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NIGERIAN LABOUR MOVEMENTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS: IMPERATIVES

OF A PARTNERSHIP FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD.

BY

ADEBISI, MOSES ADESOLA

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN ILORIN, KWARA STATE NIGERIA. Email: masbisi@yahoo.com Mobile: +234(0) 803 714 7893

Being the text of a paper presented at the international conference on “Globalization

and Development: Rethinking Interventions and Governance”, Global Week

Conference, University of Gothenburg, Sweden, 22-23 November, 2011.

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LABOUR MOVEMENTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS: IMPERATIVES OF A

PARTNERSHIP FOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD.

ABSTRACT The basic challenges of the labour movements today in Nigeria border on but not limited to, lack of entrenched and institutionalized democratic structures, good governance, civil liberties, corruption and poor working conditions of workers. Nigeria is a developing country which attained political freedom or independence from British colonial rule in 1960. It a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society where inter-personal and inter-group relationships are governed by a number of subjective socio-cultural variables: ethnicity, cultural differences, majority-minority issue, religions, etc. The incursion of the military into governance and the impact of the anti-labour colonial and post-colonial policies on the whole society are some of the challenges faced by the labour movements in the country. The paper attempts to see how an alliance or partnership between labour movements and the civil society organizations had affected social and political policies of government in the past, and the extent to which it can shape or reshape the future of labour organizations, industrial relations and the structure of the Nigerian society. All these factors are examined against the backdrop of increasing globalization and more specifically the internationalization of the labour market and general economic production systems and ideology. What are some of the new development thinking in both national and transnational parlance, which may have positive impact on supranational institutions? How can the forging or re-forging of an alliance between the labour movements and civil society organizations bring about a new deal (or better deal) for labour and industry? To what extent can these steps influence public policies in Nigeria? These issues are the objectives of this paper.

KEY WORDS: Globalization, Development, Civil Society Organizations, Labour Movements, Partnership. INTRODUCTION The challenges faced by democratic governance and institutional capacity building for

development in most developing countries, especially in Africa are no doubt enormous

and daunting. The attempts by countries such as Nigeria to build and develop modern

institutions of government have been affected by problems relating to good

governance, poor communication between government and labour organizations,

flagrant violations of citizens’ civil liberties, monumental scale of corruption, poor wages

and working conditions, ethno-religious conflicts and violence (e.g., the current security

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challenges posed by “ Boko Haram” islamists in the north-eastern part of Nigeria ), and

decadent public infrastructure, among others. Nigeria’s political history since its

independence from Britain in 1960 is bedeviled by frequent military intervention and

involvement in governance and which had robbed Nigeria the much needed space and

democratic transition, transformation and development in its formative years as a

nation state. The impact of colonial policies under the British, which manifested in

official intervention in industrial relations matters with labour organizations, as well as

its highhanded reaction to civil unrests, formed parts of the political and administrative

legacies bequeathed to the newly independent Nigerian state. Consequently, most post-

colonial governments in Africa were enmeshed in a quagmire of trying to maintain a

balance between building the much needed institutional infrastructure and capacities

for national development, on the one hand, and maintain law and order, on the other.

Political crises and the failure of the emergent leaders at independence to hold various

ethnic and religious groups together gave the military the convenient excuses to seize

power in various African countries in the ‘60s, ‘70s and beyond.

The increase in the rate of labour activism and civil disturbances are reflective of the

afore-mentioned social and political problems of these states. In the present day

globalized world, where labour force is somehow unified on a global scale, government-

labour crises is on the ascendancy in the developing world where corruption and

economic growth in the rich nations of the north have put enormous pressures on

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government to embrace economic reforms which directly threatens workers’ jobs.

Furthermore, the inclusion of China and India, in the world economy after the collapse

of the Soviet Union in 2000, led to the doubling of the global workforce (Freeman,

2008). The new global economy unfortunately did not benefit Africa and parts of Asia.

