Neoliberalism and Its Social-Movement Foes

Review By Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh

Department of Political Science, University of Connecticut

Social Movements for Global Democracy. By Jackie Smith. MD: Johns Hopkins UniversityPress, 2008. 299 pp., $25.00 paperback (ISBN-10: 0-8018-8744-5).

Jackie Smith’s book weaves tales about contemporary politics with hypothesesabout interest-group power, humanistic ethics, and social-movement formationand tactics. Because Smith offers prescriptions, the book is politically engaging.A skillful college teacher might use Social Movements for Global Democracy to launchclassroom debates over the role of social movements in international relations.More advanced scholars may find their memories of older theoretical debatespiqued by the book’s claims.

Smith contends that today international politics can be understood as a ongo-ing struggle between two sets of local, national, and international formal andinformal groups, which she calls the ‘‘neoliberal globalization network’’ and the‘‘democratic globalization network.’’ They are not formally organized bodieswith official leaders and doctrines. Rather, each network comprises groups thathold common views and priorities. The groups constituting neoliberal globaliza-tion network place profit maximization ahead of other goals and for the mostpart believe in the beneficial consequences of free trade. Members of the demo-cratic globalization network espouse a lifestyle that Smith sometimes calls ‘‘per-sonalism’’ (p. 126–129) and pursue aims, such as peace, ecological sustainability,and universal health care, which she classifies as ‘‘non-consumerist’’ (p. 26, pp.81–88, pp. 150–152).

Smith alternates between being a poet and a social scientist. She sometimessays that the notion of network is a convenient metaphor. It helps her order achaotic, complex, and fluid world. In reality, groups hold multiple and contra-dictory outlooks and seldom can be said to belong to a single imaginary ‘‘net-work.’’ On other occasions, she writes as if networks objectively exist. The stakesin the struggle between the networks are, allegedly, perceived by many if notmost participants (especially a subset within the neoliberal globalization networkcalled the ‘‘transnational capitalist class’’). She adds that her book’s purpose isto influence the outcome of this real-world rivalry.

In the empirical-sounding passages, Smith contends that each network’s com-mitment to its respective viewpoint is so rigid that constructive dialogue betweenthe networks is difficult and uncommon. The networks are natural ‘‘rivals’’ that‘‘must compete’’ (p. 36). Each network approaches extant governments, fromnation states to the United Nations, to advance its goals. If rebuffed, it gamelyattempts to alter the government’s procedures or even create new political insti-tutions. The neoliberal global network, for instance, wants the United Nationsto concentrate on free trade and, as a result, tries to make the institution’sinternal decision-making processes resemble those of an opaque, top-downcorporation. Conversely, the democratic globalization network wants to enlargethe United Nations’ commitment to non-commercial priorities and attempts toreplace any closed, bureaucratic procedures with transparent and permeableones.

� 2009 International Studies Association

International Studies Review (2009) 11, 623–625

Smith adds that in their attempts to control government institutions, the twonetworks draw on different types of resources. The neoliberal globalization net-work enjoys an advantage in terms monetary rewards and threats with which topressure government bureaucrats, party politicians, and members of the press.Compared to the economic muscle of the neoliberal globalization network, themembers of the democratic globalization networks are ‘‘Lilliputians’’ (p. 34).The democratic globalization network, however, has a clear edge in terms ofideological resources. According to Smith, democracy and human rights are themoral coinage of today; citizens refuse to be ruled in authoritarian manner(even if the authorities claim to be benign); and government officials are loathto act in ways that might trigger a legitimacy crisis.

Much of the book discusses strategies and tactics that members of the demo-cratic globalization network should pursue. Smith stresses the need for moralsuasion in mobilizing citizens who are not yet attuned to the broader tug-of-warover how the world should be economically and politically organized. Recount-ing recent efforts to educate the public, such as campaigns launched by theWorld Social Forum, she argues that practical lessons about how to sway politi-cians, citizens, and residents to the network’s cause can be uncovered, if we onlytake time to observe recent social-movement experiences.

In the last half of the book, Smith urges those social-movement activists whoare suspicious of the modern state to work, instead, for the expansion of its regu-latory and re-distributive powers and to build large coalitions with middle-classpopulations. Smith ignores the work of scholars who recall the decline of theCivil Rights movements and the fragmentation of the German Greens as evi-dence of the potential dangers of coalitions with well-meaning middle-classgroups and of incorporation within states. She even calls such worries aboutdependence and cooptation ‘‘self-defeating’’ discussions that ‘‘should be aban-doned’’ (p. 228). But, perhaps the endless debates fueled by the work of, say,Piven and Cloward (1979), ought to be revisited in any serious discussion ofsocial-movement strategy?

Smith is fairly evenhanded when describing social-movement activities. Shecandidly notes failures and miscalculations by movement leaders. She does notromantically describe ‘‘politics from below’’ through rose-colored glasses. She isless evenhanded when describing the neoliberal globalization network and, inparticular, the transnational capitalist class. Her description of their fixation withshort-term profit maximization and their indifference to all other valuesapproaches caricature (and some details in her book, such as the described laborpolicies of the Levi Strauss Company, suggest otherwise).

The one-dimensional presentation of the goals of the neoliberal globaliza-tion network might be linked to Smith’s slippery depiction of capitalism. AsAlford and Friedland (1985) point out, there are multiple models of the poli-tics in and the evolution of capitalist societies: from the ruling-class andpower-elite models of Domhoff and Mills, to the class-struggle models ofThompson and Piven and Cloward, to the more structural models of Althus-ser and Wallerstein. Smith conflates such theories and elides their alternativeclassifications of class interests and political processes. The theoretical differ-ences are important, however; they can lead to divergent conclusions aboutthe amount and types of compromises that capitalists will make to survive.This, in turn, has implications for the tactical and strategic advice offered toany anti-neoliberal coalition.

Smith’s book is important because it discusses grassroots events that often areforgotten by the press and most scholars. She criticizes global capitalism butneglects celebrated debates among Left scholars over its nature and potentialremedies. A reader might consider comparing her book with a recent work byanother public intellectual who possesses egalitarian sentiments but thinks

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differently about human rights, civil society, and the United Nations—say, Walzer(2007). The juxtaposition could illuminate the theoretical choices Smith fore-goes. Then, the proper course of action for social-movement activists with globalagendas may appear more problematic.

References

Alford, Robert R., and Roger Friedland. (1985) Powers of Theory: Capitalism, the State and Democ-racy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Piven, Frances Fox, and Richard A. Cloward. (1979) Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed,How They Fail. New York: Random House.

Walzer, Michael. (2007) Thinking Politically: Essays in Political Theory. New Haven: Yale UniversityPress.

625Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh