nation and narration: from the imagined community to the european union
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Recent attempts by the European Commission to foster a pan-European nation among linguistically diverse peoples have demonstrated the problematic theoretical relationship of nation with narration. In examining this relationship, Cris Shore’s anthropological study of the European Union sidesteps the oft-discussed political and economic facets to look at the cultural politics of European integration. While Shore notes that many EU policymakers accustomed to technical matters found his anthropological study of “the tribes of Brussels… rather odd or faintly amusing” (Shore, 10) his study is actually far from novel, drawing on a rich pedigree of cultural theorists that have attempted to map the relationship between nation or narration. Indeed, much of theoretical basis of Shore’s critical analysis of EU cultural politics is remarkably similar to the writings of Benedict Anderson and Susanne Zantop.TRANSCRIPT
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
NATION AND NARRATION:
FROM THE IMAGINED COMMUNITY TO THE EUROPEAN UNION
GERM 510: THEORIZING CULTURE
DR. KATRIN SIEG
BY
SEAN P. MCBRIDE
WASHINGTON, DC
22 FEBRUARY 2010
AD MAIOREM DEI GLORIAM
McBride, 1
Recent attempts by the European Commission to foster a pan-European nation among
linguistically diverse peoples have demonstrated the problematic theoretical relationship of
nation with narration. In examining this relationship, Cris Shore’s anthropological study of the
European Union sidesteps the oft-discussed political and economic facets to look at the cultural
politics of European integration. While Shore notes that many EU policymakers accustomed to
technical matters found his anthropological study of “the tribes of Brussels… rather odd or
faintly amusing” (Shore, 10) his study is actually far from novel, drawing on a rich pedigree of
cultural theorists that have attempted to map the relationship between nation or narration.
Indeed, much of theoretical basis of Shore’s critical analysis of EU cultural politics is
remarkably similar to the writings of Benedict Anderson and Susanne Zantop.
While Benedict Anderson has dominated much of the theoretical discourse on this
relationship, it is important not to inflate his theoretical significance. Works such as Jonathan
Culler’s “Anderson and the Novel” have questioned the broad and uncritical adoption of
Anderon’s concept of imagined communities given certain problems in the literary basis of his
theoretical arguments. This has made it important for scholars to approach Anderson with a
more critical eye. Thus, while Chris Shore’s work quotes Benedict Anderson and borrows his
concept of imagined communities, he does selectively, primarily drawing from Anderson’s
implicit comparison of nation to empire. In order to understand this theoretical linkage between
Anderson and Shore, this paper argues that for the use of a cipher. Because Zantop’s analysis of
the German Krusoe saga explicitly explores the impact of colonialism on the relationship
between nation and narration, this work clarifies many of the theoretical undertones in Anderson
and Shore. The product of this decryption is an implicit comparison between EU cultural policy
towards the nations of Europe and the German Krusoe’s education of the “savage” Freitag.
McBride, 2
These theoretical similarities ultimately suggest that EU community building efforts represent a
sort of "colonization of Europe by itself" (Shore, 27).
Benedict Anderson characterizes the relationship of narration to nation as causal,
resulting in the formation of an “imagined community.” He identifies the development of
“national” literary languages as an important prerequisite by providing a unified written field of
exchange below universal languages such as Latin or classical Arabic and above spoken regional
vernaculars. Consumption of narratives (print media such as newspapers, novels, histories, etc)
within this field of exchange trained the literate bourgeoisie to envision an imagined community.
Anderson explains that, for the bourgeoisie reader, observing “subway, barbershop, or residential
neighbors” reading the same print media acted to reassure that “the imagined world is visibly
rooted in everyday life” (Anderson, 36). These cultural practices tied to print media thus created
a feeling of solidarity between fellow readers based around the unified field of exchange of
vernacular print language, which eventually formed the basis for the imagined national
community.