Therefore, the need for the Nigerian government and other governments in Africa and

parts Asia to forge a working partnership for national development with labour and civil

society organizations cannot be more urgent than now.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The key concepts deployed as analytical tools in this paper are globalization and

development. There is the need therefore make an attempt to clarify their operational

deployment so as to reduce ambiguity in the way they are to be understood and also

avoid conceptual or theoretical ambivalence. Interestingly, these twin concepts of

globalization and development reflect the thematic focus around which this important

conference is anchored.

Several attempts have been made in the relevant literature to define or conceptualize

what constitutes globalization. Ali (2005: 1) defines globalization as “a process of rapid

economic, cultural, and institutional integration among countries”. According to him,

the process is characterized by trade liberalization, investment and capital flow

technological advances, and pressures for assimilation towards international standards.

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Wallerstein (1979) in his world system theory sees the internationalization of the

economy as a result of the tendency of capitalism to transcend national boundaries. This

to him is possible. According to Anthony Giddens, ‘capitalism has been such a

fundamental globalizing influence precisely because it is an economic rather than a

political order.’ He argues that the administrative control of distant territories by the

colonial powers facilitated the consolidation of economic expansion. According to

Wallerstein, the emergence of capitalism introduced a new world economic order

characterized by the incorporation of various economies and societies into a single

capitalist world system. This world system is structured into three layers: centre (core),

semi-periphery and periphery. The core represented by America and some powerful

western countries, including Japan dominate the new capitalist world order. Meanwhile,

Anthony Giddens’ conceptualization of globalization is based on his four dimensions of

globalization namely, Nation- state system, World capitalist economy, World military

order and International division of labour.

Consequently, Anthony Giddens views globalization as “the intensification of worldwide

relations which links distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by

events occurring many miles away and vice versa”. (Giddens, 1990: 64). Castells (2001:

52) argues that a new capitalist economic system had emerged on the world stage, with

three fundamental features:

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Production and competitiveness are, by and large, a function of knowledge And information processing; firms and territories are organized In networks of production, management and distribution; the Core economic activities are global-that is, they have the capacity To work as a unit in real time, or chosen time, on a planetary scale

Having highlighted the clarifications presented by the foregoing authors, we may safely

infer from them that globalization describes a single world economic system where

businesses are organized around what Castells (2001) calls “networks of production,

management and distribution”. These networks of relationships are based on hi-tech

information technology. In this system, the role of nation states has been weakened as

the governing principles of globalization transcend national boundaries. However, Hirst

and Thompson (1966: 170) agree that they remain relevant as pivotal institutions at

least for creating the conditions foe effective international governance.

On the other hand, the conceptualization of development in this paper transcends the

usual reliance on conservative economic doctrine of economic growth defined by some

quantitative economic data. Economic indices of GDP per capita are usually deployed by

economists as analytical tools for measuring development (Rostow, 1960). The danger

inherent in this econometric procedure is that statistical average may not reflect the

true state of development at the lowest rung of the ladder. Therefore, the definitional

conceptualization of development by Rodney (1972:1-15) which examines the relevance

of qualitative parameters in any assessment of development. He sees development as a

many-sided process that “implies increased skill and capacity, greater freedom,

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creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well-being”. He further describes

development as a universal process because the conditions that lead to economic

expansion are universal. He therefore reasons that “a society develops economically as

its members increase jointly their capacity for dealing with the environment” (ibid, p.2).

Based on Rodney’s position, governance and interventions must take into account the

impact of development policies on individuals composing such societies. The question is

to what extent are nationals of a country ‘developed’ based on the conditions stated in

Walter Rodney’s definition of development? A model of development partnership

presented in this paper may be able to deal with this question.

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Source: Giddens, Anthony (1990). The Consequences of Modernity. Cambridge: Polity

Press.

