molino mills: the maritime cultural landscape of a

MOLINO MILLS: THE MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF A RECONSTRUCTION

ERA SAWMILL IN MOLINO, FLORIDA

by

Joseph James Grinnan

B.A., University of Florida, 2009

A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology

College of Arts and Sciences

The University of West Florida

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

2013

The thesis of Joseph James Grinnan is approved:

____________________________________________ _________________

Amy Mitchell-Cook, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

____________________________________________ _________________

Gregory D. Cook, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

____________________________________________ _________________

John Worth, Ph.D., Committee Chair Date

Accepted for the Department of Anthropology:

____________________________________________ _________________

John R. Bratten, Ph.D., Chair Date

Accepted for the University:

____________________________________________ _________________

Richard S. Podemski, Ph.D., Dean, Graduate School Date

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis was made possible through the generous support of the people and

organizations at the University of West Florida. I would like to thank my committee members

Dr. John Worth, Dr. Greg Cook, and Dr. Amy Mitchell-Cook for their insight, patience, and

editing assistance. Also, I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the departments of History

and Anthropology for all their guidance including Cindy Rodgers, Juliette Moore, Dr. John

Bratten, Dr. Ramie Gougeon, Norine Carroll, Janet Lloyd, Jennifer Melcher, Gabbi Grosse, and

Dr. John Clune. For the guidance, encouragement, and financial support of the Archaeology

Institute and Florida Public Archaeology Network including Dr. Elizabeth Benchley, John

Phillips, Karen Mims, Dr. Bill Lees, Dr. Della Scott-Ireton, Mike Thomin, and Cheryl Phelps, I

am especially grateful. I also owe many thanks to the staff at the UWF Marine Services Center:

Steve McLin, Fritz Sharar, and Del De Los Santos for their support, encouragement, and kind-

hearted entertainment.

The fieldwork necessary for this thesis depended heavily upon volunteers. These

individuals included Nicole Bucchino, Nicole Rosenberg-Marshall, Rachel Devan, Sarah

Hooker, Allen Wilson, Tara Giuliano, Colin Bean, Patricia McMahon, Jackie Rodgers, Eric

Swanson, Andy Derlikowski, Ben Wells, Danny Haddock, Cassie Vesper, Bill Lott, Marisa

Foster, Lauren Walls, Ryan Thompson, Colin, Keohane, Lindsey Cochran, Katie Brewer, Stacy

Marshal, Corinna Giles, Matt Gifford, John Krebs, Stephanie Dominici, Stewart Hood, Elaine

Nixon, Kevin Bender, Stephanie Poole, Bob Rutledge, Mark Vadas, Chris Dewey, Sarah

Bennett, Will Wilson, and Danny Allen. These individuals provided time and expertise essential

during the excavation of Molino Mills and I am deeply indebted to them.

v

The communities of Pensacola and Molino provided various types of assistance along the

way. Dean Debolt at UWF’s Special Collection in the John C. Pace Library assisted a great deal

locating sources of data. The Pensacola Archaeological Society and its members provided

financial support and encouragement. The Molino Historical Society and its members helped to

open up avenues of research as well as offer encouragement along the way.

Molino Mills sits on property owned by Mr. Richard Marlow. He generously allowed my

fellow UWF students and me to come onto his property and excavate the mill. His knowledge of

the local landscape and history of the lumber industry also guided my research and opened up

new avenues of research. I am grateful for him and his family for their assistance.

I would also like to thank my family: my mother and Phil for all their help and advice

throughout graduate school: dad and Maria for their support and guidance, and my grandparents

Papa Jim, Grandmother Mary sue, Gee, Roger, Poppy and Carole for their interest in my topic

and support. Finally, for the love of my life Nicole, not only did she help excavate the site and

edit my thesis, but her unwavering support and kindhearted nature were essential in the final

push to complete this thesis. I could not have completed this thesis without her by my side.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iv

LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... vii

ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... ix

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................1

CHAPTER II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................5

CHAPTER III. HISTORICAL CONTEXT ............................................................20

A. West Florida Lumber Industry .................................................20

B. History of Molino, Florida .......................................................31

CHAPTER IV. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................48

A. Terrestrial .................................................................................48

B. Conservation ............................................................................52

C. Maritime ...................................................................................53

D. Historical Research ..................................................................57

CHAPTER V. RESULTS ......................................................................................60

A. Terrestrial Fieldwork Results ...................................................60

B. Artifact Discussion...................................................................67

C. Features ....................................................................................69

D. Extant Structures: Structure 1 ..................................................75

E. Structure 2 ................................................................................77

F. Structure 3 ................................................................................79

G. Maritime Fieldwork Results ....................................................81

CHAPTER VI. CONCLUSION ..............................................................................88

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................102

APPENDIX ......................................................................................................................115

A. Table of Artifacts Recovered .................................................116

vii

LIST OF FIGURES

1. Corliss Compound Engine located in Pawtucket R.I. ............................................25

2. A typical lengthwise section of a cylinder from a Corliss engine. ........................26

3. Two views of the prototype of the modern high-speed engine. .............................27

4. This is a fully developed sectional watertube boiler from the late nineteenth

century....................................................................................................................28

5. Only known image of Molino Mills. .....................................................................46

6. UWF Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool students recording the

trench/sluiceway exposed by low water levels. .....................................................54

7. UWF Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool students using

trilateration to record submerged pilings in the Escambia River. ..........................55

8. Dr. John Worth and the author performing a magnetometer survey in the

Escambia River. .....................................................................................................56

9. Aerial view with all units excavated by April 2012 at Mission San Joseph de

Escambe/Molino Mills site (8ES3473). .................................................................61

10. Graphic display demonstrating relative elevation changes in mNAVD88

of Durants Bluff. ....................................................................................................62

11. Close-up aerial view of units targeting Molino Mills. ...........................................62

12. South wall profile of ST 255. .................................................................................63

13. South wall profile of ST 257. .................................................................................64

14. North wall profile of ST 258. .................................................................................65

15. Close-up aerial view of units targeting Molino Mills including the

approximate mill boundary. ...................................................................................66

16. Plain whiteware cup rim found in level 21

(2.199mNAVD88-2.10mNAVD88) of ST 259. ....................................................68

17. “J. Gonzalez” brick found at Molino Mills. ...........................................................69

18. Structure 1 looking northeast. . ..............................................................................75

viii

19. Hand drawn sketch looking down at structure 1. ...................................................76

20. Photograph of structure 2 looking north. ..............................................................78

21. Photographs of structure 3. Styles A, B, and C are left to right. ...........................80

22. Scale drawing of structure 3 demonstrating the relative locations of the bolts. ....80

23. Image of trench/sluiceway looking east. ................................................................82

24. Aerial view of Molino displaying contoured data from the magnetometer

survey area. ............................................................................................................84

25. Colored contoured survey data.. ............................................................................85

26. Hand drawn sketch of MMM20 and MMM21.. ....................................................86

ix

ABSTRACT

MOLINO MILLS: THE MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF A RECONSTRUCTION

ERA SAWMILL IN MOLINO, FLORIDA

Joseph James Grinnan

The economic disposition of Molino, Florida, depended on the prosperity of its

industries. The lumber industry was the major determinant in the rise or fall of the city for much

of the nineteenth century. The largest of these sawmills was a steam-powered mill aptly named

Molino Mills. In 1866, a group of wealthy entrepreneurs built Molino Mills in the hopes of

tapping into West Florida’s lush, yellow pine forests. The mill is situated on the banks of the

bustling Escambia River in the westernmost portion of Florida; however, the mill itself is not

limited to its terrestrial components. Documentary research has revealed a maritime aspect in

the culture surrounding the lumber industry, while riverine archaeological investigations have

uncovered several structural features that extend into the river. Analysis of terrestrial and

maritime fieldwork as well as primary documents delves into the maritime resources surrounding

this Reconstruction Era sawmill. The analysis provides a unique viewpoint from which to

examine Molino Mills and the West Florida lumber industry.

1

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Early in West Florida’s colonial history, prospectors looked at the land’s vast timber

resources and described the wealth that could be garnered from exploiting its forests. Colonists

utilized water-powered mills to process felled timber and prepare it for personal, as well as

commercial, use. Until the early twentieth century, the forests of West Florida were rich in

southern yellow pine. The demand for these pines trees became greater and greater as time

progressed from the Colonial Era until the twentieth century. Unfortunately, most sawmills in

West Florida ceased to operate during the Civil War, some destroyed during raids or burned by

retreating forces. However, immediately following the war, there was a significant boom in

yellow pine production. It is at this point, during Florida’s Reconstruction Era, that Molino Mills

was built and became one of the largest mills in West Florida and, possibly, the Southeast.

A group of wealthy northern entrepreneurs purchased the land for Molino Mills in

January of 1866.1 The men selected a small community about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of

Pensacola along the bank of the Escambia River. Milling was not a new concept to the

community as it once contained the water-powered Cooper mill in operation from the mid-1830s

until the Civil War. The community became known as Molino and was a strategic location for a

milling operation. Florida’s Escambia River, referred to as the Conecuh River once it crosses the

Alabama border, travels some 250 miles from its source until it drains into Pensacola Bay.

Molino sits at an important point in the river just before it changes course and the river banks

become extremely swampy. Bankrupt in 1875, the mill was sold to another wealthy northerner

who revamped and reinvigorated the mill, likely initiating its heyday. In 1881, local lumber

1 Escambia County, Deed Book P, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 581-585.

2

baron Daniel F. Sullivan purchased and operated the mill until a fire destroyed it on September 7,

1884.

The investigation into Molino Mills began as a class project concerning historical

documents. This project sparked my interest, eventually becoming the foundation for this thesis.

As the thesis evolved, three research goals developed: first, to determine the mill’s boundary and

document the extant remains; second, to investigate the connection between Molino Mills and

the Escambia River; and, finally, to determine the importance of Molino Mills in the West

Florida lumber industry.

In order to investigate these research goals, three separate phases were initiated. The first

phase required terrestrial fieldwork. Over an eight month period, students from the University of

West Florida excavated 15 test units and documented three extant structures. The collected

archaeological assemblage provides a detailed record of life surrounding a mid-nineteenth

century steam-powered sawmill, while examined structures illustrate the inner workings of the

mill and how laborers operated the machinery.

To explore the connection between the Escambia River and Molino Mills, students from

the University of West Florida conducted a pedestrian survey and magnetometer survey, diving

on identified anomalies. Maritime fieldwork located and documented a number of previously

unknown structures related to Molino Mills that exist either submerged or semi-submerged in the

Escambia River. The results of fieldwork in conjunction with historical documents tell a

fascinating story linking Molino Mills and the Escambia River.

Documents were the most significant source utilized to determine the relative importance

of Molino Mills. Few documents concerning Pensacola’s Reconstruction Era have survived to

the present day: many burned in a downtown Pensacola fire during the 1880s, while those

3

directly related to Molino Mills likely burned in 1884 with the mill itself. Still, from the few

documents that have survived, a detailed history can be told of West Florida’s post-Civil War

lumber industry.

Most studies into West Florida’s lumber industry have examined antebellum water-

powered sawmills or turn of the twentieth century mill company towns. Molino Mills is a

unique site in that it operated almost exclusively during the Reconstruction Era, providing an

excellent opportunity to look at an early (in terms of West Florida) steam-powered sawmill in a

poorly understood timeframe of the industry. Additionally, sawmill studies typically focus on

either the main mill building or the mill worker’s residences. Although the aforementioned

resources are some of the best ways to investigate the lumber industry, they often overlook other

resources integral to the lumber production process, like transportation. A major aspect of the

examination into Molino Mills is the transportation aspect, especially when considering the

intricacies of lumber transportation via the Escambia River.

Chapter two lays a foundation for the entire thesis by detailing the theory of maritime

cultural landscapes and, to a lesser degree, historical ecology. Maritime cultural landscape

theory denotes a perspective from which to view Molino Mills, while historical ecology

establishes the chronological timeframe in which to observe the lumber industry. This thesis is

the first instance in which these theoretical paradigms have been applied to a sawmill. History is

the main theme of chapter three. The chapter begins by portraying an in-depth history of the

West Florida lumber industry, as well as the evolution of the steam engine, then providing a

history of the community of Molino and a detailed property record for the mill site itself.

Chapter three ends with a narrative of the history of Molino Mills gathered from numerous

primary and secondary sources. Chapter four outlines the archaeological methodology employed

4

at the Mission San Joseph de Escambe/Molino Mills site. It begins by describing the previous

archaeological work done primarily at the mission site and ends with the specific methods

utilized during both the terrestrial and maritime portions of the investigation targeting Molino

Mills. The results of both terrestrial and maritime fieldwork are described in chapter five. The

terrestrial results are broken down between the excavation and documentation of extant

structures, while maritime work is illustrated in one continuous narrative. The final chapter

provides an analysis of the fieldwork and archival results framed by the theoretical paradigm

outlined in chapter two.

This thesis is significant in a number of ways: first, it examines an often overlooked, yet

important, period in the development of West Florida lumber industry. Not only does it examine

an era on which little research has been conducted, but the evidence which was recovered and

detailed in the subsequent chapters hints that Molino Mills may have been a transitional mill.

Thus, Molino Mills does not fit into traditional mill classifications and may be an early precursor

to large company towns common at the turn of the twentieth century. Additionally, submerged

resources have been one of the major foci of this project. While many scholars have studied

steam-powered sawmills and the lumber industry, only a few have discussed or documented

submerged or semi-submerged structures associated with the lumber industry. One of the major

focuses of this thesis is, therefore, submerged and semi-submerged structures. Finally, this thesis

is unique in that it is the first example of a sawmill being viewed through the lens of the

maritime cultural landscape, providing a new and innovative approach with which to analyze

industrial resources by viewing them from a maritime perspective

5

CHAPTER II

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Liminal locations such as waterfronts and inland waterways are often overlooked by

archaeologists. These areas are neither completely reliant on terrestrial nor maritime means for

their survival and thus these spaces do not directly reside under the realm of either the terrestrial

or maritime archaeologist. Early in the history of maritime archaeology, some archaeologists

like Keith Muckelroy believed that maritime archaeology did not include coastal resources;

instead, he argued that groups associated with these resources are “more closely related to

surrounding communities in their material culture…display[ing] their maritime connections only

marginally.”1 Yet, when archaeologists utilize both terrestrial and submerged resources in

conjunction with available historical documents, a more holistic understanding of the liminal

space, whether it be site specific or over a broad geographic area, can be inferred. Maritime

archaeologists over the past 20 years have been developing and refining a theoretical framework

that incorporates both terrestrial and underwater resources to create broad, overarching

understandings of past populations and their experiences. These studies are significant because

they redefine how archaeologists interpret maritime culture. J. R. Hunter notes this significance

when he states that “One of the great achievements of maritime archaeology…has been in

demonstrating that the contexts of coastal and island sites are maritime as well as terrestrial.”2

Christer Westerdahl coined the phrase “maritime cultural landscape” to describe “the

whole network of sailing routes, old as well as new, with ports and harbours along the coast, and

1 Keith Muckelroy, Maritime Archaeology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 6.

2 J.R. Hunter, “’Maritime Culture’: Notes from the Land,” The International Journal of Nautical

Archaeology 23, no. 4 (1994): 261.

6

its related construction and remains of human activity, underwater as well as terrestrial.”3 In the

early 1990s, this was a revolutionary notion because it recognized that maritime archaeology

does not end at the shoreline; instead, the maritime milieu should be examined from both

maritime and terrestrial contexts. A method to conceptualize and link these resources is through

what Westerdahl calls a “transit point.” A transit point exists at “connections with waterways

inland and points where vessel or transportation methods change.”4 Such points include where a

river flows into a lake, or where roads or railways intersect with the coast, estuaries, or ferry

locations. These points are, from an economic and geographic standpoint, the zones connecting

the entire system together and “must be taken into account if the maritime cultural landscape is

to be understood properly.”5

Westerdahl illustrates five types of archaeological resources that constitute a maritime

landscape: shipwrecks, land remains, the study of natural topography, tradition of usage, and

place names.6 The first two types consist of the physical remnants of human occupation and

their culture including both underwater, the former, and terrestrial, the latter. According to

Westerdahl, shipwrecks are the primary indicators of age and, potentially, the only means of

dating an assemblage of cultural material.7 Terrestrial sites, on the other hand, provide clues to

the activities that occurred in a given geographic region. These activities are often associated

3 Christer Westerdahl, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape,” The International Journal of Nautical

Archaeology 21, no. 1 (1992): 6.

4 Ibid., 6-7.

5 Christopher E. Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time: Maritime Archaeology and History on the Florida

Gulf Coast” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 2005), 14; Westerdahl, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape,” 6.

6 Westerdahl, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape,” 7-9.

7 Ibid., 7-8.

7

with what one may consider an inherently maritime activity such as fishing or navigation or, for

instance, artifacts recovered from a lighthouse or other structure that exists on land.

