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Documents reveal contacts between Washington and Jerusalem in late 1960s, when some Americans believed the nuclear option would not deter Arab leaders but would trigger an atom bomb race.by: Amir Orensource: http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/.premium-1.613221TRANSCRIPT
5/9/2014 Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed to Israel's nuclear program - Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz
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Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed toIsrael's nuclear programDocuments reveal contacts between Washington and Jerusalem in late 1960s, when someAmericans believed the nuclear option would not deter Arab leaders but would trigger anatom bomb race.
By Amir Oren | Aug. 30, 2014 | 8:48 PM | 15
78 Tweet 2,432
Israeli PM Golda Meir meets U.S. President Richard Nixon in Washington, March 1 , 1 97 3. Also in the photo:
Yitzhak Rabin, Henry Kissinger and Simcha Dimitz. Photo by AP
The Obama administration this week declassified papers, after 45 years of
top-secret status, documenting contacts between Jerusalem and
Washington over American agreement to the existence of an Israeli
nuclear option. The Interagency Security Classification Appeals Panel
(ISCAP), which is in charge of approving declassification, had for decades
consistently refused to declassify these secrets of the Israeli nuclear
program.
The documents outline how the American administration worked ahead of
the meeting between President Richard Nixon and Prime Minister Golda
Meir at the White House in September 1969, as officials came to terms
with a three-part Israeli refusal – to sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty; to
agree to American inspection of the Dimona nuclear facility; and to
condition delivery of fighter jets on Israel’s agreement to give up nuclear
weaponry in exchange for strategic ground-to-ground Jericho missiles
“capable of reaching the Arab capitals” although “not all the Arab
capitals.”
The officials – cabinet secretaries and senior advisers who wrote the
documents – withdrew step after step from an ambitious plan to block
Israeli nuclearization, until they finally acceded, in internal
correspondence – the content of the conversation between Nixon and
Meir is still classified – to recognition of Israel as a
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5/9/2014 Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed to Israel's nuclear program - Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz
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threshold nuclear state.
In fact, according to the American documents, the
Nixon administration defined a double threshold for
Israel’s move from a “technical option” to a
“possessor” of nuclear weapons.
The first threshold was the possession of “the
components of nuclear weapons that will explode,” and
making them a part of the Israel Defense Forces
operational inventory.
The second threshold was public confirmation of
suspicions internationally, and in Arab countries in
particular, of the existence of nuclear weapons in
Israel, by means of testing and “making public the fact
of the possession of nuclear weapons.”
Officials under Nixon proposed to him, on the eve of
his conversation with Meir, to show restraint with
regard to the Israeli nuclear program, and to abandon
efforts to get Israel to cease acquiring 500-kilometer-
range missiles with one-ton warheads developed in the
Marcel Dassault factory in France, if it could reach an
agreement with Israel on these points.
Origins of nuclear ambiguity
Israel’s policy of nuclear ambiguity – which for the
sake of deterrence does not categorically deny some
nuclear ability but insists on using the term “option” –
appears, according to the newly released documents,
as an outcome of the Nixon-Meir understandings, no
less than as an original Israeli maneuver.
The decision to release the documents was made in
March, but was mentioned alongside the
declassification of other materials less than a week ago
in ISCAP, which is headed by a representative of the
president and whose members are officials in the
Department of State, Department of Defense and
Department of Justice, as well as the intelligence
administration and the National Archive, where the documents are stored.
The declassified material deals only with events in 1968 and 1969, the end
of the terms of President Lyndon Johnson and Prime Minister Levi
Eshkol, and the beginning of the Nixon-Meir era. However, it contains
many contemporary lessons. Among these are the decisive nature of
personal relations between a president like Obama and a prime minister
like Benjamin Netanyahu; the relationship between the diplomatic process
of “land for peace,” American guarantees of Israeli security in peace time,
supplies of weapons to Israel and Israel’s nuclear status; and the ability of
a country like Iran to move ahead gradually toward nuclear weapons and
remain on the threshold of military nuclear weapons.
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In the material declassified this week, one document was written by senior
officials in the Nixon administration in a working group led by National
Security Advisor Henry Kissinger, exploring the nature of the Israeli
nuclear weapons program known as “NSSM 40.” The existence of the
document and its heading were known, but the content had so far been
kept secret.
The document was circulated to a select group, including Secretary of
State William P. Rogers, Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird and CIA
director Richard Helms, and with the knowledge of the chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Earle Wheeler. In it, Nixon directed Kissinger to
put together a panel of experts, headed by Assistant Secretary of State
Richard Nixon (not Bibi), March 1 5, 1 97 3.
Photo by AP
Prime Minister Golda Meir in 1 97 2.
Photo by Moshe Milner / GPO
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5/9/2014 Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed to Israel's nuclear program - Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz
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Joseph Sisco.
The experts were asked to submit their intelligence evaluations as to the
extent of Israel’s progress toward nuclear weapons and to present policy
alternatives toward Israel under these circumstances, considering that the
administration was bound to the pledge of the Johnson administration to
provide Israel with 50 Phantom jets, the diplomatic process underway
through Rogers, and the aspiration to achieve, within the year, global
nonproliferation – all while, simultaneously, Israel was facing off against
Egypt on the Suez Canal during the War of Attrition.
