems

(eds.).Die rmische Reichsgrenze zwischen Mosel un dNordseekste, StuttgartBISHOP & COULSTON 1993: M.C. Bishop & J.C.N.Coulston, Roman militairy equipment, from th e Punicwars to t he al l of Rome,LondonBOGAERS 1959: J.E. Bogaers, Twee vondstenuit de Maasinmidden-Limburg, Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor he tOudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 9,85-94BOGAERS &HAALEBOS 1975: J.E. Bogaers, J.K.Haalebosa.o., Problemen rond hetKops Plateau, OudheidkundigeMededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden teLeiden56,127-78

BRUNSTING & STEURES 1992: H. Brunsting & D.C.Steures,The Lone Watchman. The find circumstancesofthe Augustan iron helmet from Nijmegen and the Dateof the Augustan Legionay fortress, OudheidkundigeMededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden teLeiden72, 101-11CURLE 1911: J. Curie, A Roman frontier post and and itspeople. The fort of Newstead in the parish of M elrose,GlasgowVA N ENCKEVORT & ZEE 1996: H. van Enckevort & K.Zee, Het Kops Plateau. Prehistorische grafheuvels enee n Romeinse legerplaats in Nijmegen,Abcoude

VA N ENCKEV ORT& HAALEBOS 1995: H. van Enckevort& J.K. H aalebos, Frhr mische Lager in Nijmegen, inJ.-S. Khlborn, Germaniam pacavi - Germanien habeich befriedet. Archologische Sttten augusteischerOkkupation, Mnster,29-58FEUGRE 1994: M.Feugre. Casques antiques. Le s visagesde la guerre de Myc nes la fin de l Empire romain,Collection des Hesperides, ParisHAALEBOS 1991: J.K. Haalebos, Da s groe augusteische

Lager auf dem Hunerberg in Nijmegen, in: R. Akamp& S. Berke (eds.), Die rmische Okkupation nrdlichder Alpen zur Zeit des Augustus, BodenaltertmerWestfalens 26,Mnster,97-107HAALEBOS 1993: J.K.Haalebos, (withouttitle), in: A.A.J.J.van Pinxteren a.o. (eds.), Pronkstukken. Venlo 650 jaarstad,Ven\o, 17-23HAALEBOS et al. 1995: J.K. Haalebos et al.. Castra un dcanabae. Ausgrabungen auf dem Hunerberg in Nijme-gen 1987-1994,Libelli Noviomagenses 3, NijmegenK EMPK EN S 1993: J. Kempkens, Restaurierung de s Reiter-helms Inv. RM X 91,21.003 (Kat . Mi l 16), in : H.-J .Schalles& C.Schreiter(eds.), Geschichte a us de m Kies.Neue Funde aus dem Alten Rhein be i Xanten, XantenerBerichte Band 3/Fhrer de s RegionalmuseumsXantenNr.34 ,Kln,113-20K L U MBA C H 1961: H. Klumbach, Ein rmischer Legionars-helmausMainz,Jahrbuch RG ZM 8,96-105KRIER & REINERT 1993: J. Krier & F. Reinert, Da s Reiter-grab vo n Hellingen. Die Treverer und das rmischeMilitr in der frhen Kaiserzeit, LuxemburgLEVY 1982: J.E. Levy, Social and religious organization inBronze A ge Denmark. An analysis of ritual hoard finds,BA R InternationalSeries 124, OxfordOLDENSTEIN 1990: J. Oldenstein, Tw o Roman Helmetsfrom Eich, Alzey-Worms district, Journal of RomanMilitary Equipment Studies 1,27-37R EIC H MA N N 1994: C . Reichmann,Rmisch-germanischeSchlachtfelder be i Krefeld, Archologie in Deutschland4,6-11ROBINSON 1975: H.R. Robinson, Th e armour of imperialRome,LondonR O Y MA N S 1991: N. Roymans, Late u r n f i e l d societies in theNordwest EuropeanPlain an the expandingne tworksofCentral EuropeanHallstatt groups,in: N.Roy man s& F.Theuws (eds.), Images of thepast. Studies on ancientsocieties in Northwestern Europe,Amsterdam, 9-89ROYMANS 1993: N. Roymans, Romanisation and thetransformation of a martial elite-ideologyi n a frontierprovince, in : Frontires d 'empire. Actes de la TableRonde International de Nemours 1992, Mmoires duMuse de Prh istoire d Ile-de-France S,33-50SCHREITER 1993: C. Schreiter, Die Militaria , in: H.-J.Schalles& C. S chreiter (eds.), Geschichte aus dem KiesNeue Funde aus dem Alten Rhein be i Xanten, XantenerBerichte Band 3/Fhrer de s RegionalmuseumsXantenNr.34,43-57and 191-3T ORB RGGE 1970-71 (1972): W. Torbrgge, Vor- undfrhgeschichtliche Flufunde. ZurOrdnungun d Bestim-mung einer Denkmlergruppe,Bericht de r rmisch-germanische Kommission51-52, 1-146


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Bestnde des Antikenmuseums Berlin, Rmisch-Ger-manisches Zentralmuseum Monographien Band 1 4Mainz,327-64WILLEMS 1990: W.J.H. Willems, Romeins Nijmegen. Viereeuwen stad en centrum aan de Waal, Historische reeksNijmegen 2, UtrechtWILLEMS 1991a: W.J.H. Willems, Early Roman camps onthe Kops PlateauatNijmegen (NL), in :V.A.Maxfield &

M.J. Dobson (eds.). Roman frontier studies 1989:Proceedings of the XVth International Congress ofRoman Frontier Studies,Exeter, 210-14WILLEMS 1991b: W.J.H. Willems, Ee n Romeins vizier-masker van het Kops Plateau te Nijmegen, JaarboekNumagaXXX\lll,9-\8WILLEMS1992:W.J.H. Willems. Roman face masks from theKops Plateau, Nijmegen, The Netherlands, Journal ofRoman Military Equipment Studies3 ,57-66

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