The third category pertains to the natural topography or characteristics inherent to the

land itself. Westerdahl uses the characteristics of natural havens such as perfect lagoons to

describe maritime culture and its use of the natural environment.8 However, he neglects to

discuss how humans have modified the natural environment in favor of some activities like, for

instance, harbor modifications to enhance or protect shipping. Still, topographic features such as

water depth, barrier islands, bends in the river, and elevation changes do provide insight into how

or why sites were utilized.

Tradition and usage, as well as place names, incorporate information from both archival

research and ethnographic data to draw conclusions. Westerdahl believes that, through the

“mental map” contained within local informants, archaeologists are able to look backward

through time at routes and trade networks utilized by humans centuries ago. Place names may

include areas such as ship blockages, shipwrecks themselves, or repair sites and their resources.9

These names represent the cultural milieu of a society and demonstrate people’s mental

representations and interpretations of the landscape, while also identifying significant activity

areas.

Archaeological studies into maritime cultural landscapes originate in locales from around

the globe, yet the bulk of these studies have been conducted in Europe.10

Still, many studies

8 Westerdahl, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape,” 8-9.

9 Ibid,. 8-9.

10

Alan Aberg and Carenza Lewis, eds. The Rising Tide: Archaeology and Coastal Landscapes (Oxford,

UK: Oxbow Books, 2000); Matesuez Bogucki, “Viking Age Ports of Trade in Poland,” Estonian Journal of

Archaeology 8, no. 2 (2004): 100-122; Anders Fischer, “Coastal Fishing in Stone Age Denmark - Evidence from

Below and Above the Present Sea Level and from Human Bones,” in Shell Middens in Atlantic Europe, ed. Nicky

8

have also been completed in Australia and Africa.11

Only recently has maritime cultural

landscape (MCL) research become popular in North America.12

Worldwide, a wide array of

Milner, Oliver E. Craig, and Geoffrey N. Bailey (Hampshire, UK: Oxbow Books, 2007), 54-69; Joe Flatman,

“Cultural biographies, cognitive landscapes and dirty old bits of boat: ‘theory’ in maritime archaeology,” The

International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32, no. 2 (2003): 143-157; Wes Forsythe, “Bantry Bay, County Cork,

a Fortified Maritime Landscape,” Historical Archaeology 41, no. 3 (2007): 51-62; Audrey J. Horning, “On the

Banks of the Bann: The Riverine Economy of an Ulster Plantation Village,” Historical Archaeology 41, no. 3

(2007): 94-114; Hunter, “’Maritime Culture,’”261-264; Kristin Ilves, “The Seaman’s Perspective in Landscape

Archaeology,” Estonian Journal of Archaeology 8, no. 2 (2004): 162-177; Marika Mägi, “’...Ships are their main

strength.’ Harbour sites, Arable Lands and Chieftains on Saaremaa,” Estonian Journal of Archaeology 8, no. 2

(2004): 128-155; Marika Mägi, “Maritime Landscapes: Introduction,” Estonian Journal of Archaeology 8, no. 2

(2004): 93-96; N. Marriner and C. Morhange, “Geoscience of Ancient Mediterranean Harbors,” Earth-Science

Reviews 80 (2007): 137-194; Thomas McErlean, “Archaeology of the Strangford Lough Kelp Industry in the

Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,” Historical Archaeology 41, no. 3 (2007):76-93; Thomas McErlean et

al., “The Sequence of Early Christian Period Horizontal Tide Mills at Nendrum Monastery: An Interim Statement,”

Historical Archaeology 41, no. 3 (2007): 63-75; Thomas McErlean, Rosemary McConkey, and Wes Forsythe,

Strangford Lough: An Archaeological Survey of the Maritime Cultural Landscape (Belfast, Northern Ireland:

Blackstaff Press, 2003); Aidan O'Sullivan, “Intertidal Archaeological Surveys in the Estuarine Wetlands of North

Munster,” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 1 (1995): 71-73; Aidan O'Sullivan, “Place,

Memory and Identity among Estuarine Communities: Interpreting the Archaeology of Early Medieval Fish Weirs,”

World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2004): 449-468; Aidan O'Sullivan and Colin Breen, Maritime Ireland: An

Archaeology of Coastal Communities (Gloucestershire, UK: Tempus, 2007); Dietlind Paddenberg and Brian

Hession, “Underwater Archaeology on Foot: A Systematic Rapid Foreshore Survey on the North Kent Coast,

England,” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 37, no. 1 (2008): 142-152; A. J. Parker, “A Maritime

Cultural Landscape: The Port of Bristol in the Middle Ages,” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 28,

no. 4 (1999): 323-342; Johann Rönnby, “Maritime Durées: Long Term Structures in a Coastal Landscape,” Journal

of Maritime Archaeology 2, no. 2 (2007): 65-82; Robert Van de Noort and Aidan O'Sullivan, Rethinking Wetland

Archaeology (London, UK: Gerald Duckworth and Company, 2006); Christer Westerdahl, “Maritime Cultures and

Ship Types: Brief Comments on the Significance of Maritime Archaeology,” The International Journal of Nautical

Archaeology 23, no. 4 (1994): 265-270.

11

Aiden Ash, The Maritime Cultural Landscape of Port Willunga, South Australia, Flinders University

Maritime Archaeology Monographs Series, no. 4 (Adelaide: Shannon Research Press, 2007); Colin Breen and Paul

J. Lane, “Archaeological Approaches to East Africa's Changing Seascapes,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003):

469-489; Brad G. Duncan, “The Maritime Archaeology and Maritime Cultural Landscapes of Queenscliffe: a

Nineteenth Century Australian Coastal Community” (PhD diss., James Cook University, 2006); Veronica M.

Morriss, “Islands in the Nile Sea: The Maritime Cultural Landscape of Thmuis, an Ancient Delta City” (master’s

thesis, Texas A&M University, 2012); Andrea Smith, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape of Kangaroo Islands,

South Australia: A Study of Kingscotie and West Bay” (master’s thesis, Flinders University, 2006).

12

James Delgado, Frederick H. Hanselmann, and Dominique Rissolo, “The ‘Richest River in the World’:

The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Mouth of the Río Chagres, Republica de Panamá,” in The Archaeology of

Maritime Landscapes, ed. Ben Ford (New York: Springer, 2011), 233-246; Jeffery B. Glover, Dominique Rissolo,

and Jennifer P. Matthews, “The Hidden World of the Maritime Maya: Lost Landscapes Along the North Coast of

Quintana Roo, Mexico,” in The Archaeology of Maritime Landscapes, ed. Ben Ford (New York: Springer, 2011),

195-216; Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time”; Krista Jordan-Greene, “A Maritime Landscape of Deadman’s Island

and Navy Cove” (master’s thesis, University of West Florida, 2007); Kendra Kennedy, “Between the Bayous: The

Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Downtown Pensacola Waterfront” (master’s thesis, University of West Florida,

2010); Jennifer F. Mckinnon, “Maritime Cultural Landscapes: Investigations at the Spanish Landing (8Wa247)”

(master’s thesis, Florida State University, 2002); David J. Steward, “Gravestones and Monuments in the Maritime

9

sites and resources have been analyzed through the lens established by Westerdahl. Not

surprisingly, most studies have taken a large landscape, such as that of a coastal settlement, and

explored the area’s immediate connection to the sea, commonly through fishing communities

and significant ports.13

Unfortunately, many of these studies focus exclusively on the land-based

resources to the exclusion of submerged or semi-submerged cultural resources.

Other archaeologists have instead chosen to inspect a particular aspect or artifact from a

coastal setting, such as monuments or fish weirs, and examine their place on the maritime

landscape.14

In addition, a few studies have broken away from the focus on coastal settlements

and moved further inland to examine lakes that exist great distances from the open ocean but do,

in fact, display cultural parallels with human settlement located at the ocean’s edge.15

Even

fewer studies have made the leap to the riverine environment and have attempted to establish the

presence of maritime culture in a riverine setting.16

This study follows this last example,

endeavoring to examine Molino and Molino Mills as a transit point along the Escambia River

and explain the existence of a maritime culture in the area.

Cultural Landscape: Research Potential and Preliminary Interpretations,” The International Journal of Nautical

Archaeology 36, no. 1 (2007): 112-124.

13

Ash, The Maritime Cultural Landscape of Port Willunga, South Australia; Parker, “A Maritime Cultural

Landscape.”

14

Steward, “Gravestones and Monuments in the Maritime Cultural Landscape”; Nigel Bannerman and

Cecil Jones, “Fish-trap Types: a Component of the Maritime Cultural Landscape,” The International Journal of

Nautical Archaeology 28, no. 1 (1999): 70-84.

15

Benjamin Ford, “Lake Ontario Maritime Cultural Landscape” (PhD diss., Texas A&M University,

2009); K.J. Vrana and G.A. Vander Stoep, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Thunder Bay National Marine

Sanctuary and Underwater Preserve,” in Submerged Cultural Resource Management: Preserving and Interpreting

Our Sunken Maritime Heritage, eds. J.D. Spirek and D.A. Scott-Ireton (New York: Springer, 2003), 17-28; Christer

Westerdahl, “Maritime Culture in an Inland Lake?,” in Maritime Heritage, eds. C.A. Brebbia and T. Gambin

(Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2003), 17-26.

16

Kimberly Esser, “Inland Waterways of the California Delta: Identifying and Managing a Maritime

Landscape,” in Underwater Archaeology, eds. Adriane Askins Neidinger and Matthew A. Russell (Tucson, AZ:

Society for Historical Archaeology, 1999),17-20; Gurly Vedru, “People on River Landscapes,” Estonian Journal of

Archaeology 8, no. 2 (2004): 181-198.

10

Westerdahl’s development of MCL revolutionized how archeologists view the shoreline,

but, recently, some have criticized MCL, stating inadequacies in its ability to examine maritime

culture.17

This critique has spurred further refinement to the theoretical paradigm. For instance,

Christopher Horrell suggests that MCL is problematic for American archaeologists because,

while it is successful in changing how archaeologists view maritime or terrestrial contexts, it

focuses solely on points of interaction or transit points and fails to provide or describe the

mechanism(s) necessary for analyzing human interaction and exchange.18

Essentially, Horrell

feels that MCL, as described by Westerdahl in the 1990s, is merely a descriptive tool, rather than

an analytical one. Kendra Kennedy also critiques MCL in her statement that the “…general lack

of explicit theory in MCL studies is unfortunate because the use of a landscape framework

allows for more than just an inventory of local resources.”19

The first endeavor to improve upon MCL stems from the writings of Anthony Firth.20

Firth utilizes the archaeology of practice to build upon the foundation of MCL, thereby

combining a descriptive tool with an analytical one. Drawing from the work of Anthony

Giddens, Firth utilizes what Giddens termed a “locale.”21

Locale refers to the setting in which an

individual’s actions and reactions occur. It is an integral part of any archaeological study

because it “identifies material culture as an active medium of social reproduction rather than as a

17

Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time,”15; Hunter, “’Maritime Culture,’” 261-262; Kennedy, “Between

the Bayous,” 8; David Berg Tuddenham, “Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Maritimity and Quasi Objects,” Journal of

Maritime Archaeology 5, no. 1 (2010): 5-16.

18

Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time,” 15.

19

Kennedy, “Between the Bayous,” 8.

20

Antony Firth, “Three Facets of Maritime Archaeology: Society, Landscape, Critique” (Southhampton,

UK: University of Southhampton Department of Archaeology), 1995.

21


UK: University of Southhampton Department of Archaeology), 1995; Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Social

Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London: Macmillan, 1979), 206-207.

11

passive backdrop.”22

The concept of locale is applicable to a wide array of settings, from site

specific to broad landscapes, and aids in drawing connections between human behavior and the

natural environment. In this regard, Giddens had developed an analytical tool capable of linking

society and the natural landscape.

Giddens’s tool consists of a four step process, the first step relates to the ‘social space,’ or

location in which a group is associated, while the second details the legitimization of a group’s

use of space. The third step examines the social system and the institutions that comprise the

social system, while the final step appraises how individuals’ view themselves within the social

hierarchy.23

Firth explains that, through the concept of locale and the four analytical tools

described above, it is possible to uncover the underlying facets of a maritime society or, in other

words, to identify the social practices that structure a society.24

Firth succeeds in demonstrating that it is necessary to employ a structural framework

when investigating maritime societies. Such a framework creates the ability for the application

of a flexible maritime label. A society whose whole existence does not revolve around maritime

resources, but rather relies on certain aspects of the marine environment and is thus only partially

a maritime society, would be an example of a flexible label. Firth, however, like Westerdahl,

fails to define exchange and interaction occurring at locales, while also neglecting the

mechanisms that reveal changes in community practice. He, again like Westerdahl, places a

22



23

Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the

State (London: Macmillan 1981), 45-46.

24



12

significant emphasis on the environment’s effect on society at the expense of describing societal

changes and their influence on the way society evolves.

Christopher Horrell’s answer to the shortcomings of MCL was to develop a new model

that he terms “The Maritime Economic and Socio-Cultural Relations Model.”25

This model aims

to provide an interpretative framework for comprehending the interactions and exchanges that

occur, both at transit points as well as within a maritime society. In order to develop this

comprehensive framework, Horrell combines the concepts of economy as a social institution, the

labor theory of value, and world-systems theory.26

In the concept of economy as a social institution, Horrell first chronicles the history and

development of what an “institution” is using research from previous studies like those of

Parsons, Levi, Giddens, Bourdieu, and Douglas.27

Thus, Horrell explains that a society is

composed of individual interactions with each other as well as their interactions with an

institution, where the institution is the legitimized structural framework within which a society is

derived.28

In Horrell’s model, the social institution has taken the form of the economy, an

institution that allows for a diachronic examination into a particular locale’s market economy.

25


26

Ibid., 18.

27

L.J. Levi, “An Institutional Perspective on Prehispanic Maya Residential Variation: Settlement and

Community at San Estevan, Belize,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2001): 120-141; T. Parsons, The

Social System (New York: The Free Press, 1951); Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the

Theory or Structuration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of A Theory of

Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford, CA:

Stanford University Press, 1990); Mary Douglas, How Institutions Think (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press,

1986).

28

Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time,” 19-23.

13

The next aspect of the maritime economic and socio-cultural relations model is the labor

theory of value, which is derived from the work of Karl Marx.29

Horrell believes that the labor

theory of value is essential to the study of the economy because it provides the ability to

investigate the significance of labor to the development of a community.30

To complete an

examination into the labor theory of value, archaeologists must explore the elements of

capitalism, including commodity, value, labor, exchange, and consumption. These elements are

uniquely intertwined: a commodity (such as raw material or labor) is exchanged following the

establishment of its perceived value in the minds of the individuals who comprise a given

society. The consumption of goods occurs both before and after exchange. Prior to exchange,

certain commodities are consumed during the production of other commodities, as well as the

individual’s consumption of a good following an exchange. This cycle of consumption during

production, exchange, and consumption following exchange depicts labor and its value within

the economic market, as well as its significance to the social institution.31

Horrell states that the

labor theory of value is integral to his model because it “will aid in teasing out the importance of

maritime labor to these communities as well as facilitating a greater understanding of the socio-

cultural processes occurring within these communities and the surrounding region based on their

economies.”32

The framework developed by world systems theory and its tenets as described by

Immanuel Wallerstein provide the structure that allows the labor theory of value to be applied on

29

Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (New York: Penguin Classics, 1992).

30


31

Ibid., 24-27; D. Graeber, Toward an Anthropology of Value: The False Coin of Our Own Dreams (New

York: Palgrave, 2001), 55.

32


14

a regional, national, and global level.33

Wallerstein uses the exploitative nature of cores, semi-

peripheries, and peripheries to express interaction in both a social and economic setting. This

conceptual tool can be used to understand the morphology of a developing society and how it

evolves through time and space.34

Horrell also incorporates Nicholas Kardulias’s idea of

“negotiated periphery” to demonstrate an individual’s actions and decision-making ability within

a society, thus revealing links between people and the system.35

The Maritime Economic and Socio-Cultural Relations Model integrates the concepts of

economy as a social institution, the labor theory of value, and world-systems theory, where the

labor theory of value is necessary to comprehend the social and cultural processes within the

economy of a social institution. The patterns resulting from these processes are then teased out

through the framework defined in world systems theory. Through the integration of these three

concepts, in conjunction with an analysis of archaeological data and historical documents,

Horrell claims that archaeologists are able to provide an anthropological look into maritime

society. 36

Kendra Kennedy chose a different route than Horrell in her endeavor to build upon the

framework of MCL. She utilized MCL as a base for pondering questions concerning gender,

ideology, ethnicity, power, resistance, and agency.37

The focus of her study relies on the works

33

Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time,” 28; Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-system: Capitalist

Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press,

1974).

34

Horrell, “Plying the Waters of Time,” 28-29.