The above diagrammatical illustration by Anthony Giddens represents the types of social

movements in the society. According to him, free speech/democratic movements ‘ have

their origins in the arena of the surveillance operations of the modern state… and

separable from labour movements”. Examples of these groups are nationalist

movements as well as those concerned with political participation rights. Labour

movements constitute what Giddens quoting Marx (1973), calls “the vanguards of

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history”. Thus, Anthony Giddens describes labour movements as “contestatory

associations whose origin and field of action are bound up with the capitalist

enterprise”. The ecological movements are found among groups campaigning for

environmental protection such as the “green” movements.

NIGERIA: APROFILE OF CONTRADICTIONS

Nigeria is generally known for ethnic and cultural diversities, which should naturally be

source of blessing in diversity. The main dominant ethnic groups are the Hausa-Fulani in

the north, the Yoruba in the south- west and Igbo in the south east. There are hundreds

of other minority ethnic groups in all parts of the country, numbering over 350 and

speaking over 350 different languages. English is the country’s official language. The

religions are Christianity, practiced mainly in the south of the country; Islam, as the

dominant religion in the north, and African traditional religion is practiced everywhere

you go in the country.

The following data present an outlook of a country that is so rich in terms of human and

material resources but whose people are inexplicably so poor.

The economy of Nigeria………ranked 31st in the world; 3rd largest in Africa, behind

South Africa and Egypt and 1st in West Africa.

Population figures is 162 million (HDI, 2011 estimates)

GDP is $377.6 billion (2010 estimates) (PPP: 31st)

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GDP per capital is estimated at $2,500 (2010), $3,500, if informal sector figures

are added.

Population below poverty line is estimated at 45% (2010)

Labour force of 47.33 million (2009)

Labour force by occupation: agriculture (70%), Industry (10%), Services (20%) as

estimated in 2009.

Ranking of main economic sectors:

Agriculture: ranked 25th worldwide, and 1st in Africa in terms of farm output.

Industry: ranked 44th in the world, and 3rd in Africa.

Services; ranked 63rd in the world, 5th in Africa.

Oil Reserves: Estimated at 35billion barrels,

Natural gas: estimated at over 100 trillion cubic feet.

Estimated revenue from oil in 2011: $52.2 billion at $65 pbd

Export earnings: $45.43 billion (2009 estimates).

Imports: $42.1 billion (2009 estimates).

Main export goods are petroleum and petroleum products which account for

about 95%. Others are cocoa, rubber, machinery, processed food, entertainment.

Import goods: machinery, chemicals, transport equipments, manufactured goods,

food and live animals.

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Foreign reserve level: $33 billion (2010, down from $46 billion estimated in

2009).

(The main source of data: CIA World Fact book).

Factors that triggered off the emergence of civil society organizations as forms of social movements in Nigeria.

Between 1960 and 2011, the military had ruled for 38 years out of the 50 year post-

independent era. Before 1993 general elections, pockets of resistance to military

rule had existed in the real or quasi movements for democracy and the institution of

good governance in Nigeria. However, this was limited mainly to students’ activism,

individual human rights campaigners, such as late human rights lawyer Gani

Fawehinmi, late Afrobeat singer and rights campaigner Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and a few

others. The annulment of June 12 1993 election marked an important

watershed in the history of social movements and activism in Nigeria. A number of

factors can be listed as catalysts for the emergence of vibrant civil society

organization otherwise refer to as non- governmental organizations (NGOs) and anti

government protest in Nigeria.

Prolonged era of military dictatorship

The annulment of June 12 1993 presidential elections, won by business mogul

Chief M.K.O. Abiola.

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Corruption and reckless abuse of power

High level of poverty

Infrastructural decay

Governance failure

Existence of a vibrant and critical press especially in the Lagos-Ibadan axis

The role of activist- the Ransom-Kuti brothers, Gani Fawehinmi, nationalist

NADECO elements who frontally challenge the annulment of a free and a fair

election of June 12 1993.

General dissatisfaction and frustration of the masses with the recklessness

and mindlessness by which the country was run by the military and post

military rulers

Security challenges: ethno-religious conflicts, armed robbery, kidnapping,

political assassinations and other violent crimes.