Despite the seemingly organic nature of this causal relationship, Anderson importantly
notes that the formation of imagined communities was not necessarily populist or democratic, as
it simultaneously enfranchised national elites and disenfranchised others. Expanding on
Anderson, David Lloyd colorfully wrote that “nation apes empire” when describing the role of
the Irish novel in the imagining of the Irish nation (David Lloyd, Anomalous States, 154). Thus,
the formation of nationalism appears related to colonialist and imperialist ventures. According to
Anderson, Creole elites played a leading role in this process in South America, redefining
themselves and the indigenous populations as Argentinean, etc. However, shifting the metropole
from Toledo to Buenos Aires altered the reality for disenfranchised indigenous tribes little, as
McBride, 3
their overlords simply became “fellow” Argentineans. Processes such as hispanization
apparently proceeded apace, but they were now internal matters among “fellow nationals.” For
indigenous peoples, full integration as an “Argentinean” required participation in the Creole
unified field of exchange based on Spanish print-capitalism.
In contrast to Benedict Anderson, Susanne Zantop’s study of Campe’s Robinson novels
depicts a differing relationship between nation and narration. Rather than merely serving as a
means for imagining solidarity with fellow readers, Zantop portrays the German Krusoe
narrative as explicitly serving a top-down pedagogical function. By likening the education of
German youths to colonization or "the domestication of little savages" (Zantop, 105), Zantop
brings the argument that “nation apes empire” to the forefront of the relationship between nation
and narration. Zantop’s depiction reflects a later evolutionary stage of the imagined community,
under which the qualities associated with the nation became canonized and imposed on society
as a “national pedagogical tradition” (Zantop, 105). This concept of a “national pedagogical
tradition” suggests that the role of print media had changed. Enabled by Robinson’s ability to
"serve as foil for the projection of any national, regional, or personal interest," Campe’s
Robinson serves as an archetype of the German nation: frugal, industrious, pious, Protestant, and
craving "neither material gains and luxury, nor sex and power." (Zantop, 119). In an interesting
reversal of Anderson’s causal postulation that narration causes nation, Campe’s process of
making Robinson fully eingedeutscht suggests that in later periods, a more rigid and normative
definition of Deutschtum and other imagined national communities actually shaped the formation
of narratives. Print media thus assumed a more imperialistic role, seeking to impress normative
nationalist values rather than simply building solidarity.
McBride, 4
This normative process of becoming eingedeutscht is exemplified by Krusoe’s patriarchic
and one-sided education of Freitag. Krusoe stands as the archetype of the German Landesvater,
representing "enlightened bourgeoisie paternalism, Protestant ethic, religious and cultural
tolerance, and the perfectibility of all humans" (Zantop, 117). By presenting Krusoe as “a
literary figure whose adventures would entertain and stimulate the youthful readers into complete
identification and imitation” (Zantop, 103) Campe seeks to subject his audience to a pedagogical
process similar to Freitag, through which the reader transforms from Unmensch to Untermensch
to Untertan to Krusoe’s equal as an Übermensch. Zantop classifies this process of
Germanification as “thinly disguised cultural annihilation," in which Krusoe's actions result in
not just "the erasure of the Savage... but the erasure of the individual, his conflicts, passions, and
aspirations" (Zantop, 117). Krusoe and Freitag therefore lose their individuality, becoming
subsumed into the German nation. Zantop’s analysis of Campe’s work suggests a far more
hierarchical and static conception of an imagined German national community. In contrast to
Anderson’s characterization of the literate classes communally participating in the imagining of
one’s nation, Campe’s work suggests that the process of accepting Germany as Vaterland is
much more demanding on the individual. Equating individuality to savagery, the creation of an
Übermensch ultimately requires the subordination of individual conflicts, passions, and
aspirations to the needs of the national community.