35

Ibid., 31; Nicolas Kardulias, ed., World Systems Theory in Practice: Leadership, Production, and

Exchange (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999).

36


37


15

of Pierre Bourdieu and Anthony Giddens on habitus, practice, and structuration as they relate to

human agency.38

Kennedy explains that an individual’s habitus is composed of their past

experiences, where they have learned which actions and reactions are appropriate for a given

situation. It is from these experiences that an individual’s practice is manifested.39

Structuration, in this instance, is defined as the way practices “both create and are created by

practice itself.”40

The three components of habitus, practice, and structuration form the

framework which describes human agency. From an examination into the factors which

comprise human agency on the waterfront, Kennedy believes it is possible to understand aspects

of an individual’s agency, aspects like power and resistance. In order to examine habitus,

practice, and structuration, Kennedy suggests exploring the relationship between the material

culture excavated archaeologically, historical documents, and the landscape.41

Kennedy utilizes

these concepts to inspect the cultural milieu surrounding the maritime landscape of Pensacola’s

downtown waterfront. Although she discusses them, her focus is not on the structural or

physical remains on the waterfront, but rather the culture which once existed on the landscape

and can be inferred from the resulting modification as observed on the modern landscape.

Johan Rönnby augmented MCL by incorporating Fernand Braudel’s temporal scales.42

Braudel describes three different scales of time including les événements, les conjunctures, and

les longues durées. Les événements involve the short military and political history of events,

38

Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977);

Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory or Structuration.

39


40

Ibid., 20.

41

Kennedy, “Between the Bayous,” 20-22.

42

Rönnby, “Maritime Durées,” 65-82.

16

while les conjunctures are cycles of medium duration that pertain to groups, institutions,

economy, and social structures. Finally, the les longues durées are the seemingly unchanging

structures located in mentality, technology, and the landscape.43

Rönnby utilizes the concept of

les longues durées to examine maritime society around the ever-changing coastal landscape of

Sweden. He examines subsistence techniques of coastal peoples from the Viking and Middle

Ages to more recent techniques filmed in the 1940s, and postulates about the techniques

employed by ancient peoples who lived on the now submerged, ancient, coastal landscape.

According to Rönnby, it is possible to make assumptions about utilized techniques because

ancient people occupied the same physical landscape as that which exists today, as well as all

periods of occupation in-between. Thus, this shared, similar physical maritime landscape

suggests the possible existence of shared, long-term mental and social structures among groups

throughout time.44

In addition to studies endeavoring to improve upon the groundwork laid out by

Westerdahl, there exist two other concepts relating to MCL, those of seascapes and waterscapes.

Studies into seascapes often view the sea as a fluid, living, and diverse entity. This view

provides a new perspective on how individuals in coastal areas developed a sense of place and

identity.45

Often, seascape studies focus on activities and resources more strictly associated with

the ocean, as opposed to terrestrial resources and their effect on the cultural landscape.46

43

Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II (London:

Collins, 1972).

44

Rönnby, “Maritime Durées,” 79.

45

Gabriel Cooney, “Introduction: Seeing Land from the Sea,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003): 323.

46

Other examples of seascape studies include: Chris Ballard et al., “The Ship as Symbol in the Prehistory

of Scandinavia and Southeast Asia,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003): 385-403; Ian Barber, “Sea, Land and

Fish: Spatial Relationships and the Archaeology of South Island Maori Fishing,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3

17

In a stark contrast to seascape studies, waterscape studies focus on the physical remains

on the terrestrial or coastal landscape. These studies examine the liminal zone connecting the

water with the land, thereby describing the waterfront as a landscape, hence the term waterscape.

The waterscape influences human interaction with and access to water.47

One advantage of

waterscape studies stems from its basic foundation. MCL, and especially seascape studies, focus

on the maritime landscape, often viewing maritime culture as strictly evolving from a direct

relationship with the ocean. Waterscape studies, however, focus on the connection between the

water and land. Thus, for a waterscape study, the body of water is irrelevant: it must simply

interact with land to be considered a waterscape. Waterscape studies can, therefore, be

completed in the same locations as MCL and seascape studies, but can also completed in areas

further inland, like riverfronts.48

(2003): 434-448; Trevor Bell and M.A.P. Renouf, “Prehistoric Cultures, Reconstructed Coasts: Maritime Archaic

Indian Site Distribution in Newfoundland,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003): 350-370; Breen and Lane, “East

Africa's changing seascapes,” 469-489; Cooney, “Introduction: Seeing Land from the Sea,” 323-328; Chris Gosgen

and Christina Pevlides, “Are Islands Insular? Landscape vs. Seascape in the Case of the Arawe Islands, Papua New

Guinea,” Archaeology in Oceania 29 (1994): 162-171; Astrid Lindenlauf, “The Sea as a Place of No Return in

Ancient Greece,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003): 416-433; Ian J. McNiven, “Saltwater People: Spiritscapes,

Maritime Rituals and the Archaeology of Australian Indigenous Seascapes,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003):

329-349; Ian J. McNiven et al., “Tigershark Rockshelter (Baidamau Mudh): Seascape and Settlement

Reconfigurations on the Sacred Islet of Pulu, Western Zenadh Kes (Torres Strait),” Australian Archaeology 66

(2008): 15-32; Tim Phillips, “Seascapes and Landscapes in Orkney and Northern Scotland,” World Archaeology 35,

no. 3 (2003): 371-384; Robert Van de Noort, “An Ancient Seascape: The Social Context of Seafaring in the Early

Bronze Age,” World Archaeology 35, no. 3 (2003): 404-415.

47

Adam Rodgers, “Reimaging Roman Ports and Harbours: the Port of Roman London and Waterfront

Archaeology,” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 30, no. 2 (2011): 214-216.

48

James Errante, “Waterfront Archaeology: Recognizing the Archaeological Significance of the Plantation

Waterscape,” in Carolina’s Historical Landscapes: Archaeological Perspectives, eds. Linda F. Stine, Martha

Zierden, Lesley M. Drucker, and Christopher Judge (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1997), 205-209.

Other examples of waterscape studies include David Beard, “’Good Wharves and Other Conveniences’: An

Archaeological Study of Riverine Adaptation in the South Carolina Low Country,” in Carolina’s Historical

Landscapes: Archaeological Perspectives, eds. Linda F. Stine, Martha Zierden, Lesley M. Drucker, and Christopher

Judge (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1997), 61-70; Jago Cooper, “Modelling Mobility and

Exchange in Pre-Columbian Cuba: GIS Led Approaches to Identifying Pathways and Reconstructing Journeys from

the Archaeological Record,” Journal of Caribbean Archaeology extra 3 (2010): 122-137; Angus Graham et al.,

“Reconstructing Landscapes and Waterscapes in Thebes, Egypt,” Journal of Ancient Studies 3 (2012): 135-142;

Adam Rodgers, “Water and the Urban Fabric: a Study of Towns and Waterscapes in the Roman Period in Britain,”

18

This study implements yet another new approach. In addition to the tenets of MCL

previously mentioned, this study incorporates some of the concepts integral to the theoretical

paradigm of historical ecology. Historical ecology examines the relationship between humans

and the environment. This relationship between human behavior and the environment is

revealed in the physical attributes of a landscape.49

The landscape acts as a unit of analysis

which reveals human practice, including its effects on and how it is affected by the environment.

These interactions, for historical ecology, are not deterministic from either vantage point, but are

rather seen as a dynamic dialectic.50

That being said, the premise of historical ecology claims

that historical events, rather than evolutionary events, are the principal catalyst for environmental

changes that are the result of this dialectic.51

The landscape is viewed as a bridge connecting the

historical development of a society with the evolutionary or natural processes at work in the

geographic area in which the society occupies.52

These landscapes are only viable to this type of

interpretation when viewed over a given period of time. For some studies, the relevant

timeframe may be thousands of years, while, for other studies, it may be merely decades.

For the purposes of this study, the region considered will be the West Florida timber

lands with a focus on Molino and the Escambia River. Although Molino Mills was in operation

The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 41, no. 2 (2012): 327-339; Erik Swyngedouw, “Modernity and

Hybridity: Nature, Regeneracionismo, and the Production of the Spanish Waterscape, 1890–1930,” Annals of the

Association of American Geographers 89, no. 3 (1999): 443-465.

49

Carole Crumley, “Historical Ecology A Multidimensional Ecological Orientation,” in Historical

Ecology, ed. Carole Crumley (Santa Fe, New Mexico: School of American Research Press, 1994), 9.

50

Dave Egan and Evelyn A. Howell, “Introduction,” in The Historical Ecology Handbook A

Restorationist’s Guide to Reference Ecosystems, eds. Dave Egan and Evelyn Howell (Washington, DC: Island press,

2001), 2.

51

William Balée, “Historical Ecology: Premises and Postulates,” in Advances in Historical Ecology, ed.

William Balée (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 13.

52

William Balée, “Introduction,” in Advances in Historical Ecology, ed. William Balée (New York:

Columbia University Press, 1998), 5.

19

for only eighteen years, its relationship with the environment has manifested itself within the

local landscape, notable through the mill’s extant remains. Molino Mills operated at a transitory

period within the lumber industry, between the earlier, water-powered mills and the later mill

company towns. In Molino, there was a working sawmill almost continuously from the

mid-1830s until 1927. This study examines the different manners in which the various types of

sawmill operations have left their mark on the landscape, including the effects of societal cues

and policies on the landscape, in addition to as the effect of the Escambia River and surrounding

timber lands on human practice.

20

CHAPTER III

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

This chapter has a two-fold purpose; it attempts to provide, first, a brief history of the

West Florida lumber industry, and, secondly, a history of Molino, Florida. This history aids in

the understanding of the social and economic changes which are observed in Molino’s history.

While the focus remains on the lumber industry, specifically Molino Mills, emphasis is placed on

other aspects of Molino’s history, such as previous inhabitants of the area, as well as prominent

individuals associated with Molino.

West Florida Lumber Industry

While European colonization of Pensacola began in 1559, it was not until Pensacola’s

British Period (1763-1781) when sawmills were established in the area. Although no mills were

in operation during Pensacola’s First Spanish Period, the Spanish did discover the value of West

Florida timber. Prior to Spanish colonization in 1693, a contingent of explorers traveled to

Pensacola Bay and wrote that the banks were “covered almost everywhere by pine trees, from

which masts and spars can be taken, even for vessels of 600 tons; there were innumerable oaks.”1

During the First Spanish Period, numerous ships, including the Nuestra Señora del Rosario y

Santiago Apostal, picked up timber from Pensacola. On her final voyage in 1705, Nuestra

Señora del Rosario y Santiago Apostal was scheduled to carry a cargo containing large pine and

cypress logs, but, before she set sail, the ship sank in Pensacola Bay.2 The next known

documentation of West Florida timber occurred in 1743, when a letter stated that masts produced

1 Irving A. Leonard, Spanish Approach to Pensacola, 1689-1693 (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society,

1939), 152, 164.

2 James W. Hunter III, John R. Bratten, and J. Coz Cozzi, Underwater Field Investigation 1999: The Santa

Rosa Island and Hamilton Shipwrecks (Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida Archaeology Institute 2000), 31.

21

from yellow pine were shipped to Cuba.3 Between 1763 and 1781, the British capitalized on the

local timber and established at least four water powered sawmills.4 During the later portion of

the Second Spanish Period, the Spanish had established approximately 25 sawmills within 50

miles (80 kilometers) of Pensacola.5 An example of one such mill was the Clear Creek mill,

erected by Milan de la Carrera and Juan Vincente Folch.6 These early mills probably used the pit

saw method to produce timber.7

The Northwest Florida lumber industry began to thrive following Spain’s cession of

Florida to the United States in 1821. During the early Territorial Period (1821-1845), millers

erected approximately 37 water powered mills in West Florida, including the Arcadia Mill

Complex, Walston’s Mills, Cooper Mill, and many more.8 The typical water powered mill

utilized a Muley saw, a method that vastly improved production outputs when compared to the

pit saw method.9

3 William Gober, “Lumbering in Florida,” Southern Lumberman (December 1956):104.

4 Clinton N. Howard, “Some Economic Aspects of British West Florida, 1763-1768,” Journal of Southern

History vol. 6, no. 2 (1940): 217; John C. Phillips, "Flood Thy Neighbor: Colonial and American Water-Powered

Mills in West Florida," Gulf South Historical Review 12, no. 1 (1998): 143-147.

5 John A. Eisterhold, “Lumber and Trade in Pensacola and West Florida: 1800-1860,” Florida Historically

Quarterly 51, no. 3 (1973): 267.

6 Leigh A. Rosborough, “Settlers and Slaves: A Spatial Analysis of a Colonial and Antebellum Mill

Community in Escambia County, Florida” (master’s thesis, University of West Florida, 2004), 5, 7-8.

7 The pit saw method had a maximum output of 100-200 board feet per day. For a more detailed

description of the pit saw method, please see Richard W. Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama

and West Florida, 1880-1914” (PhD diss., Vanderbilt University, 1960), 155.

8 Brian Rucker, “Arcadia and Bagdad: Industrial Parks of Antebellum Florida,” Florida Historical

Quarterly 67, no. 2 (1988): 147-165; John C. Phillips, The Water-Powered Industries of Northwest Florida: An

Archaeological Reconnaissance (Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida Archaeology Institute, 1996).

9 A more detailed description of the Muley saw method can be found in: Massey, “A History of the Lumber

Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 156; Jeffrey Drobney, Lumbermen and Log Sawyers Life,

Labor and Culture in the North Florida Timber Industry, 1830-1930 (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1997),

16.

22

By 1835, Pensacola’s annual lumber export exceeded four million board feet. That year

alone, lumber left port in over 85 different vessels to many locales that included New Orleans,

Cuba, Tampico, St. Joseph, Mobile, and Buenos Aires. Twenty years later, in 1855, the city’s

annual export had more than quadrupled to over 18 million board feet and was now shipped to

England and Rio de Janeiro.10

Although the quantities of lumber produced by water powered

mills were significant, it was not until the invention of the circular saw, in conjunction with its

use in steam powered mills, that the amount of lumber exported from West Florida became a

significant portion of the nation’s lumber output.

The circular saw was invented in the late eighteenth century and was in wide use by the

English around 1820.11

It took until 1850 for first Florida sawmill to implement the circular

saw.12

Some scholars state the earliest use of a circular saw occurred in the 1840s, but do not

mention a specific mill or location. By the 1880s, however, Florida mills used circular saws

almost exclusively.13

Circular saws continued to improve through the late nineteenth century,

becoming more efficient and less wasteful with the addition of an interchangeable and

replaceable saw tooth.14

10

Phillips Keyes Yonge, “The Lumber Industry of West Florida,” in Makers of America, an historical and

Biographical Work by an Able Corps of Writers Published Under the Patronage of the Florida Historical Society,

ed. A.B. Caldwell (Jacksonville, Florida: Florida historical Society, 1909), 73.

11

Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 156.

12

Baynard Kendrick and Barry Walsh, A History of Florida’s Forests (Gainesville, FL: University Press of

Florida, 2007), 194.

13

Drobney, Lumbermen and Log Sawyers Life, Labor and Culture in the North Florida Timber Industry,

1830-1930, 17.

14

Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 157-158.

23

The use of steam power had its early origins in the northeastern portion of the United

States when, in 1754, an engine was erected at the Schuyler Copper mine in New Jersey.15

The

earliest use of steam power in West Florida was at the Bagdad Mill, erected in 1840.16

In 1860,

Joseph Forsyth and his steam powered Bagdad Mill employed 150 workers who produced nine

million board feet of lumber, just over two times the output for all of West Florida only 25 years

earlier.17

On the eve of the Civil War, the West Florida lumber industry was bustling with activity

with at least 33 operational sawmills in Escambia, Santa Rosa, Jackson, Walton, and Washington

counties. Santa Rosa County, boasting 14 mills, was the largest lumber producing county in the

entire state.18

The lumber mills of West Florida were hit hard by the Civil War, which created a

lack of both labor and resources that dampened lumber output for the duration of the war.

Additionally, in fear of the mills’ equipment falling into enemy hands, many were burnt. The

Bagdad Mill was scorched to the ground in 1862.19

Prior to the Civil War, there were three obstacles that prevented further expansion of the

lumber industry: poor markets, a lack of technology, and a shortage of capital. All of these

difficulties seemed to disappear in the two decades following the cessation of the Civil War.

15

Louis C. Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two: Steam

Power, (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1985), 1.

16


1830-1930, 18; Kendrick and Walsh, A History of Florida’s Forests, 209.

17


1830-1930, 18.

18

Ibid., 46; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the

Original Returns of the Eighth Census, prepared by the United States Bureau of the Census under the Direction of

the Secretary of the Interior (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1865).

19 Archer Stuart Campbell, Studies in Forestry Resources in Florida: II. The Lumber Industry (Gainesville:

The University of Florida, 1932), 51.