Globalization, Labour and the Challenges of Development

Economic reforms based on neo-liberal market driven economic philosophy started in

Britain in the 1980s with the privatization and commercialization of public corporations

and this changed the character and morphology of government-private sector economic

relationships. The architects of these reforms policies, championed by Conservative

government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, essentially aimed to reduce

government involvement in economic activities and management. In Nigeria, the labour

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movements and civil society organizations aim to promote the development of

democratic institutions that can facilitate inclusive socio-economic development at all

levels of government- local, state and federal. The major challenge faced in this

approach is how to achieve this objective without serious negative social and economic

consequences on the jobs and incomes of workers. According to Gorz (1994), this can be

achieved “without decreasing the effective incomes of workers” (Pillay, 2007), based on

Joel Kofel’sufficiency thesis of “building a world where nobody is hungry or cold or lacks

health care”. According to Devan Pillay, the situation under the current neo-liberal

growth model does not in actual fact benefit the developing world as it propels the

direction of growth towards the rich, otherwise known as the ‘First World”. This leads to

a skewed and unidirectional growth process which benefits mainly the core developed

nations presently classed in the garb of “G-8 Nations” whose members are the United

States of America, Japan, Germany, United Kingdom, France, Canada, Italy and Russia.

These countries hold between them roughly 70% of global incomes. This growth

structure can only be reversed if what Wolfgang Sachs refers to as “alleviation of wealth

rather than alleviation of poverty” is taken into serious consideration. As Pillay (2007)

puts it, there is the need to redistribute resources from the rich to the poor, and also

redistribute power from government and the big corporations to the citizens and their

communities. This is a major step in poverty reduction and could help in stemming the

tide of labour militancy and civil disturbances.

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Smith (2003) the globally acclaimed father of modern western industrial capitalism,

while clamouring for free market capitalism worried about corporatism in its tendency

to constantly, “always and everywhere”, “keep wages as low as possible”, in a tacit

conspiracy. Even in his concerted defense of laizze-faire economic system, Adam Smith

supported governmental interventions directed at reducing poverty.

In Nigeria, labour activism and civil unrest in reaction to unpopular political and

economic reform policies have created challenges for government over the years. The

mainstream labour organization, The Nigeria Labour Congress was established in 1978

by the military government as the umbrella organizations for some 32 industrial unions.

There are two powerful industrial union in the oil sector. These are;

a) NUPENG- National Union of Petroleum Energy and Gas Workers- very powerful

and influential and membered mainly by junior workers.

b) PENGASSAN- Petroleum energy and Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria-

Membered mainly by senior staff member in the oil sector, and equally powerful.

Several other unions exist in medical, academic and other professional groups that often

work in concert to confront government in its failure to put in place the necessary

policies for inclusive development.

Economic globalization has greatly affected the chances of labour especially, in

developing societies to advance the cause of labour in the area of job security, decent

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work, and good pay, among others. Bieler, Linderberg and Pilley (2008) are of the

opinion that:

Informalized labour and mass unemployment are no longer phenomena of developing countries in the periphery, but are increasingly threatening the developed countries at the core of the capitalist world system.

These authors explain further that neoliberal globalization or what is called free market

capitalism has led to the development of rapid improvement in ‘labour-saving

technology which unfortunately no longer guarantees secure and decent employment,

even in the face of economic growth and increased income in the rich nations of the

world.

Meanwhile, in the face of globalization, the capacity of the state to regulate and

improve labour and social standards has been weakened. Social inequality had risen as

the gap between the rich and the poor has widened nationally and internationally.