The most fascinating parts of the 107 pages discuss internal disagreements
in the American administration over how to approach Israel – pressure or
persuasion, as Sisco’s assistant, Rodger Davies, put it in the draft of the
Department of State document. Davies also formulated a scenario of
dialogue and confrontation with Israel’s ambassador to Washington,
Yitzhak Rabin, the IDF chief of staff during the Six-Day War, who
continued to sign his name using his military rank of Lieutenant General.
The documents are an intriguing illustration of organizational politics.
Unexpectedly, the Department of State’s approach was softer. It opposed
threats and sanctions because of the fear of obstructing Rogers’
diplomatic moves if Israel hardened its line. “If we choose to use the
maximum option on the nuclear issue, we may not have the necessary
leverage left for helping along the peace negotiations,” Davies wrote.
The two branches of the Pentagon – the civilian branch headed by Laird,
his deputy David Packard (a partner in the computer manufacturer
Hewlett-Packard, who objected to a previous sale of a super-computer
manufactured by Control Data to Israel, lest it be used for the nuclear
program) and their policy advisers; and the military branch headed by
Gen. Wheeler – were more belligerent. Laird fully accepted the
recommendation of the deputy secretary of defense in the outgoing
Johnson administration, Paul Warnke, to use supplying the Phantoms to
leverage far-reaching concessions from Israel on the nuclear issue.
Packard’s opposite number in the Department of State – Rogers’ deputy,
Elliot Richardson – was Packard’s ideological ally in reservations
regarding Israel. However, Sisco’s appointment, rather than an official
5/9/2014 Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed to Israel's nuclear program - Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz
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from the strategic section of the Department of State, which agreed with
the Pentagon, steered the recommendations of the officials toward a
softer stance on Israel.
There was also an internal debate in the American administration over the
extent of Israel’s progress toward a nuclear weapon. The Department of
State, relying on the CIA, strongly doubted the evidence and described it
as circumstantial in light of the inability to collect intelligence, including
during the annual visits to the Dimona facility. As to conclusive evidence
that Israel had manufactured a nuclear weapon, Davies wrote, “This final
step is one we believe the Labor Alignment in Israel would like to avoid.
The fierce determination to safeguard the Jewish people, however, makes
it probable that Israel would desire to maintain the ultimate weapon at
hand should its security again be seriously threatened.”
The Department of Defense, based on its intelligence agency, was more
decisive in its evaluation that Israel had already attained nuclear weapons,
or would do so in a matter of months.
Rabin, with his military aura and experience in previous talks on arms
supplies (Skyhawks and later Phantoms) with the Johnson administration,
was the key man on the Israeli side in these discussions, according to the
Americans. This, even though the decisions were made in Jerusalem by
Meir, Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, Foreign Minister Abba Eban and
their colleagues, who were not always happy with Rabin’s tendency to
express his “private” stances first and only then obtain approval from
Jerusalem.
The Johnson and Nixon administrations concluded that, in talks with
Rabin, it had been stated in a manner both “explicit and implicit” that
“Israel wants nuclear weapons, for two reasons: First, to deter the Arabs
from striking Israel; and second, if deterrence fails and Israel were about
to be overrun, to destroy the Arabs in a nuclear Armageddon.”
The contradiction in this stance, according to the Americans, was that
Israel “would need a nuclear force that is publicly known and, by and
large, invulnerable, i.e., having a second-strike capability. Israel is now
building such a force – the hardened silos of the Jericho missiles.”
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However, “it is not really possible to deter Arab leaders – and certainly
not the fedayeen – when they themselves represent basically irrational
forces. The theory of nuclear deterrence that applies between the U.S. and
the U.S.S.R. – a theory that requires a reasoned response to provocation,
which in turn is made possible by essentially stable societies and
governments – is far less applicable in the Near East.”
Four years before the Yom Kippur War in October 1973 and the general
scorn for Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, the Nixon administration
wrote that Israel “would never be able to rule out the possibility that some
irrational Arab leader would be willing to sustain great losses if he believed
he could inflict decisive damage on Israel.”
Sisco and his advisers worried that a threat to cut off arms supplies “could
build military and psychological pressures within Israel to move rapidly to
the very sophisticated weaponry we are trying to avoid.”
According to the documents, the Nixon administration believed that
Israel’s acquisition of nuclear weapons would spur the Arab countries to
acquire their own such weapons within 10 years, through private
contracts with scientists and engineers in Europe. Moreover, “deeply
rooted in the Arab psyche is the concept that a settlement will be possible
only when there is some parity in strength with Israel. A ‘kamikaze’ strike
at the Dimona facilities cannot be ruled out,” the document states.
The Nixon advisers concluded that, all things considered, “we cannot
force the Israelis to destroy design data and components, much less the
technical knowledge in people’s minds, nor the existing talent for rapid
5/9/2014 Newly declassified documents reveal how U.S. agreed to Israel's nuclear program - Diplomacy and Defense Israel News | Haaretz
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improvisation.” Thus, Davies wrote in July, two months before the Nixon-
Meir meeting, the lesser evil would be to agree for Israel to “retain its
‘technical option’” to produce nuclear weapons.
“If the Israelis show a disposition to meet us on the nuclear issue but are
adamant on the Jericho missiles, we can drop back to a position of
insisting on non-deployment of missiles and an undertaking by the Israelis
to keep any further production secret,” Davies added.
The strategic consideration, mixed with political considerations, was
persuasive. The draft of Meir’s unconditional surrender – formulated in
the Pentagon without her knowledge in her first month in office – was
shelved, and the ambiguity option was born and lived in secret documents
until the Obama administration made them public, for reasons (or
unintentionally) of their own.
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