24

Many areas of the South, and even portions of the North, rebuilt after the devastating fires that

wreaked havoc during the war. This devastation opened up many domestic markets for Florida’s

virgin, longleaf pine forests. Furthermore, until the Civil War, domestic markets preferred the

white pine grown in the Great Lakes regions, but, by the 1870s, these northern forests were

nearly depleted.20

At the same time the Northern forests were becoming increasingly barren, technological

innovations augmented the miller’s effectiveness in processing timber. These improvements

demonstrate the likely type, or types, of machinery, including steam engine and boilers, which

were employed at Molino Mills. The advances in steam power can be separated into three

distinct types/periods. The first was between 1820 and 1850, when the design of the engine

shifted. During the early years of this period, mill engines were composed of simple machines

that were produced locally and assembled at the mill. These engines typically utilized a

horizontal cylinder containing a small diameter and a long stroke.21

However, by the end of this

period, a typical engine had a direct connection between the crosshead and crank via a

connecting rod, and operated with a slide valve that maintained a cutoff at half stroke or later.22

With the development of larger industrial complexes just before the Civil War in the

North, and immediately following it in the South, there was great need for a cleaner, more

efficient method of obtaining power from steam. The creation of two new types of engines, the

Corliss engine and the Porter-Allen engine, met this demand. The Corliss engine, also known as

20


1830-1930, 37; Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 19;

Laurence C. Walker, The Southern Forest: A Chronicle (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1991), 97.

21

Figure 1 is an example of a horizontal-cylinder mill engine. Another example can be found in Hunter, A

History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two, 120.

22

Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two, 123-124.

25

the automatic variable cutoff engine, contained an automatic variable cutoff. The automatic

variable cutoff essentially stopped a piston at one-fifth its maximum stroke. This process greatly

diminished the loss or waste of steam when the stroke was allowed to be fully utilized, while also

significantly increasing fuel economy.23

The Porter-Allen engine, invented in 1862, contained a

new type of valve gear which allowed for a high-speed engine.24

Higher speed engines occupied

less space, wasted less steam, and decreased the output cost per unit.25

Figure 1. Corliss Compound Engine located in Pawtucket R.I.

23

Robert Henry Thurston, A History of the Growth of the Steam-Engine, 4th ed. (New York: D. Appleton

and Company, 1897), 319-320, 502; Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume

two, 255-256.

24

Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two, 124, 450.

25

Ibid., 451.

26

Figure 2. A typical lengthwise section of a cylinder from a Corliss engine. The arrows depict the

directionality of the steam. Note the upper left and lower right valves are open while the upper

right and lower left valves are closed.

The final advancement in the steam engine’s development occurred from 1870 to 1900

with the addition of multi-cylinder expansion engines and section watertube boilers. One of the

major causes of loss in the efficiency of a steam engine was the reevaporation of condensed

water. Reevaportion occurred when the temperature of the steam decreased to a point lower than

the temperature of the cylinder walls, causing the remaining steam to pass through the cylinder

without providing any additional force. However, if the cylinder expansion is divided among

two or more cylinders, the range of temperature observed in the steam and cylinder walls is

reduced and the resulting loss of power is similarly reduced.26

Watertube boilers, when

compared to standard boilers, have an enlarged surface area that the exhaust from the fire

touches, thereby increasing the effectiveness of the fire and decreasing the fuel needed to

26

Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two, 124,633.

27

generate steam. The capacity of the boiler was also augmented, while limiting the formation of

scale in the boiler.27

Figure 3. Two views of the prototype of the modern high-speed engine.

27

Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States 1780-1930 Volume two, 336.

28

Figure 4. This is a fully developed sectional watertube boiler from the late nineteenth century.

In addition to the opening of new markets and technology advances, much needed capital

began to flow into the South at the close of the Civil War. Some of the capital came from local

individuals, such as the Simpson brothers and Benjamin Overman of Bagdad, but the majority

came from northern businessmen looking to invest in the growing market for Florida pine, men

such as Drs. J. C. and Frederick Ayer of Massachusetts.28

By 1870, the industry of Florida had

surpassed its prewar production levels.29

In the mid-1870s, Pensacola had developed into the

state’s primary lumbering center, probably as a result of its deepwater port and the plentiful

28


1830-1930, 25; Escambia County, Deed Book P, 584.

29


1830-1930, 25.

29

waterways that drained into it. The approximate value of Pensacola’s exports at this time was

over 50 million dollars.30

The passage of the Southern Homestead Act on June 21, 1866 put a brief halt to the

purchasing of land in the five southern states of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, and

Mississippi.31

The act limited the sale of land to legitimate homesteaders and limited the amount

of land that could be purchased to eighty acres.32

The act, however, did not completely prevent

lumber companies from obtaining land: a number of entries for homesteaders appear to have

been filed by dummy entrymen acting on behalf of the lumber companies.33

The act was finally

repealed in 1876, but it took another four years for the General Land Office to make the land

available for purchase.34

The repeal of the Southern Homestead Act opened up Florida to a

massive influx of northern and local timber speculators who quickly invested in available land.

One such northern investor was James D. Lacey of Grand Rapids, Michigan, who purchased

over five million acres between 1880 and 1905.35

A local example was Daniel F. Sullivan, who,

in 1878, purchased Molino Mills and eventually purchased nearly 250,000 acres in Alabama and

30

Occie Clubbs, “Pensacola in Retrospect, 1870-1890,” Florida Historically Quarterly 37, No. 3 (1959):

377.

31

The Southern Homestead Act was passed because the states’ representatives felt this would increase

homesteaders in the south. Also, it was thought that this act would help poor southerners, both white and black, to

become landowners and, thereby, boost the South’s economy.

32

Paul Wallace Gates, “Federal Land Policy in the South 1866-1888,” Journal of Southern History vol. 6,

no. 3 (1940): 306; Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 35-36.

33 Dummy entrymen are fake names used by individuals to purchase land. The land would then be utilized

by the lumber companies, not homesteaders. Gates, “Federal Land Policy in the South 1866-1888,” 309-310;

Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida,”37; Drobney, Lumbermen and Log

Sawyers Life, Labor and Culture in the North Florida Timber Industry, 1830-1930, 37.

34

Gates, “Federal Land Policy in the South 1866-1888,” 313; Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry

in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 39.

35

Gates, “Federal Land Policy in the South 1866-1888,” 316.

30

West Florida.36

At his death in 1884, Sullivan was said to have controlled the city of Pensacola

through his ownership of piers, railroads, and lumberyards, while his personal fortune was

estimated at nearly one million dollars.37

The final major shift in the lumber industry occurred around 1900 with the advent of the

company town. Company towns developed out of a necessity for accessible labor.

By this time, most of the readily available lumber had been cut down, making it necessary to

transport logs long distances between the long leaf pine stands and the mill. The transportation

requirement, combined with the capabilities of the large lumber companies that developed at the

end of the nineteenth century, provided the impetus for large company towns.38

These towns

varied greatly across the state, from towns like Carbur, which, in 1930, housed over 1200 people

and produced over one million board feet per day, to smaller ones such as Pinewood, which

housed only 160 people, of which 60 were employed at the Bay Point Mill.39

The lumber industry in Florida was essentially defunct by the close of the 1930s. At that

time, most the timberlands had been exhausted. This lack of available timber for harvest, as well

as the Great Depression, brought an end to the industry.40

The annual lumber production of

36


1830-1930, 39.

37

James E. Fickle, The New South and the “New Competition”: Trade Association Development in the

Southern Pine Industry (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980), 4.

38


1830-1930, 179-180.

39

Ibid., 182; Robert A. Moon, “Life in the Company Town: Bay Point Mill Company and Pinewood,

Florida” (master’s thesis, University of West Florida, 2001), 38.

40


1830-1930, 205.

31

Florida in 1930 was almost 200 million board feet lower than that generated in 1925.41

Furthermore, the number of mills operating in Florida decreased from 469 in 1919 to just 302 in

1929.42

Archer Stuart Campbell summed up the state of the industry best in his 1932 pamphlet

on the lumber industry when he stated “At this writing, April 1, 1932, the condition of the

lumber industry in Florida is most unsatisfactory and its future uncertain.”43

History of Molino, Florida

The community of Molino, Florida, has a rich cultural heritage which includes prehistoric

Native American occupations, an eighteenth-century Spanish mission, and numerous industrial

sites, such as a canning facility and a brick manufacturing plant.44

It was the lumber industry,

however, through the operation of sawmills, that was the major factor in the rise and fall of

Molino. In fact, the word “molino” is Spanish for “mill.” Molino Mills was extremely vital to

the community’s well-being.

To fully comprehend the importance of Molino Mills to the community of Molino, one

must understand the ecological and environmental factors that made the area alluring to humans

for the last few thousand years. Native Americans were the first humans to inhabit the area. One

known Native American site in the area has been identified on the Florida Master Site Files as

8ES1047. During the excavation at Mission San Joseph de Escambe, archaeologists uncovered a

41

Campbell, Studies in Forestry Resources in Florida, 31.

42

Ibid., 34.

43

Ibid., 78.

44

The earliest documentary evidence that uses the name “Molino” for the area is on a piece of a header

from the Pensacola Lumber Company, dated July 12, 1869. J.J. Maguire and Thomas A. Paine to Harrison Reed,

July 12, 1869, Governor Harrison Reed Papers: Appointments and Resignations of Escambia County 1868-1872,

Florida State Archives, R.A. Gray Building, Tallahassee, Florida, RG 101/S.577, Box 2, Fn. 2.

32

Deptford Period occupation (500 BCE to 200 CE).45

A number of Deptford Period features were

identified, including post holes, possibly from a residential structure. Radiocarbon analysis

performed on some charred material from this feature roughly dates the structure to 360-290

BC.46

Furthermore, the 2009 UWF Colonial Frontier Fieldschool recovered Woodland Period

pottery including Weeden Island Punctate and Swift Creek Incised ceramics (100-900 AD).47

During Pensacola’s First Spanish Period (1559-1763), under the direction of the

Apalachee Chief Juan Marcos Fant, the Spanish established a mission in Molino.48

The mission

inhabitants included some 30-50 Apalachee Indians, a Franciscan missionary, and, by 1760, a

cavalry unit with 16 Spanish soldiers, one of which was an officer. There is evidence, both

documentary and archaeological, for a mission church, convent, barracks, stockade, and

Apalachee residential structures.49

In April of 1761, a group of 28 Creek Indians attacked and

burned the mission.50

The mission was subsequently abandoned, with all residents moving to

45

Mission San Joseph de Escambe is a mid-eighteenth-century Spanish mission that sits immediately

adjacent to Molino Mills.

46

John Worth, Norma Harris, and Jennifer Melcher, Annual Report 2010 Archaeological Evaluation

Mission San Joseph de Escambe (8ES3473) (Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida Archaeological Institute), 8.

47

John Worth, and Jennifer Melcher, Annual Report 2009 Archaeological Evaluation Mission San Joseph

de Escambe (8ES3473) (Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida Archaeological Institute), 27.

48

John Worth, Norma Harris, and Jennifer Melcher, “San Joseph de Escambe: A 18th-Century Apalachee

Mission in the West Florida Borderlands” (Paper presented at the 2011 Conference of the Society for Historical

Archaeology, Austin, Texas, January 8, 2011); John Worth, “Rediscovering Pensacola’s Lost Spanish Missions”

(paper presented at the 65th annual meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Charlotte, North

Carolina, November 15, 2008).

49

Worth, Harris, and Melcher, “San Joseph de Escambe: A 18th-Century Apalachee Mission in the West

Florida Borderlands,” 3, 6; John Worth et al., “Exploring Mission Life in 18th-Century West Florida: 2011

Excavations at San Joseph de Escambe” (paper presented at the conference of the Society for Historical

Archaeology, Baltimore, MD, January 6, 2012).

50

Worth et al., “Exploring Mission Life in 18th-Century West Florida: 2011 Excavations at San Joseph de

Escambe,” 5.

33

Presidio San Miguel in modern day downtown Pensacola.51

Archaeological investigations into

Mission San Joseph de Escambe began in the summer of 2009 and have occurred every summer

through 2012.52

Little is known about the Molino area during Pensacola’s British Period (1763-1781). A

few individuals including David Taitt, Bernard Romans, and Thomas Hutchins traveled between

Pensacola and the Creek Nation, north of Pensacola, documenting their travels via journals.

David Taitt, in a 1771 map, placed the location of what he calls an “Old Spanish Fort mostly

burnt down and destroyed by Indians” just south of a series of bluffs along the “River

Scambia.”53

Bernard Romans described the area in two ways. First, he discussed the physical

characteristics of the land. He stated that “about twenty miles from Pensacola we begin to meet

with some spots of fertile land, varioubly timbered.”54

Romans then discussed what he believed

to be a Spanish fort: “Twenty-eight miles from town, and on the banks of this river, on an

eminence, are the remains of a Spanish out-guard, or stocado fort.”55

Based on the distance

measurements, as well as identifying the river as the “Escambé,” the Spanish fort he described

51

Worth et al., “Exploring Mission Life in 18th-Century West Florida: 2011 Excavations at San Joseph de

Escambe,” 6.

52

Worth, Harris, and Melcher, “San Joseph de Escambe: A 18th-Century Apalachee Mission in the West

Florida Borderlands”; Worth et al., “Exploring Mission Life in 18th-Century West Florida: 2011 Excavations at San

Joseph de Escambe”.

53

David Taitt, “A Plan of Part of the Rivers Tombecbe, Alabama, Tensa, Perdido, & Scambia Rivers in the

Province of West Florida” (The National Archives (UK), MPG 1/6; extracted from CO 5/73 (f 103), Copy in Library

of Congress, Geography and Map Division, Washington, DC).

54

Bernard Romans, A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida (1775; repr., Gainesville:

University of Florida Press, 1962), B-303.

55

Ibid., B-303.

34

was most likely Mission San Joseph de Escambe, and the “eminence” is probably Durants

Bluff.56

Thomas Hutchins, like Romans, described both the land and the Spanish fort. Hutchins

stated that “about 28 miles from Pensacola by land… is, without doubt, in point of fertility of

soil, equal to any thing to be met with in the country.”57

He details all the different types of

plants which grew in the area, including pine, oak, and hickory, while stating that the land would

be good for growing Indian corn, beans, peas, turnips, potatoes, and rice.58

Additionally, the

land was used for cattle and should be utilized for its “excellent timber.”59

In his only mention

of Mission Escambe, Hutchins provided some details on the current occupants of the land: “The

large island on which Mr. Marshall made his settlement, nearly opposite the old stockaded

fort…”60

“Mr. Marshall” was most likely William Marshall who, according the American State

Papers, was granted 7,000 arpents of land 26 miles north of Pensacola, in an island in the middle

of the Escambia River.61

The island granted to William Marshall is today known as Parker

Island, named after an early 1800s resident.62

The southern end of Parker Island sits just

56

Durants Bluff is the name of the bluff where both Mission San Joseph de Escambe and Molino Mills

were built. Both the spellings “Durands” and Durants” are used in various documents to describe the bluff found in

Molino. The likely origin of the bluff’s name is from Lachlan Durant who was a resident of Alabama in the late

1700s.

57

Thomas Hutchins, An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana and West-

Florida (1784; repr., Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1968), 79.

58

Ibid., 79-81.

59

Ibid., 81.

60

Ibid., 79.

61

House of Representatives, A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents

and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 8th Congress, 2nd Session (American State Papers, Public Lands: Volume 41),

205. An arpent is approximately 3400m2.

35

opposite the Escambia River from Molino Mills. The American State Papers state that Joseph

Lamb held property during the British Period that bounded the north side of William Marshall’s

property.63

Finally, the papers mention a land owner during the Second Spanish Period, one

Francisco Bonal. In 1817, the Spanish Government granted Bonal the same tract of land that the

British Government had granted to William Marshall some 40 years earlier. In addition, there

are statements that Bonal had cleared land and begun to cultivate rice, corn, and potatoes in a

seven or eight acre plot on the island.64

Throughout Pensacola’s Second Spanish Period (1781-1821), there was some minor

activity in the Molino area. There are records for five separate Spanish land grants. Molino

Mills sits in the present-day township 2N range 31W section 39.65

One grant to the land across

the river from Molino Mills’ location, mentioned above, was awarded to Francisco Bonal.66

Immediately north of the mill lies township 2N range 31W section 40, which was granted to Juan

de la Rua.67

According to the American State Papers, Rua cleared his land from 1817-1819.68

62

I.E. Allen, “Noted Escambia County Families: Cooper Family and Dr. Parker,” The Pensacola Journal,

February 10, 1907. Before the island was known as Parker Island, it may have been known as “Bonal Island.”

Emory F. Skinner, Reminiscences (Chicago: Vestal Printing Co, 1908), 174.

63


and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 205.