Globalization has also internationalized the labour market creating a global poor of

laborers to be exploited cheaply depending on the specialties. The issue is that as

globalization benefits the rich, it impoverishes the poor. As Freeman (2008) puts it, the

doubling of the global workforce after year 2000, coupled with the collapse of the Soviet

bloc and the inclusion of China and India in the global economy meant good news for

employers and bad news for workers. According to him, wages fall as unemployment

had risen relatively globally. For instance, capital flow from the rich nations to China and

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India led to an increased in wages for low income workers as a result foreign investors

which brought economic growth. For instance real earnings in China doubled between

1990 and 2002 among urban workers. Freeman (2008) states further that a sharp drop

in poverty level was recorded although a huge rise in inequality was also noticed.

However, the major losers in the neoliberal free market era (globalization) were the

workers in Latin America, Africa and Asia. In these areas, (Latin America, South Africa

and parts of Asia), there was a shift I employment from the formal sector characterized

by economic growth to the formal sectors characterized by non- secure jobs, poor

wages, low productivity, high occupational risks and hazards (Freeman, 2008;3). The

entry of China and India into global economy according to Freeman affected some low-

income countries such as Peru, El Salvador, Mexico and South Africa positively by

turning into high-wage competitors of these third world giants:- China and India. These

countries realized that they cannot develop any further by producing low-wage goods

and services to be sold in the global market arena.

In 2006, Krzysztof Rybinski, Deputy President of the national Bank of Poland identified

what he calls the “reasons and effects of the emergence of homo sapiens globalus”. In

an address at a debate in Gdansk, Poland. According to him, the globalization process is

a phenomenon that cuts across all kinds of market: financial, capital, products, services,

knowledge and labour. In his address, he stated that a number of countries in Europe (

the United kingdom and the Scandinavian countries of which Sweden is a member) and

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Asia (China, South Korea, Singapore and India) noted the benefits and threats of

globalization early and made the necessary adjustments especially to the educational

system. This is sequel to the fact that they have realized that future economic growth

and prosperity depends on a country’s ability to provide innovative solutions and offers

products and services of high value added. “As a result, the number of American patents

obtained by the largest developing countries was 3,900 in 2003, as against 166,000 and

59,000 patients granted Japanese and German companies respectively. The adjustments

of the educational systems had paid off. Citing statistical forecasts ( Aguiar, et all: 2006),

Rybinski shows how by the 2010 onward, increases in science and engineering-related

disciplines will be positively recorded as follows: China and India will produced about

800,000 and 600,000 graduates annually in the fields of engineering, technical,

mathematical and related disciplines. These figures would have exceeded the total

number of graduates produced annually by American colleges or Universities by twelve-

folds. Meanwhile there success stories do not reflect positively from some developing

economies in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In African, Nigeria has the third largest

economy after South Africa and Egypt. Due to some of the problems identified earlier,

its potentials and vision of being among the top 20 economies by 2020 may not be

easily realizable. Nigeria’s ambitious Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is

represented by its official slogan of vision 20- 2020. “Corrupt practices among the

country’s leaders and elite are militating against the MDGs’ vision. Latest revelation by

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Germany-based Transparency International, Nigerian civil servants took about $3billion

(US) (#450 billion) bribe in 2010. Recently the Governor of the Central Bank OF Nigeria

also alleged that it costs Nigerian tax payers about 25% of the national budget to run the

national Assembly. The total annual emoluments of the President of the Nigerian Senate

is estimated at some $6 million(US), which is assumed to be 15 times the annual salary

of the current President of the United States, Mr. Barack Obama.

The Nigeria economy based mainly on revenues from the oil sector cannot develop on a

system pedestalled by graft and gross inefficiency in the public service. Hence, the

advantages of globalization of the various markets, including labour, elude Nigeria. As

identified in the literature, countries who are on the fast lane of economic growth and

prosperity especially China and India took prompt advantages of the emergence of a

global labour market. Some authors have identified the factors that actually triggered

the emergence of the global labour market as highlighted by Rybinski (2006) in his

address at Gdansk Debate on “WORKERS 2020...” These factors are the collapse of

soviet bloc and the entry into the world economy central and eastern European

countries; IT reform carried out by China and India coupled with China’s joining of the