In contrast to Benedict Anderson and Susanne Zantop, Cris Shore depicts the relationship
between nation and narrative as fundamentally different due to the multilingual nature of the
European Union and the modern technological advances in visual media. Challenging the
applicability of Anderson’s presupposition that nation-building requires linguistic unity, Shore
downplays the importance of print culture by adopting a wider anthropological view of symbols
McBride, 5
as the dominant element of nation building. Likening the EU’s use of visual media to the
medieval church’s use of stained glass to communicate religious stories to linguistically diverse
audiences, Shore suggests that the European Commission uses images like the Euro to
communicate common narratives of European progress across a unified symbolic field of
exchange. Nevertheless, by quoting an EU official charge that “Europe must speak with one
voice," Shore emphasizes the difficulty of creating a unified field of exchange across linguistic
barriers.
Expanding on Anderson’s comparison of nation and empire, Cris Shore characterizes the
cultural politics of European integration as "the colonization of Europe by itself" (Shore, 27).
Theoretically and rhetorically, Shore’s analysis thus resembles Zantop's equation of a national
pedagogical tradition to colonization or "the domestication of little savages." Considering the
similarities of the new EU transnational elites to the Creole elites in South America, such a
characterization is apt. Anderson demonstrates that the creation of national imagined
communities in South American empowered the Creole elites vis-à-vis the peninsulares, which
in turn transformed the colonial process of hispanization into a domestic process between
“fellow nationals.” As Zantop showed through the Robinson saga, this process was later
replicated in Europe. Just as natives were forcibly transformed into members of the imagined
community of Argentineans, the education of German youth was likened to the “domestication
of little savages.” Natives became nationals under pressure of the Creole elites just as German
youth became eingedeutscht through emulation of Krusoe.
This analogy with colonialism causes Shore to express concern about the European
Commission’s cultural policies. Zantop classifies the sort of Germanification expressed in the
Krusoe stories as “thinly disguised cultural annihilation" that seeks "the erasure of the Savage...
McBride, 6
but the erasure of the individual, his conflicts, passions, and aspirations" (Zantop, 117). Is this
analogous to Europeanization? Shore indeed identifies similar strains in the EU’s cultural
politics. By characterizing “the continuing presence of the nation-state and its allied ideology of
nationalism” as “the antithesis of peace,” (Shore, 16) nationalism seems to be to the EU
technocrats as “the savages” were to the European colonialists. Shore’s further discovery that
Commission officials liken the argument for or against European integration to a choice between
“civilisation [sic] or barbarism” (Shore, 100) further seems to confirm this suspicion. Concepts
such as the white man’s burden postulated that colonialism (and slavery) was necessary to
protect natives from their savage (and possibly cannibalistic) nature. Do EU technocrats
envision carrying out similar heavy-handed measure to ensure the destruction of “savage”
nationalism? After all, even genocide is considered “an exercise in community building” (Philip
Gourevitch, We wish to inform you…, 95). This analogy is clearly overblown, but by quoting EU
officials saying “the view is that the dogs may back, but the caravan will move forward
regardless“ (Shore, 106), Shore appears vindicated as characterizing the European Union as
having a “cavalier disregard for public opinion” (Shore, 101), suggesting that European
integration represents yet another form of “bourgeoisie paternalism.”
The conceptual evolution between these authors ultimately demonstrates that nation and
narration have a Janus-faced relationship. For elites, such as the Creole administrators, the
German author Campe, and EU technocrats, narration initially serves the democratic function of
allowing a communal national imagining within a unified field of exchange. Concepts, such as
Deutschtum, are more conceptually fluid and contested, allowing the elites to participate in a
conceptual give-and-take over the process of constructing “imagined communities.” As this
process calcifies, the other face of “imagined communities” emerges in attempts to impose
McBride, 7
normative cultural values on others through colonialism or top-down pedagogical exercises. The
elites communally realize Deutschtum through print-capitalism, but thereafter the others must be
eingedeutscht through the national pedagogical tradition. The intensity of this imposition can
range from “bourgeoisie paternalism” to “thinly disguised cultural annihilation." Cultural
practices, such as the reading of novels or newspapers, move from being part of a debate over
public opinion to being an imperial tool aimed at the “domestication of little savages.” Cris
Shore accurately identifies similar trends occurring within the cultural politics of the European
Union, begging the question: At what cost Europeanization?