64


and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 206; Francisco Bonal, Bonal Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A. Gray

Building, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL.

65 Benjamin A. Putnam, “Survey Plat for Florida Township 2 North, Range 31 West”, Florida Department

of Environmental Protection, Land Boundary Information System, General Land Office Early Records, Tallahassee,

Florida.

66

Francisco Bonal, Bonal Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A. Gray Building, Florida State

University, Tallahassee, FL.

67

John de la Rua, Rua Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A. Gray Building, Florida State

University, Tallahassee, FL; House of Representatives, A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S.

Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 181.

36

Nathan Shackleford was also given two grants in the Molino area, both in township 2N range

31W section 38 and township 2N range 31W section 37.69

Section 38 is immediately adjacent to

the southern boundary of section 39, while section 37 is just south of section 38. The final

Spanish land grant in the Molino area was the plot of land on which Molino Mills physically sits.

The Spanish Governor Masot granted that land (township 2N range 31W section 39) to Don

Antonio Collins in July 1817. The area was surveyed by Pedro Reggio on December 24, 1818

and cleared/cultivated from 1817-1818.70

Unlike the previously mentioned Spanish land grants, a copy of the original land grant for

Collins could not be located. A likely explanation is that, by the time the Americans took over

Florida in 1821, Collins no longer owned the property and there was no reason for Collins to put

forth a petition claiming the lands as his own. Evidence to support this theory emanates from

two sources. First, the maps included in the land claims that were confirmed by the American

government, such as those of Shackleford and Rua, list “Shackleford” under township 2N range

31W section 39 instead of “Collins.”71

Finally, the first deed records in the Florida Territorial

Period list Nathan Shackleford as owning the property in 1825.72

A record of the transaction

between Collins and Shackleford could not be located, but documentary evidence suggests that,

68


and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 181.

69

Nathan Shackleford, Shackleford Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A. Gray Building,

Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL; House of Representatives, A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation:

U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 182.

70


and Debates, 1774 – 1875, 181.

71

John de la Rua, Rua Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A. Gray Building, Florida State

University, Tallahassee, FL; Nathan Shackleford, Shackleford Land Grant, Spanish Land Grants Collection, R.A.

Gray Building, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL

72

Escambia County, Deed Book A, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit


37

sometime between 1818 when the land was cultivated and 1821 when the Americans took over

possession, some type of land transfer occurred.

During Florida’s Territorial Period (1821-1845), the plot of land where Molino Mills is

located changed hands a number of times. As mentioned above, Nathan Shackleford appears to

have owned the property as the Americans took over Florida. By 1825, Shackleford had passed

away, with a judgment against him to the sum of $7,339.82.73

Sheriff William Davidson, with

Sarah Boon as the administrator, put Shackleford’s assets up for public auction. Benjamin D.

Wright was the highest bidder.74

Wright subsequently sold the land in 1833 to Thomas Cooper

and Alder A. M. Jackson.75

Thomas Cooper, in 1834, mortgaged his recently acquired property

and shortly thereafter purchased several slaves.76

It is likely that the mortgage also financed the

building of a water powered sawmill and grist mill on the property.77

Deed records indicate that

Cooper paid his mortgage in full. The Cooper Mill operated for almost 30 years before ceasing

operations at beginning of the Civil War.78

Even though Molino appears to have been spared

from raids, no records indicate that the mill resumed its operation at the close of the Civil War.

73

Escambia County, Deed Book A, 384-386.

74

Ibid., 384-386.

75

Escambia County, Deed Book B, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit


76

Escambia County, Deed Book C, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 11-12, 25-26, 149.

77

The deed record found in Escambia County, Deed Book L, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia

County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 157-158 is the earliest record of the

Cooper Mill being erected.

78

J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of Molino, Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915.

38

Thomas Cooper, in 1853, placed Joseph Vaughn, his son-in-law, and Charles Evans as

trustees for his Molino property in the event of his death.79

This transaction seems to have been

done hastily, because the land was trusted back to Thomas Cooper on October 19, 1855.80

Thomas Cooper was 75 years old in 1853, so it is likely that ill health was a major impetus for

the deed transfer. The following day, Cooper sold the land to Henry Hyer; he canceled this

transaction, however, on January 29, 1857.81

Thomas Cooper sold portions of his property to the Alabama-Florida Railroad Company

in 1860.82

That same year, he also leased the use of a spring on his property to the railroad.83

The Florida-Alabama Railroad, by 1861, was the only railroad which had connections, not only

out of the state of Florida, but also all the way to the northeastern United States.84

Most of this

railroad was destroyed during the Civil War, but it was rebuilt under the direction of the

Pensacola and Louisville Railroad Company in 1868.85

By 1870, the railroad connected

Pensacola to the northern United States via Montgomery and Nashville.86

However, it was not

79

Escambia County, Deed Book L, 157-158.

80

Ibid., 157-158; Escambia County, Deed Book M, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County

Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 101-103.

81

Escambia County, Deed Book M, 105-106.

82

Escambia County, Deed Book P, 83-85.

83

Ibid., 84.

84

George Rogers Taylor and Irene D. Neu, The American Railroad Network 1861-1890 (Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press, 1956), III. The Florida-Alabama Railroad and the Alabama-Florida Railroad appear to be

the same railroad. The portion of the railroad in Alabama is called the Alabama-Florida Railroad while the portion

in Florida is called the Florida-Alabama Railroad.

85

George W. Pettengill Jr., The Story of Florida Railroads 1834-1903 (Boston: The Railway &

Locomotive Historical Society, Inc. 86, 1952), 114-115; Dudley Sady Johnson, “The Railroads of Florida 1865-

1900” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 1965), 114.

86

Charles H. Hildreth, “Railroads Out of Pensacola, 1833-1883,” Florida Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3

(1959): 410.

39

until May 9, 1872 when the Pensacola & Louisville Railroad Company took control of the

Alabama & Florida Railroad company.87

The Pensacola and Louisville Railroad was sold to

Sullivan and the Pensacola Railroad Company on May 6, 1878.88

Sullivan sold the company and

all its property, except timber lands, to the Louisville & Nashville Railroad on February 27,

1880, but the merger was not official until October 1, 1880.89

At the close of the American Civil War, many northern entrepreneurs sought to expand or

make their fortunes in the industry-poor South. Three such northerners, Nehemiah Knight,

Edwin Hoyt, and Frederick Ayer purchased a large tract of land in the Molino area from Joseph

Vaughn in January of 1866.90

On the property, Knight, Hoyt, and Ayer erected what has been

called one of the largest sawmills in West Florida at an estimated cost of $200,000.91

Molino

Mills had a capacity between sixty to one hundred thousand feet of lumber daily (18 million to

31.2 million annually) and employed 125-200 men.92

A broadside listing the sale of the

Pensacola Lumber Company in 1875 provided a significant amount of detail concerning the mill.

It stated the dimensions of the mill at 85’ x 206’, the engine and boiler house at 65’ x 75’, and

87

Edward W. Hines, Corporate History of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company and in Its System

(Louisville, KY: John P. Morton & Company, 1905), 198.

88

Daniel F. Sullivan owned all the stock (3,000 shares) of the Pensacola Railroad Company. Ibid., 115;

Johnson, “The Railroads of Florida 1865-1900,” 114, 118.

89

Johnson, “The Railroads of Florida 1865-1900,” 114, 118.

90

Escambia County, Deed Book P, 581-585. Nehemiah Knight, Edwin Hoyt, and Frederick Ayer also had

ties to the local railroad business. They were a part of the firm W. F. Teat & Co., which was involved in the

foreclosure of the Alabama & Florida Railroad Company on May 24, 1871 prior to its acquisition by the Pensacola

& Louisville Railroad Company in 1872. Hines, Corporate History of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company

and in Its System, 198.

91

J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of Molino, Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915;

George Woodward Hotchkiss, Industrial Chicago The Lumber Interest (Chicago: The Goodspeed Publishing

Company, 1894), 474.

92

Henry C. Armstrong, History of Escambia County, Florida (St. Augustine, FL: The Record Company,

1930), 116; J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of Molino, Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915.

40

the machine shop and fixing room at 38’ x 50’. Additionally, the broadside provided a list of

machinery that includes “8 Boilers, 2 Engines, 2 Double Circular Saws, 1 Gang, 2 Gang Edgers,

Lath Machine, Cutting-off Saws, 2 Screw Cutting Lathes, 1 Planer (iron), 1 Schenck Wood.”93

Finally, this document mentions an offshoot of the railroad leading into the mill.94

Another

source stated that the mill was outfitted with all the “late modern mill improvements” including

one large circular and two double gang and edger saws.95

The smokestack of the mill was

described as “twenty feet across at the bottom and sixty feet high, tapering to six or eight feet.”96

Beginning in 1869 and ending in 1873, there was a dispute as to the legitimate property

owners of the land on which Molino Mills sat.97

Artemas Stone claimed that he was the

legitimate owner of one-half the land purchased in 1833 by Thomas Cooper and Alder A.M.

Jackson. Stone stated that Cooper and Jackson were joint owners of the property, but claimed

that, in 1834, Jackson sold his portion to him.98

He asserted that the portion of the land sold

following the death of Thomas Cooper in 1863 was illegal because Stone was the legal owner of

93

Edgar C. Smith, Assignee's Sale in Bankruptcy, of Steam Saw Mill, Timber Lands, Stores, Houses and

Furniture, Logs, Steamer, Lighters and Booms, &c., Situated in Florida and Alabama, Florida Broadside Collection,

R.A. Gray Building, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL.

94

Ibid.

95

Benjamin Robinson, An Historical Sketch of Pensacola, Florida Embracing a Brief Retrospect of the

Past and a View of the Present (Pensacola, FL: Advance Gazette, 1882), 65; J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of

Molino, Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915.

96

Heritage Book Committee, The Heritage of Escambia County, Florida Volume 1 (Canton, AL: Heritage

Publishing Consultants Inc., 2004), 61.

97

Constantine C. Esty as administrator of Artemas Stone, Artemas Stone, Elizabeth Stone, Mary Stone,

Arthur K. Stone v. Joseph B. Vaughn, Caroline Vaughn, Franklin Vaughn Harriet Vaughn, Eugene Bonifay, M.L.

Cooper/Bonifay, H.S. Cooper, Gamalial Bell, Sarah Bell, Jessie B. Cooper, Thomas Parker, Edwin Hoyt, Nememiah

Knight, and Frederick Ayer, Case No. 4454 1871, Escambia County Official Records. Escambia County Clerk of

Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives. Pensacola, Florida, 1-91.

98

Stone did purchase Jackson’s portion in 1835. Escambia County, Deed Book C, 82-83.

41

the land.99

Constantine C. Esty took over Stone’s plight following Stone’s death in late 1869.100

The defendants, Vaughn et al., rebutted by stating that, in 1835, Thomas Cooper purchased

Stone’s half for two notes of $1,008.33 each.101

The case went to trial in March of 1873. The

judge for the trial declared that, without further evidence, which was unlikely to arise since the

death of Artemas Stone, the covenant between Cooper and Stone from 1835 would be upheld,

and that Stone, as of 1835, was no longer the legitimate owner of the property on Durants

Bluff.102

Between 1866 and 1875, Hoyt, Knight, and Ayer acquired and leased numerous tracts of

land in the Molino area. They struck deals with residents, probably in order to harvest the timber

growing on the land.103

Coincidently, large portions of their holdings were trusted to the

Pensacola Lumber Company, including the land on which Molino Mills resides.104

The

99






100 Constantine C. Esty (1824-1912) graduated from Yale in 1845. He studied law and became an attorney

in Middlesex County, Massachusetts (the same county from which Artemas Stone originated). Esty served in the

state senate in the late 1850s and was elected to congress in 1872-1873. He maintained a practice in Middlesex

County until his death. U.S. Congress, “ESTY, Constantine Canaris, (1824-1912),” Biographical Directory of the

United States, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=E000225 Congress, (accessed September 18,

2012).

101






102

Ibid., 68-70.

103

One such deal occurred with Thomas Moreno. Escambia County, Deed Book T, Escambia County Deed

Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 590-592; Escambia

County, Deed Book P, 590-592.

104

The deed relating to the property containing Molino Mills is in Escambia County, Deed Book S,

Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL,

42

Pensacola Lumber Company was incorporated under the laws of the state of New York. In 1872,

James C. Ayer, Frederick Ayer, And Edwin Hoyt owned all but one share of the Pensacola

Lumber Company.105

A few of the New York City directories provide some information relating

to the Pensacola Lumber Company. The 1872 New York City Directory listed Edwin Hoyt as

the President of the Pensacola Lumber Company, while listing James C. Ayer as the Secretary.106

The 1874 New York City Directory lists Edwin Hoyt as the president, but Frederick H.

Trowbridge as the secretary. It also states that the company has $300,000 in capital.107

John

Bracket, in his master’s thesis, states that the Pensacola Lumber Company, which owned mills in

Molino, was the largest producer of cut timber in West Florida in 1868.108

He goes on to say

that the company employed some 400 people who lived in Molino, shipping timber out of

Pensacola Bay to both domestic and foreign markets.109

Between 1868 and 1875, no documents survive which provide any information pertaining

to Molino Mills, but, on June 21, 1875, the Pensacola Lumber Company declared bankruptcy

with Charles Edgar Smith appointed the assignee for the bankruptcy process.110

The following

566-570. Additional leased lands in the area can be found in Escambia County, Deed Book S, 563-566, 570-572,

572-575.

105

“Suing the Hoyt and Ayer Estates,” New York Times, June 15, 1882.

106

John F. Trow, The New York City Register (New York: The Trow City Directory Company, 1874), 39.

107

John F. Trow, The New York City Register (New York: The Trow City Directory Company, 1876), 40.

108

The only mill operating in Molino in 1868 was Molino Mills.

109

John M. Brackett, ““The Naples of America,” Pensacola During the Civil War and Reconstruction”

(master’s thesis, Florida State University, 2005), 58-59; J.J. Maguire and Thomas A. Paine to Harrison Reed, 12

July 1869, Governor Harrison Reed Papers.

110

Escambia County, Deed Book U, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit


43

year, on February 2, the holdings, which included nearly 50,000 acres and numerous buildings,

were trusted to Dana Sargent.111

When Dr. J.C. Ayer passed away in 1878, he named his brother Frederick the executor of

his will and left many of his assets to him.112

On January 15, 1881, Daniel F. Sullivan purchased

land from Ayer and many others (including Dana Sargent), as well as the holdings of the

Pensacola Lumber Company, totaling nearly 50,000 acres.113

In addition, Sullivan purchased a

significant portion of the Florida-Alabama Railroad, which ran through the property on which

the mill was located.114

Daniel Sullivan became one of the largest property owners and one of

the largest lumbermen in Escambia County. He continued to purchase more land in and around

Molino that would produce lumber for the mill.115

Daniel Sullivan died June 14, 1884, leaving his estate to his brother Martin Sullivan.116

Molino Mills burned to the ground less than three months later on Sunday, September 7, 1884.117

The Pensacola newspaper, The Pensacolian, estimated the financial loss of the mill at $180,000

(about $4.25 million today), of which only $10,000 was insured.118

111

Escambia County, Deed Book U, 503-512.

112

Will of Dr. J.C. Ayer, “The Profits of the Pill Business Divided Among Relatives,” special dispatch of

the New York Times July 17, 1878.

113

Escambia County, Deed Book X, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 232-233; Escambia County, Deed Book U, 503-512.

114


115

Escambia County, Deed Book Y, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 341; Escambia County, Deed Book X, 20, 174.

116


117

“Molino Mills Burned,” The Pensacolian, September 13, 1884.

118

Ibid.; S. Morgan Friedman, “The Inflation Calculator,” S. Morgan Friedman,

http://www.westegg.com/inflation/ (accessed November 26, 2010).

44

Documentary records for Molino Mills are scant, yet a few sources provide some detailed

information pertaining to Molino Mills and individuals associated with the mill. Unfortunately,

no further information could be located that references Nehemiah Knight’s interest in the

company. Edwin Hoyt and Dr. J.C. Ayer were business partners who asked Mr. George E. Scott

to be the general manager of the “Hoyt & Ayer Lumber interests in Molino, Florida.”119

The

first superintendent of the mill was the Confederate General William Miller.120

There are two court cases concerning the Molino Mills which divulge a wealth of

information concerning the mill and its operation. The first court case was held before the

Supreme Court of Alabama in December, 1884.121

The case describes a very complicated

situation involving at least three companies, as well as personal interests of no less than three

individuals. Once deciphered, the case provides a tremendous amount of information regarding

the Molino Mills Company. For instance, the decision of the case implies that Martin Sullivan

was a silent partner in the company along with Daniel Sullivan.122

It also suggests that Matthew

L. Davis was a partner with Daniel Sullivan: Mr. Davis owned 25% of the holdings of the

Molino Mills Company, with Daniel Sullivan owning (in silent partnership with his brother) the

remaining 75%. The case also detailed the holdings of the Molino Mills company, which

included “mill-site, machinery, mill-house, dwelling-house, store-houses, planning-mills, dry

119

Hotchkiss, Industrial Chicago The Lumber Interest, 474.