World Trade Organization (WTO) by 2001; rapid advancement made in the application

of IT and telecommunications solutions in the management of business enterprises

especially in low-wage and low manufacturing costs countries e.g. China and India;

significant drop in transportation cost e.g., recorded statistics of 30%, 21% and 95%

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drops road transportation, air transport and telephone calls respectively; trade

liberalization also led to about 30% fall in average customs duty; and the fact that the

fine line between what may or may not be traded internationally has been blurred by

unprecedented pace of technological innovations and……(Economic Policy

Committee;2005, Mckinsey Global Institute;2005, Jensen. B., and Kletzer,L;2005, and

Freeman;2008).

AN INCLUSIVE MODEL OF INTERVENTION AND GOVERNANCE FOR DEVELOPING

ECONOMIES.

The global world of today is based on information technology that has changed the face

of business management and governance procedures. The nascent democracies of

Africa, Asia Latin America, are characterized by labour activism and civil disturbances

due to poor economic management, corruption, inter-ethnic conflicts, and decay of

infrastructural facilities, among others. Productivity, efficiency, and high production

costs are among the major victims. The following model suggests an inclusive

partnership arrangement for putting emergent economies on a sound footing

preparatory for active participation on the global economic arena.

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A MODEL OF DEVELOPMENT PARTNERSHIP

Source: Based on the author’s conception of development partnership between

government, labour organizations and civil society groups in democratic or

democratizing societies.

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a) Governmental

authorities: represented at the top of the model is governmental authorities

represented by executive authority and its agencies. The responsibility here is to

fashion out policies and programmes that would form the legal bases of lower

levels of authority. Such policies should by intention and effect strike strategic

balance among the constituent elements in the state. It should also have

implication for inclusiveness.

b) State

institutions and legal framework: state institutions such as the federal legislature,

judiciary, ministries, parastatals and their equivalents at the state and local

government levels in concert with the labour movements and civil society

organizations should form an inclusive structure of partnership for the

development, interpretation and standardization of policies, programmes and laws

that inform actions to be taken down the ladder here.

c) Labour

movements and civil society organizations: These groups are usually marginalized

in the contest of power administration governance and decision making. The

concept of social dialogue has become an integral part of governor-governed

relationship as a key element to ensuring harmony in industrial relations. Social

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dialogue is an important confidence building mechanism for qualitative decisions

that lead to inclusive development.

d) Reforms in

Strategic Sectors: Sectors such as education, health, transportation, information

technology and governance procedures should reflect the cooperative relationship

above between government and its agencies, labour movements and civil society.

Educational reform is central to economic growth and development in the

globalizing world of today. The I.T revolution has change the face of governance,

industrial relations, international business transactions and industrial production

systems.

e) Development

goals and MDGs: What constitutes Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) must

reflect the reform agenda instituted above.

f) Beneficiaries: In

every society, the masses of the people are generally located at the lowest rung of

the ladder. Reforms and development goals derived from an inclusive social

dialogue should target the vast majority of the people. This will promote prosperity

and general wellbeing for those that lack power and influence in the society.

CONCLUSION

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The various development challenges faced by Nigeria and many other developing

countries, having been obviously left behind by the globalization ‘train’ can be

dealt with if the form of interventions and governance reforms are designed to

reflect the interests at the lowest rung of the societal ladder. The natural resources

of countries like Nigeria do not benefit the ordinary people due among other

factors, high cost of governance, widespread corruption, decadent infrastructure,

insecurity, ethnic and religious crises, and low economic activities. An inclusive

development partnership based on social dialogue among the stakeholders can

change the present situation positively to promote economic growth and

development. Institutional capacity development, especially the legal

infrastructure will ensure legality and credibility in terms of the decision- making

apparatuses. As de Soto (2000) argues, capitalism triumphs in the west but fails

everywhere else because of poorly developed legal infrastructures. Legality,

technology, management and information processing are key ingredients for

effective participation in the global economic arena.

REFERENCES.

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