120


121

JNO. W. Shepherd, “Davis v. Sowell & Co,” in Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the

Supreme Court of Alabama, During the December Term, 1884 Volume LXXVII (Montgomery, AL: Joel White,

1886), 262-275.

122

Ibid., 275.

45

kiln, locomotives, cars, railroad bed and tracks, docks for stacking lumber, booms, live-stock,

office furniture, logs, and between fifty and sixty thousand acres of land.”123

The second court case was tried before the Supreme Court of Florida on December 16,

1890.124

This case provides only a small amount of information pertaining to the mill, but it

describes a contract between Daniel Sullivan and two business partners Mr. McMillan and Mr.

Wiggins. This contract, signed August 24, 1882, called for the transportation of 100 logs per day

for two years from Hall Creek to McMillan and Wiggins. The thrust for McMillan and Wiggins

to sue arose because Sullivan, or, rather, his heirs, defaulted on the contract. The payment for

the logs was to be made at the Molino Mills, but, because the mill burned, the contract could not

be fulfilled.125

The case also states that Mr. M. L. Davis was the superintendent of Molino Mills

at the time the contract was agreed upon.126

Although few records do exist, a single sketch of

Molino Mills survived.127

The sketch is located in a pamphlet created by the railroad tycoon

William Dudley Chipley. The pamphlet was intended to bring tourism to the Gulf Coast, with

Molino being a major selling point for the area.

123

JNO. W. Shepherd, “Davis v. Sowell & Co,” in Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the

Supreme Court of Alabama, During the December Term, 1884 Volume LXXVII (Montgomery, AL: Joel White,

1886), 263.

124

West Publishing Company, “Sullivan et al. v. McMillan et al.” in The Southern Reporter, Containing

the Decisions of the Supreme Courts of Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Mississippi Volume 8 (St. Paul, MN: West

Publishing Company, 1891), 450-464.

125

Ibid., 452.

126

Ibid., 454.

127

William Dudley Chipley, Pensacola (the Naples of America) and Its Surroundings Illustrated: New

Orleans, Mobile, and the Resorts of the Gulf Coast (Louisville: Courier-Journal Press, 1877), 30.

46

Figure 5. Only known image of Molino Mills.

It was not until 1902 that Molino had another sawmill in operation. Frank and Fred

Johnson purchased land just north of the Molino Mills site.128

There, they erected the Molino

Brick and Lumber Company.129

Their involvement in the firm was short lived because financial

troubles forced its sale in 1907 to Henry C. Jacobi and his son, James A Jacobi, who promptly

changed the name to the Jacobi Lumber Company.130

The Jacobi Lumber Company closed its

doors in 1927. The current landowner of the Molino Mills site is Mr. Richard Marlow, who has

128

Escambia County, Deed Book 28, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 552.

129


130

Escambia County, Deed Book 47, Escambia County Deed Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit

Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 278; Escambia County, Deed Book 48, Escambia County Deed

Records, Escambia County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, Pensacola, FL, 442-445.

47

allowed the University of West Florida to come onto his property and conduct the archaeological

excavations for this and other research projects.

Archival research has provided critical information throughout the investigation into

Molino Mills. Documents have established the context within which an analysis of Molino Mills

can be understood more fully by providing some of the greatest detail concerning individuals

integral to the mill’s operation, as well as the inner workings of a Reconstruction Era sawmill.

The above background history of Molino Mills and the lumber industry has established a context

which allows the archaeological material recovered to be comprehended. It is through this

context that a lens is developed; this lens aids in an analysis of the social and natural cues

observed in the material assemblage and modifications to the landscape. The next chapter

discusses the methodology utilized in the archaeological investigation of Molino Mills. It is

essential when developing a methodology to understand what types of material to expect

throughout the excavation. The methodology is followed by the results of the excavation. The

final chapter will draw from both the historical archival research and the archaeological

investigation to generate conclusions about Molino Mills.

48

CHAPTER IV

METHODOLOGY

Archaeological investigation into Molino Mills originated with UWF’s 2009 Colonial

Frontiers Fieldschool under the direction of Dr. John Worth. While the focus of the Colonial

Frontiers Fieldschool was to identify and locate the remains of a First Spanish Period mission,

San Joseph de Escambe, artifacts relating to other structures and timeframes, such as Molino

Mills and the Reconstruction Era, were encountered. Over the subsequent three summers, the

Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool attempted to delineate and further define the mission and its

components. While the bulk of the excavation occurred on the upper terrace of Durants Bluff,

one shovel test, ST116, was excavated on the lower terrace. This shovel test was completed in

order to determine the geographical extent of the mission period occupation. Shovel test 116 is

only 10 meters east of structure 1 and lies inside the boundary of the mill. Throughout the

course of the fieldschools, UWF identified mill period remains that exist, stratigraphically, above

the mission period remains. This material was excavated as part of the mission, but

provenienced and recorded separately, including any encountered mill period features.

Terrestrial excavations that specifically delved into Molino Mills occurred between July 2011

and March 2012, while maritime fieldwork occurred between June and September 2011.

Terrestrial

In order to determine the boundary for Molino Mills, the author, under the supervision of

Dr. John Worth, conducted terrestrial excavations. This excavation followed closely the

standards and procedures utilized during the Colonial Frontiers Fieldschools.1 Most of the

1 A more detailed description of the excavation procedures can be found in Worth and Melcher, Annual

Report 2009 Archaeological Evaluation Mission San Joseph de Escambe (8ES3473); Worth, Harris, and Melcher,

Annual Report 2010 Archaeological Evaluation Mission San Joseph de Escambe (8ES3473).

49

terrestrial fieldwork was conducted on the lower terrace and floodplain of Durants Bluff.

Fieldwork began by extending the arbitrary grid, established during the 2009 fieldschool, to

encompass the remainder of Durants Bluff. The grid maintained horizontal and vertical control

across the survey area. The principal investigator at the Colonial Frontier Fieldschool gave an

arbitrary designation of 1001.83N and 1006.79E to a USGS marker in the Molino area. He also

designated the USGS marker at a height of 8.19 meters NAVD88, which allowed for a

standardized vertical measurement.2 UWF students extended the grid by clearing heavy brush

with the use of machetes, axes, and hand saws, and then established additional datums using a

Sokkia Total Station. The datums were composed of either metal rebar hammered into the

ground or portions of the extant mill period structures.

In order to locate the mission, fieldschool students completed shovel tests at an arbitrary

20 meter interval, which was later extended throughout the remainder of the bluff in order to

locate the boundary for the mill. A number of shovel tests were offset because of the presence of

existing structures or large trees. Archaeologists excavated additional shovel tests in between the

interval, in order to further define the mill boundary, for a total of 15 shovel tests. A Sokkia

Total Station helped students to more accurately lay in shovel tests, allowing for sub-centimeter

accuracy in the placement of shovel tests. Metal rebar doubled as both datums and shovel test

markers, and were thus placed in the southwest corner of each unit. Data from the shovel tests

were recorded on standardized UWF shovel test forms. Each test unit consisted of a 50cm x

50cm square, excavated in 10cm arbitrary levels, while following the natural stratigraphy when

possible. For instance, if, in the middle of a 10cm level, a natural clay layer was encountered,

2 “NAVD88” is the North American Vertical Datum of 1988. NAVD88 is a vertical control datum located

at Father Point/ Rimouski, Quebec, Canada. The datum utilizes mean sea level as the vertical control from this one

site as the standard orthometric height measurements elsewhere.

50

the clay layer was collected separately from the stratigraphically different upper layer. If the

clay layer extended below what would have been the end of the aforementioned 10cm layer, the

provenience would be discontinued and excavations resumed with a new 10cm arbitrary level.

Excavation in each shovel test ceased after two sterile 10cm levels or the inability to excavate

further, often when structural remains prevented additional digging. Archaeologists drew plan

views and photographed units only if a feature was present or to further document a significant

attribute in a unit. Additionally, a minimum of one wall profile was drawn and photographed in

each shovel test. Often, because of the large amount of cultural material present and breaks in

soil stratigraphy, the profiling of more than one wall occurred. Following both photographic and

hand drawn documentation, the backfilling of shovel tests commenced.

Depth measurements were recorded by taking a depth below surface measurement with a

line level and folding rule that was subtracted from the starting height recorded by the total

station in mNAVD88. All depth measurements utilized the southwest corner as a point of origin.

The site has tremendous elevation changes within each terrace of the bluff, especially when

considering the entirety of Durants Bluff. This method of measurement allowed for relative

depths to be documented and even compared across the entire site. When possible, features were

noted, assigned numerical designations, and excavated separately. Levels were described using

mNAVD88 so that a height of 8.04mNAVD88 would have been located in level 80 while a

height of 5.68mNAVD88 would have been designated as level 56.

Archaeologists screened material through at least 1/8” mesh screen, with features

screened through 1/16” mesh. Most of the recovered material was wet screened, especially

portions that contained clay. Soaking the clay in water with baking soda facilitated the clay’s

dissolution in water and this mixture was subsequently wet screened through the appropriate size

51

mesh. All recovered material, save for organics such as roots, leaves, and twigs, was bagged and

brought back to UWF’s Historical Archaeology Lab for further processing.

On site, the abundance of bricks necessitated the enforcement of a unique brick collection

policy. The goal was to collect a representative sample from every provenience in every unit,

though archaeologists recovered all bricks in select units. For the sample proveniences, all

bricks containing a maker’s mark were retained. Size and color were the main attributes taken

into consideration, and archaeologists attempted to collect an adequate sample of varying sizes

and colors. All bricks greater than 1/2” and destined to be discarded were first counted,

weighed, and recorded on the shovel test forms prior to disposal.

In total, archaeologists recovered 165 proveniences and all were brought into the

laboratory for further analysis. The initial step for artifacts brought back into the lab was to

provenience each collected bag. Every provenience was recorded into a provenience log and had

its designated number written on each bag. The Historical Archaeology Lab Director Janet

Lloyd allocated the provenience numbers 3500-3564 for the Molino Mills excavation. This is a

continuation of the provenience numbers utilized for UWF’s Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool.

Both projects were excavated under the same site number (8ES3473) and thus all data is

recorded in the same database. Archaeologists spread out proveniences onto trays and allowed

the material to air dry prior to rebagging. The author fully processed all material in UWF’s

Historical Archaeology Lab under the direction of Dr. John Worth and Janet Lloyd. Lab

procedure requires recovered material to be screened through 1/4” mesh over 1/16” mesh. The

author scanned and discarded objects that fell through the 1/16” screen. All organic matter was

removed and discarded from the material that fell through 1/4” mesh. The author scanned the

remaining material for objects that should not have fallen through the screen and other smaller

52

artifacts, such as lead shot and sherdlets. When encountered, the author removed and bagged

these artifacts separately. All material that did not fall through the 1/4” mesh was fully

processed in accordance with UWF standards.

During laboratory analysis, the author labeled unidentifiable Native American ceramics

smaller than 1/2” as sherdlets, while fully processing Native American ceramics greater than

1/2” and subsequently writing provenience information on the back side of these larger ceramics.

The author fully processed and identified historic ceramics and glass regardless of size. Lab

standards required separation of metal first by basic elemental composition (like iron or lead),

followed by the grouping of all identifiable metallic objects with similar object types. Nail

separation included different types, such as hand wrought, cut, or wire, in addition to, if

complete, size. Brick classification included both greater than and less than 1/2” brick. In

proveniences with a large amount of brick, retention rates differed; the author retained only a

sample of the greater than 1/2” brick and the entirety of the less than 1/2” brick. The author

counted, weighed, and recorded on UWF code sheets both the discarded and retained greater

than 1/2” bricks. Analysis procedures for noncultural stone were similar. Finally, the author

coded and entered all proveniences into a UWF Microsoft Access database to facilitate further

analysis

Conservation

All conservable metal artifacts were sent to the UWF Conservation Lab. The author first

x-rayed iron concretions to determine if any of the original iron remained. Once deemed viable

for conservation, all artifacts were photographed and drawn prior to beginning treatment. After

mechanically cleaning the artifact, the author placed it an electrolysis tank that contained a 5%

solution of sodium bicarbonate and water. At the completion of the electrolysis process, artifacts

53

went through three consecutive baths of boiling tap water to remove sodium bicarbonate and

were subsequently coated in a mixture of tannic acid with the surfactant Mazon 40, with at least

three coats covering each artifact. The final step involved coating iron artifacts in

microcrystalline wax to prevent from further deterioration. Some iron artifacts, like many of the

cut iron nails, were in an excellent state of preservation.3 Some of the annealed nails were left

untreated, while other nails needed mechanical cleaning with dental picks, wire brushes, and a

dremel. Following the removal of rust and concretion, Krylon sprayed on the nails helped to

display their natural color. The recovery of a single, extremely fragile, iron button necessitated a

unique conservation strategy, involving x-raying, mechanical cleaning, and subsequent coating

with Acryloid B-72. Post-conservation drawings and photographs were taken before the artifacts

were returned to the appropriate provenience.

Maritime

The methodology utilized in the maritime portion of the project included remote sensing,

circle searching, and mapping of exposed features. Because of low visibility and strong currents,

some aspects of the maritime reconnaissance had to be completed when rainfall was negligible

and resulted in significantly deflated water levels. Low water levels in June of 2011 exposed a

trench/sluiceway feature, and this circumstance provided an opportunity for students from the

2011 Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool to map the structure. Fieldschool students

established an elevated baseline over the trench/sluiceway by suspending a reel between a metal

rebar and a fiberglass probe. A line attached to the baseline allowed for the maintenance of

horizontal integrity. Archaeologists used folding rulers and plumb bobs to measure the

dimensions of the trench/sluiceway and recorded this data with pencils on Mylar. Additional

3 Some of the cut nails were purple in color. This is potentially a result of an annealing process from when

Molino Mills burned in 1884.

54

photographs helped to further document the trench/sluiceway’s size and state of preservation. A

GPS coordinate for the trench, obtained using a Garmin GPSMAP 76 and recorded in WGS 84

with UTMs, aided to visualize the trench’s position relative to the other remains of the mill.4

Figure 6. UWF Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool students recording the

trench/sluiceway exposed by low water levels.

The 2011 Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool also recorded a number of

pilings exposed by low water levels. A dive flag and large red buoy placed at both the northern

and southern ends of the work area signified the student’s presence to passing boaters. Students

waded into the water and performed a systematic search for pilings and other features in the

river. They mapped all cultural material located using probes, reels, and folding rulers. A

baseline established alongside the line of pilings began at the northernmost piling and extended

over 64m (210ft) to the southernmost piling. The use of trilateration allowed for the creation of

4 WGS 84, or World Geodetic System as defined in 1984, is a standard coordinate system used in

navigation to provide a position on Earth.

55

an accurate map, recorded with pencils on Mylar. Garmin GPSMAP 76 coordinates for the

northernmost and second southernmost pilings recorded in WGS 84 using UTMs provide a fixed

location to the generated map.

Figure 7. UWF Combined Terrestrial and Maritime Fieldschool students using trilateration to

record submerged pilings in the Escambia River.

Following a significant rainstorm in July of 2011, a magnetometer survey of the river was

performed with a SeaSPY Overhauser Magnetometer made by Marine Magnetics. The survey,

completed in a 10ft Jon boat with a trolling motor, included a total of seven lines that extended

from approximately 200 meters north of the mill to 400 meters south of the mill. Because of the

possibility of submerged trees, the lines surveyed did not have standardized lane spacing, but,

instead, provided full coverage of the entire breadth of the Escambia River. The data, analyzed

in HYPACK, revealed 21 magnetic anomalies. Out of the recorded 21 targets, two deemed high

priority necessitated further investigation.

56

Figure 8. Dr. John Worth and the author performing a magnetometer survey in the Escambia

River.

The water level had significantly receded by September of 2011, allowing divers to safely

enter the river. UWF graduate students placed a dive flag and a large red buoy at the northern

and southern ends of the work area. Using a GPS coordinate taken from HYPACK a buoy

dropped on the coordinates acted as an anchor for a circle search. The circle search used

fiberglass probes and reels. During the course of the search, divers encountered a large wooden

structure and subsequently documented the feature. The graduate students mapped the structure

with reels and folding rulers while recording the measurements on Mylar with pencils.

Underwater photography was limited due to a large amount of particulates and poor visibility; it

was not, therefore, utilized to any extent.

57

Historical Research

Historical documents created a more holistic interpretation of the Molino community and

Molino Mills. Oral tradition in Molino states that a number of sawmills had been erected and

subsequently destroyed over the course of history, but it remained unclear how many or when.

The first task was to identify the specific mill or mills whose extant remains currently rest on Mr.

Richard Marlow’s property. The author accomplished this identification through numerous trips

to the Escambia County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives to examine deed

records. The first phase of this research was to understand the succession of landowners; once

identified, a number of keywords relating to the mill, including the names of property owners

and company names, assisted in future research.

Unfortunately, primary documents relating to the Reconstruction Era for Pensacola are

relatively scarce. In December of 1880, a fire destroyed approximately five blocks of downtown

Pensacola, including the U.S. Customs House, Escambia County Tax Collectors Office, and the

Pensacola Gazette (local newspaper). Many documents, such as the shipping records of Molino

Mills and the rest of the lumber industry, were likely destroyed during this fire. Additionally,

any records or documents held in the mill itself were destroyed when Molino Mills burned in

1884. That being said, a substantial amount of primary documents do survive. These documents

were located through numerous trips to various archives, including the Escambia County Official

Records’ Escambia County Clerk of Circuit Court and Comptroller Archives, the Pensacola

Historical Society, the West Florida Genealogy Library, the University of West Florida’s

University Archives and West Florida History Center, Florida State University’s Robert M.

Strozier Library, the University of Florida’s P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, and the State

Archives of Florida R.A. Gray Building. The author used keywords to search through any folder

58

which related to the lumber industry or any pertinent individuals. Some of the major folder

headings which the archivists retrieved were labeled “lumber industry,” “industry,” “labor,”

“shipping,” “sawmills,” “Naval stores,” “turpentine,” and “railroads.”

A surprising source of documentary information was the internet: many libraries and

archives have digitized documents or, at least, have online databases that provide descriptions of

document collections. Several “Google” searches using different combinations of the keywords

and geographic locations identified a wide array of documents from all over the country.

Sometimes these documents could be viewed online, while other times it necessitated travel to

the archive itself.

This thesis employed a wide array of documents including deed records, U.S. census

records, state census records, Spanish and British land grants, city directories, newspapers, U.S.

Governmental records such as the American State Papers, Florida and Alabama State Supreme

Court records, local court case records, company headers, personal letters, photographs and

drawings, journals, maps, broadsides, and machinery specifications.

Some potential sources of documents relating to Molino Mills remain untapped,

including The Lumber Trade Journal, printed from 1882-1931 in New Orleans. Some issues

from the early 1900s exist online and list specific Pensacola lumber companies, often including

their export values. Earlier issues might provide data on Molino Mills; however, these early

issues could not be located. Although deed records for Escambia County, Florida, were utilized,

deed records were not consulted for either Santa Rosa County, Florida, or Baldwin County,

Alabama. Both of these counties border the Escambia River (or the Conecuh River, as it is

referred to in Alabama), and the Pensacola Lumber Company likely owned timberlands in these

two counties.

59

A potential for documents exists outside of West Florida as well, particularly in the

northeastern United States. James C. Ayer, Frederick Ayer, and Edwin Hoyt were all prominent

businessmen in the northeast, the former two in Lowell, Massachusetts, and the latter in New

York, New York. The Pensacola Lumber Company was incorporated under the laws of the State

of New York, suggesting that documents concerning the Pensacola Lumber Company might be

found in archives in the northeast. A few recommended locations would be the Lowell

Historical Society, the New York Historical Society, and the University of Massachusetts

Lowell’s Center for Lowell History. Finally, Auburn University Special Collections and

Archives maintain the Alabama and Florida Railroad Collection, which may have resources

pertinent to Molino.

The historical archaeology methodologies utilized for the Molino Mills project were

chosen to aid in answering the questions posed at the beginning of the project. These procedures

incorporated previous archaeological investigations and their research designs, as well as

considered the ultimate goals for this project to formulate the most appropriate methodology.

The succeeding chapter discusses the results of the research design, including both the terrestrial

and maritime components of the archaeological investigation.

60

CHAPTER V

RESULTS

The investigation into Molino Mills follows a holistic approach, utilizing historical

documents, terrestrial excavations, and maritime survey/documentation. Although it is

beneficial to incorporate all of these resources into a final conclusion, each is described here,

separately, prior to the final interpretation.1 This chapter not only describes the results of the

excavation/survey/recording, but provides an interpretation of these results.

Terrestrial Fieldwork Results

One of the goals for this project was to define the boundary for Molino Mills while

documenting extant remains. In order to define the mill boundary, archaeologists conducted a

shovel test survey consisting of 15 shovel tests; additionally, three structures have survived,

including a potential boiler location, machinery anchor, and a series of iron anchor bolts.2 Figure

9 denotes the locations of all units excavated at the Mission San Joseph de Escambe/Molino

Mills site (8ES3473). Figure 10 demonstrates the stark elevation changes that exist on Durants

Bluff.3 The bulk of the remains relating to Molino Mills are located on the lower terrace;

however, some of the mill’s remains are on both the upper terrace and floodplain.

Additionally, the majority of Mission San Joseph de Escambe is situated on the upper terrace,

but some remains relating to the mission were recovered from units on the lower terrace. The

lowest level of the bluff contains the modern day flood plain. Low water levels observed in the

1 The historical research results can be found in Chapter III.

2 For a complete list of all artifacts recovered from the 15 shovel tests, please see Appendix A. A total of

16 shovel tests have been excavated below the upper terrace of Durants Bluff in association with Molino Mills, 15

during the terrestrial excavations for this project and 1 shovel test (ST116) excavated in the summer of 2010 during

the Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool.

3 The elevations utilized for this figure are derived from data recovered during this project, as well as the

2009-2012 Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool.

61

winter of 2011-12 allowed for a number of shovel tests on the flood plain. Figure 11 is a close-

up of the exact positions of the 15 shovel tests excavated for this project.

.

Figure 9. Aerial view with all units excavated by April 2012 at Mission San Joseph de

Escambe/Molino Mills site (8ES3473).

62

Figure 10. Graphic display demonstrating relative elevation changes in mNAVD88 of Durants

Bluff. This image if overlain on an aerial view would run west to east (left to right), where the

mission is west of the mill and the flood plain east of the mill.

Figure 11. Close-up aerial view of units targeting Molino Mills.

63

Stratigraphic profiles for excavated units varied greatly throughout the excavation.

Consistent profiles exist, however, in shovel tests located inside the mill boundary (Figure 12).

These units are typified by a top layer containing approximately 20-30cm of mixed context

material spanning all periods of occupation, from the prehistoric eras up until modern day. The

next 20-30cm consisted of reddish clay with exclusively mill period artifacts including cut nails

Figure 12. South wall profile of ST 255.

64

and bricks stamped with “J. Gonzalez.”4 The subsequent 20-40cm contained a dark gray to black

humic layer comprised of material predating the mill period, such as mission period Apalachee

pottery and earlier pre-Columbian check-stamped pottery.5 Finally, the units exhibited a 20 cm

light gray layer that continues below the excavated depth and is completely devoid of cultural

material. Stratigraphic profiles for shovel tests excavated outside the mill boundary varied

depending on their location on the bluff. If the shovel test was positioned on the lower terrace,

Figure 13. South wall profile of ST 257.

4 The presence of prehistoric artifacts located above pristine deposits is likely the result of fill brought into

the site. Changes to the landscape have not ceased since the mill’s destruction; landowners since Daniel Sullivan

have moved and shifted dirt across the site for the last 138 years. It is possible that some of the excess dirt removed

from the ground was deposited on top of intact mill deposits.

5 A complete list of all Native American (both mission period and pre-Columbian) artifacts can be found in

Appendix A.

65

then the typical profile was a mix of cultural material from all periods of occupation postdating

the mission period for 20-60cm, followed by a 20-30cm gray to black humic layer containing

exclusively Native American material dating from 1761 and earlier. Finally, these units ended

with 20cm of sterile soil (Figure 13). If the shovel test came from in the floodplain, the typical

profile consisted of exclusively mixed contents from all time periods intermixed with oscillating

layers of root-mat and alluvial sand (Figure 14). This profile is likely a result of numerous

flooding and drought episodes. During periods of drought, the forest undergrowth extended into

areas once inundated and, as river levels rose, the undergrowth was once again covered by water.

The river then deposited the observed alluvial sand over the now dead undergrowth.

Figure 14. North wall profile of ST 258.

66

An examination of soil profiles for completed shovel tests revealed a clear outline of the

mill. The mill extends approximately 30m x 60m (98.5ft x 197ft) angled northwest to southeast

(Figure 15). This angle matches with the 1877 sketch of Molino Mills located in William

Chipley’s Pensacola (the Naples of America) and its surroundings illustrated: New Orleans,

Mobile, and the resorts of the Gulf Coast.6 Additionally, these dimensions match with those

designated in an 1875 Florida Broadside for the main mill building of Molino Mills at 85ft x

205ft or 26m x 62.8m.7

Figure 15. Close-up aerial view of units targeting Molino Mills including the approximate mill

boundary. Boundary is defined by white line and terrace edges defined by blue lines.

6 Chipley, Pensacola (the Naples of America) and Its Surroundings Illustrated, 30.

7 Smith, Assignee's Sale in Bankruptcy, of Steam Saw Mill, Timber Lands, Stores, Houses and Furniture,

Logs, Steamer, Lighters and Booms, &c., Situated in Florida and Alabama, Florida Broadside Collection.

67

Artifact Discussion

Excavation at Molino Mills produced a wide array of artifacts spanning thousands of

years of human occupation. Because of the area’s rich and diverse history, diagnostic artifacts

dating exclusively to the Molino Mills period (1866-1884) are difficult to discern and small in

number. Mill period deposits were typically identified by the presence of one or two specific

artifacts, or, more commonly, by the absence of artifacts diagnostic to other periods of

occupation. For instance, although numerous historic ceramics were recovered, only one post-

dates the mission period.8 A single, plain whiteware cup rim fragment was recovered in ST 259.

Whiteware ceramic’s post-1820 date places it firmly in the American Territory Period. In

addition, the ceramic’s placement near handmade “J. Gonzalez” bricks provides a tighter,

Molino Mills-era date.

Bricks stamped with the maker’s mark “J. Gonzalez” provided the most accurate artifact

date for the Molino Mills period. J. Gonzalez was a brick maker in the Pensacola area that

operated from 1838-1877.9 Although this date coincides with that of the Cooper Mill, there

exists no record that the Cooper Mill’s influence extended to the Molino Mills site. Therefore, it

is reasonable to assume that closed contexts containing handmade bricks stamped “J. Gonzalez”

date to Molino Mills. 10

8 During the excavations targeting Molino Mills, a number of historic ceramics were identified; however,

most artifacts were Native American historic ceramics dating to the mission period. Only two artifacts were

European in origin: one, a very small pierce of indeterminate lead glazed coarse earthenware, the other, a piece of

plain whiteware.

9 Janet Lloyd, “University of West Florida Laboratory Procedures and Artifact Classification Manual”

(Pensacola, FL: University of West Florida Archaeological Institute), 2001.

10

The Cooper Mill was a water-powered saw/gristmill in operation from the mid 1830’s until the Civil War

and situated only a few hundred yards away from Molino Mills.

68

Figure 16. Plain whiteware cup rim found in level 21 (2.199mNAVD88-2.10mNAVD88) of ST

259.

One final diagnostic artifact relating to the Molino Mills period is the cut nail. Most cut

nails were in excellent condition, requiring very little conservation. Many were purple in color,

likely resulting from the mill’s destruction, which would have annealed the nails, promoting

preservation. All recovered cut nails appear to have a stamped head, which dates the nails to

after 1825 (cut nails were likely eclipsed by wire nails around 1900).11

Cut nails post-date the

mission period and are therefore identified with the Molino Mills Period. Additionally, cut nails

11

Eric Sloane, A Reverence for Wood (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1965), 25.

69

were often found in the same context as “J. Gonzalez” bricks, further reinforcing their

association with Molino Mills.

Figure 17. “J. Gonzalez” brick found at Molino Mills.

Features

Excavations encountered and recorded a number of features. The features were

designated numbers 300-311.12

Features 301-304 and 306-311 relate to Molino Mills, in

addition to a number of features relating to Molino Mills identified during the 2009-2012

12

Feature numbers 1-299 and 400-499 were reserved for excavations that occurred during the 2009-2012

Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool. Feature numbers 300-399 were reserved for features identified during the 11H

Molino Mills excavations.

70

Colonial Frontiers Fieldschools. Any identified features not related to the mill period, such as

features 300, 305 and 306, are not discussed in this paper.

Features (F.) 301, 307, and 311 are cut boards. F. 301 was located within ST 252 at a

depth of 4.799m NAVD88 and immediately adjacent to structure 2. The board has no

distinguishing characteristics and is approximately 20cm (7.9in) wide, 4cm (1.6in) thick, and

extends the entire length of the unit. Its proximity to structure 2 and F. 302 suggests that the cut

board is a structural element related to the structure 2’s foundation. F. 307 was located in ST

259 at a depth of 1.93mNAVD88, measures approximately 24cm (9.5in) wide and 4cm (1.6in)

thick, and extends the entire length of the unit. ST 259 was located in the floodplain just beyond

the drop off and contains one of two European historic ceramics located below the upper terrace

of Durants Bluff. Additionally, the unit consisted almost entirely of brick, none of which were

complete, suggesting that this location was a trash dump. Although not readily apparent, the cut

board was probably defective or broken and thus discarded. F. 311 was located in ST 261 at a

depth of 1.94m NAVD88, measures 24cm (9.5in) wide and 4cm (1.6in) thick, and extends the

entire length of the unit. ST 261 was, like shovel test 259, located in the floodplain and the unit

also appears to be a trash dump. Although no defects were observed, F. 311 was probably

discarded because of an imperfection.

F. 302 was located within the eastern wall of ST 252 and immediately adjacent to

structure 2. The feature is an intact wall structure composed of bricks that extends at least 30cm

from top to bottom. The final depth could not be ascertained because F. 301 inhibited further

excavation. The feature’s association with structure 2 indicates a subsurface structural

component.

71

As a result of F. 303’s complexity, it was separated into 5 sections, 303A-E. F. 303 was

located in ST 250, which is in-between the four granite blocks of structure 1. The feature began

at 5.11m NAVD88 and extended to a depth of 4.85m NAVD88.13

All five feature sections are

portions of burnt material consisting of either charred logs or a carbonized wood layer. F. 303A

and 303C are intact, burnt logs and were not excavated. F. 303B was a layer of carbonized wood

excavated and screened through 1/16” mesh. Broken bits of brick and granite were identified

within this layer. F. 303D and 303E were very fragile burnt timbers and, because of their

fragility, they were left unexcavated. This feature’s location and burnt composition makes it

likely that it is the remnant of a fire that heated up the mill’s boilers.14

F. 304 was encountered in ST 255 at a depth of 5.09m NAVD88. It was partially

excavated before being identified and was, therefore, approximately 10 cm in height ending at

5.04m NAVD88.15

The feature was composed of semi-compact sandy clay, linear in nature, and

extended across the entire unit. The presence of brick supports a mill period date. The feature is

possibly a clay floor associated with Molino Mills, but further investigation is necessary to

ascertain a more accurate conclusion.

F. 308 was located in ST 260 at a depth of 4.95m NAVD88. The feature consisted of an

extremely dense clay layer that became softer and more consistent with a sandy loam as

excavation progressed, ending at a depth of 4.65m NAVD88. The contents of the feature were

exclusively mill period artifacts, including brick, cut nails, iron, and coal. This unit was located

13

This unit was not excavated to sterile soil because the feature prevented further excavation.

14

For more detail, please see the section discussing structure 1 later in this chapter.

15

Its full height can be observed in the south wall profile of ST255.

72

within the mill boundary and is, therefore, probably a clay floor hardened during the mill’s

burning episode.

F. 309 was located in ST 262 and separated into two sections: 309A and 309B. Section

A consisted of a compact clay, while section B was a compact sandy loam. Section A was semi-

circular in shape and extended into the northwest corner of the unit. Section B was also semi-

circular in nature and existed just outside of section A. Neither section contained any cultural

material post-dating the mill period: section A was comprised mostly of brick and cut nails,

while section B contained brick, cut nail fragments, and a single Native American ceramic. The

unit’s location just outside the mill boundary, in addition to its bowl-like shape, insinuates that

this feature is likely a hearth.

F. 310 was located in ST 261, in the floodplain of Durants Bluff. The feature began at

2.22m NAVD88 and ended 22cm deeper. This feature was separated into 2 sections: section A

was a loose sandy loam, and section B was a semi-compact sandy loam. Both sections are half

circular in shape, with section B existing underneath section A. The feature is below a whiskey

bottle dating from 1935-1964 and above a mill period cut board (F. 311). The lack of diagnostic

artifacts from within this feature leaves a wide date range spanning 1866-1964. The shape and

contents do suggest, however, that F. 310 was a hearth feature.

In addition to the features excavated for the project, three features exist directly related to

Molino Mills (F. 131, 157, and 213) that were excavated as part of UWF’s Colonial Frontiers

Fieldschool. F. 131 was first identified in the summer of 2010, further excavated in 2011, and

reencountered in 2012. F. 131 is a brick-filled trench resting on the remnants of a wooden box

supported by iron nails. In 2010, F. 131 was identified in the 2m x 2m unit 1090N 1242E and

divided into four sections (A-D). Sections A and D are the same section: because of section D’s

73

post-like shape, it was separated from A, but later determined to be, in fact, the same section of

the same feature. Section A denotes the main, brick-filled trench, as well as the wooden box

with vertical nails located below the bricks, while sections B and C are the fill surrounding

section A. Section B was on the northwestern side of section A, while section C was located on

the southeastern side. Section A contained numerous hand-made bricks (identified as possible

ladrillos), mission period Native American pottery, seed beads, and iron nails. Section B

contained hand-made bricks, while section C contained no diagnostic artifacts. In 2011, F. 131

was identified in two units, 1090N 1242E and 1088.2N 1241.5E, and, in the latter, separated into

three sections: BA, BB, and BC.16

Excavation in 1090N 1242E was not completed in 2010 and

eventually excavated to sterile in 2011.

The unit 1088.2N 1241.5E was opened to target F. 131 in order to further investigate the

origins and characteristics of the feature. Unit 1088.2N 1241.5E was a 1m x 1.5m placed off

grid in order to observe the entire feature.17

Section BA is the brick portion of the trench, not

including the remnants of the wooden box and nails, which, in 2011, was designated section BB.

Section BC refers to the fill found around either side of section BA. Section BA contained bricks

stamped “J. Gonzalez.” Section BB contained Native American ceramics and iron nails, while

section BC contained brick fragments and iron nails. In 2012, F. 131 was encountered in the

wall of 1082N 1236.5E. The feature was only partially excavated before excavation ceased for

16

During the Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool, sections of the same feature are given extra letters to

designate years. For instance, in 2010, sections for given feature sections may have been designated A, B, C, etc.,

while, in 2011, the same feature (from the same or a different unit) would have sections designated BA, BB, BC,

etc., and, in 2012, sections would have been designated CA, CB, CC, etc., and so on. This does not preclude the

possibility that they correspond to the same section from the same unit, but rather designates which year the feature

was excavated. For instance, feature 131A and 131BA/131BB are the same portions of the same brick trench

feature, but were excavated in different years (and just happen to be from different units).

17

The unit walls for 1088.2N 1241.5E did not have N-S directionality. The walls maintained the same NE-

SW directionality as F. 131.

74

the summer; material excavated in 2012 is currently waiting for processing. The presence of

numerous bricks stamped with portions of the “J. Gonzalez” maker’s mark firmly dates this

feature to the Molino Mills period. The presence of earlier mission period ceramics are likely

the result of digging through mission period remains to construct the brick trench. F. 131 began

at F. 157/213. Probing revealed that it terminates at least 15m later, following a northeastern

heading. The feature heads directly from F. 157/213 toward structure 1. This feature is

interpreted as an aqueduct meant to transport water from 157/213 to structure 1.

F. 157 was first identified in 2010 in unit 1080N 1235E. F. 157 was approximately 74cm

x 50cm (29.1in x 19.7in) and contained Native American ceramics, majolica, and wrought nails.

Archaeologists during the 2010 Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool originally identified the feature as

a corner of F. 10.18

The presence of a tree fall obscured the feature’s true nature. During the

summer of 2011, the feature was better defined as excavation progressed, and it became clear

that F. 157 was a builder’s trench surrounding a well. Section A was therefore designated as the

internal well, while section B denoted the builder’s trench surrounding the well. The principal

investigator of the Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool redesignated the better-defined feature with a

new feature number, 213. F. 213, section A refers to the inside portion of the well, while

sections B and C refer to the builder’s trench surrounding the well. F. 213 contained whiteware,

a gunflint fragment, lead shot, and several types of Native American ceramics. Based on cultural

material present and the feature’s characteristics, the principal investigator determined the

feature to be an artesian well dating to the mill period.

18

Feature 10 has been interpreted as a stockade wall from Mission San Joseph de Escambe and, therefore,

will not be discussed in this thesis. More information on this feature or other mission components can be found in

Worth and Melcher, Annual Report 2009 Archaeological Evaluation Mission San Joseph de Escambe (8ES3473);

Worth, Harris, and Melcher, Annual Report 2010 Archaeological Evaluation Mission San Joseph de Escambe

(8ES3473).

75

Extant Structures: Structure 1

Structure 1 contained four large granite blocks, each block consisting of four threaded

anchor bolts on top of a brick foundation with an overall dimension of 3.5m x 3.5m (11.5ft x

11.5 ft).19

Figure 18 is a photograph of the structure and Figure 19 is a hand-drawn sketch. The

granite blocks rest on a brick foundation through which the anchor bolts penetrate. A brick

foundation connects the northeastern and southeastern blocks, while a separate brick foundation

connects the two blocks on the western side. These foundations run relatively north-south.

Figure 18. Structure 1 looking northeast.

19

A description of anchor bolts and their function in the steam industry can be found in Emory Edwards,

The American Steam Engineer, Theoretical and Practical, with Examples of the Latest and Most Approved

American Practice in the Design and Construction of the Stem Engines and Boilers of Every Description

(Philadelphia: Henry Carey Baird & CO, 1889), 189-191.

76

There is a hole in the western side of the brick foundation beneath the northeastern granite block

that measures 17cm x 17cm (6.7in x 6.7in), as well as sister void in the foundation beneath on

the eastern side of the northwestern granite block. There are similar matching holes in the

foundations beneath the southwestern and southeastern granite blocks. A timber may have fit

into these holes and connected the blocks; these timbers would have created a sturdier foundation

for the structure. An unknown author wrote in Scientific American that “A brick foundation with

granite capstones with anchor bolts from the bottom is the best.”20

Figure 19. Hand drawn sketch looking down at structure 1.

20

“Notes & Queries,” Scientific American 48 (1883): 363.

77

As mentioned, the well, F. 157/213, appears to flow through the brick trench supported

by a wooden box (F. 131) directly toward structure 1. Additionally, the burned F. 301 was

excavated in the center of structure 1. The presence of these features in conjunction with the

massive size of the structure itself suggests that structure 1 is the location of one or more boilers

for the mill. The well (F. 157/213) and trench (F. 131) would have brought fresh spring water

into the boiler. Utilizing a well in combination with a trench to transport water was a common

practice in the area. The Escambia River is a freshwater river, but it contains many particulates

that, when boiled, would have limited the life of the boiler. The rapid boiling action would

rapidly move particulates around the inside of the boiler, slowly wearing away the boiler’s

integrity.

Structure 2

Structure 2 has a brick foundation with an overall dimension of approximately 2.5m x

1.1m (8.2ft x 3.6ft), with the 2.5m (8.2ft) side positioned almost perfectly north-south. The brick

foundation has a number of brick layers extending approximately 40cm (15.7in) above ground

surface. In the center of the structure, there is a void in the foundation measuring 45cm x 20cm

(17.7in x 7.9in) that extends to a depth of 85cm (33.5in). There are seven iron anchor bolts of

varying lengths, similar in diameter to those found in structure 1. Four of the anchor bolts have

been cut below the threading, while the three northernmost anchor bolts still display threading.

The bolts containing threading extend 85cm (33.5in), 83cm (32.7in), and 45cm (17.7) above the

brick surface. A portion of the subsurface brick foundation was exposed in ST 252 and

identified as F. 302. Although the feature was not completely exposed, the foundation extends at

least 60cmbs. The structure is substantial in size and extremely solid in construction; it is likely

that the structure is an anchor for some type of machinery. Historical documents describe a wide

78

array of machinery in operation at Molino Mills including “8 Boilers, 2 Engines, 2 Double

Circular Saws, 1 Gang, 2 Gang Edgers, Lath Machine, Cutting-off Saws, 2 Screw Cutting

Lathes, 1 Planer (iron), 1 Schenck Wood.”21

Based on the structure’s location, it is unlikely to

be connected to the boilers. Rather, its robust construction suggests it is associated with one of

the saws. Saw machinery requires a fairly substantial support structure to overcome the

vibrations generated by the saw itself. Lathes and planar machines are generally more forgiving

and require a smaller foundation, but their placement on structure 2 cannot be completely ruled

out.

Figure 20. Photograph of structure 2 looking north.

21

Smith, Assignee's Sale in Bankruptcy, of Steam Saw Mill, Timber Lands, Stores, Houses and Furniture,


79

Structure 3

Structure 3 is not so much a structure as it is a series of seven exposed metal bolts located

7.5m (24.6ft) north of structure 2 and positioned in two rectangles. One of the rectangles is

missing a fourth corner; however, the missing bolt is likely buried beneath a small mound that is

located in its approximate position. Among the seven bolts there are three styles. The first style,

designated style A, consists of four bolts containing a rectangular hole with all four bolts

positioned in the same rectangle. The partial rectangle containing the other two styles is 1.9m

(6.2ft) east-northeast of the complete rectangle containing the first style. In the partial rectangle,

the northeastern bolt is missing. The two southern bolts are anchor bolts consisting of threaded

caps and are designated style B. These anchor bolts are similar to the anchor bolts found in

structures 2 and 3. The northwestern bolts are anchor bolts like those of style B, but also have a

nut and two round cap washers attached. These bolts were designated style C. The round cap

washers distributed the force of the machinery across a now deteriorated foundation. The bolt

feature likely represents the location of a machinery anchor.22

Style A contains a hole suitable

for the connection via a drive pin that could be easily driven in and out.23

Structure 3 would

have supported a smaller piece of machinery, like a lathe, or was possibly used in conjunction

with another, yet unidentified, structure to support a larger piece of equipment. Time constraints

prevented any excavation to investigate the subsurface portions of the bolts.

22 Anchor bolts nearly identical in shape and size to the style C bolts are found in the building that houses

the Florida Public Archaeology Network’s Destination Archaeology Resource Center, located in downtown

Pensacola. The Florida Public Archaeology Network building was originally constructed in 1903 as a depot for the

Louisville and Nashville Railroad.

23

These pins or bolts were likely similar to drift bolts or clench bolts as described in Michael McCarthy,

Ships’ Fastenings from Sewn Boat to Steamship (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2005), 180-181.

80

Figure 21. Photographs of structure 3. Styles A, B, and C are left to right.

Figure 22. Scale drawing of structure 3 demonstrating the relative locations of the bolts.

81

Maritime Fieldwork Results

One method utilized to determine the relationship between Molino Mills and the

Escambia River involved maritime fieldwork to determine if any extant submerged remains

relating to Molino Mills exist. An examination of these submerged remains, in conjunction with

historical documents, helped determine the nature of the aforementioned relationship. Low

water levels experienced during the summer of 2011 exposed a number of previously unknown

features, which aided in the discovery and documentation of remains located in the Escambia

River.

One of these features was designated as a trench, extending approximately 5m (16.4ft)

out of the river bank (Figure 23). Its construction can be likened to a ship, which contains outer

hull planking attached to frames with the equivalent of ceiling planking on the innermost portion.

The trench is 1.1m (3.6ft) wide with a depth (the distance between the top of the wood to the

bottom of the trench) of approximately 50cm (1.6ft). It is angled about 30° west of north. No

excavation took place to further investigate the trench itself, but a number of other wooden

features resembling the trench were identified throughout the floodplain. These trenches appear

to be related and form a discernible path through the landscape. The trench is most likely a

portion of a log canal which transported logs from the river into the mill and potentially further

downstream toward Pensacola Bay. Additionally, canal remnants appear to cut through the

oxbow bend located next to Molino Mills. An oxbow bend creates a hazard when large

quantities of logs are floated downriver. The bend can create a bottleneck which increases the

likelihood of a log jam. This oxbow cut would have allowed logs to be transported directly from

the mill to the wharf or landing. The logs were then tied into rafts and sent downriver to

Pensacola Bay.

82

Figure 23. Image of trench/sluiceway looking east.

Richard Massey, in his dissertation on the lumber industry of Alabama and West Florida,

describes a structure similar to the trench located in the Escambia River. He states that

lumbermen in West Florida dug ditches 3 to 4 feet deep and lined them with scrape boards.

These ditches allowed for logs to be floated freely into the mill by avoiding water level hazards,

as well as sharp curves.24

His description appears to be partially derived from an earlier account

written by Herman H. Chapman in 1951.25

In his article, Chapman describes the ditches, or

sluiceways, as “4 feet wide, and from 3 to 4 feet deep, timbered on both sides with 1-inch thick

lumber and flitches nailed inside 4-inch posts.” All dimensions, except the depth measurement,

24


25

Herman H. Chapman, “An Ancient and Original Transportation System for Logs in Southern Alabama,”

Journal of Forestry March (1951): 209-210.

83

are identical to those found on the trench located in Molino.26

Chapman continues by explaining

the process through which a dam is raised and water flows into the trench, thereby floating logs

along the trench into the mill. This process provided an efficient and cost-effective method of

short-distance log transportation. Chapman describes the earliest recorded instance of log

transportation via a trench or sluiceway conducted by Major William Wallace, who, in 1874,

“used to float logs to his mill near Molino, Florida.”27

William Wallace is listed in the 1880 U.S.

Census as living in precinct 9. According to this census, precinct 9 is Bluff Springs, Florida.

Bluff Springs is approximately 15 miles north of Molino on the Escambia River.28

As a result of low water levels in the summer of 2011, a number of pilings were also

observable just below the Escambia River’s surface. This observation prompted a pedestrian

survey of the Escambia River, conducted by students from the 2011 Combined Maritime and

Terrestrial Fieldschool. The survey revealed a total of 32 pilings, 16 of which ran in a straight

line in the middle of the river. The line extends approximately 64m (210ft) in a

northwest/southeast direction, terminating at a pier structure (MMM20 and MMM21). The

pilings are rectangular or circular in shape and there appears to be no pattern in piling location

based on shape or size. Massey describes a similar structure and how it was utilized:

As they [logs] came down the river, the various mills located on the river would

collect their own. This was done by driving pilings in the middle of the river

about a half mile above the mill. A swinging boom from the bank could be

attached to the piling, thus completely blocking off the river and stopping all logs.

As the logs came down, a man would jump on them, turn them over, if necessary,

26

This does not preclude the possibility that what remains of the trench found in Molino is only a portion of

a complete trench, where a portion of the trench has not survived to the present day.

27


28

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules of the Tenth Census of the United States, Washington

DC, National Archives Microfilm Publications, Micro-copy no. T-9, Florida, Election Precincts 7-9, 14, University

of West Florida Library Special Collections, Pensacola, FL.

84

to see the brand, and then either let them continue down the river of place them

over against the pilings.29

Records that list “boom tender” as an occupation, including the 1870 and 1880 U.S. censuses,

indicate that a boom was used in Molino. 30

Figure 24. Aerial view of Molino displaying contoured data from the magnetometer survey area.

29


30

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules of the Ninth Census of the United States, Washington

DC, National Archives Microfilm Publications, Micro-copy no. 593, Florida, Molino Election Precincts, 155,

University of West Florida Library Special Collections, Pensacola, FL; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population

Schedules of the Tenth Census of the United States, 27.

85

Figure 25. Colored contoured survey data. Purple represents the highest recorded nT readings,

while green signifies the ambient magnetic field.

In addition to a pedestrian survey, students conducted a magnetometer survey of the

Escambia River. Contouring of the recovered data resulted in the identification of 21 targets

with a magnitude greater than 15nT (nanotesla), the highest of which was 753nT. These targets

were designated MMM (Molino Mills Magnetometer) 1-21. Most of the targets could be

associated with structures visible on the landscape, such as a railing at the county fairground/boat

ramp, Mr. Richard Marlow’s steel dock, a floating dock, or a beached boat (Figure 25). Two

86

targets, MMM20 and MMM21, could not be associated with any known structure and warranted

further investigation.

Figure 26. Hand drawn sketch of MMM20 and MMM21.

MMM20 and MMM21 had a magnitude of 202nT and 329nT respectively. A circle

search revealed the remains of a collapsed dock structure (Figure 26). The structure runs in

succession with the line of 16 pilings. The area demarcated by the pilings and structure is likely

the southern end of a holding pen for logs destined to be processed. The wall measures

approximately 11.7m (38.4ft) long and is angled almost perfectly north; it then takes a

southeastern turn in line with the directionality of the 16 piling row. A portion of the decking

has broken off and rests just east of the walled portion. The walled portion consisted of long cut

87

boards stacked side by side and held together with large iron spikes that continue into the

sediment.

The information laid out in this chapter represents the work of over 30 UWF students and

faculty members taking place over a 14-month period between February 2011 and April 2012.

The analysis, discussion, and conclusion resulting from this fieldwork are discussed in the

following chapter.

88

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

The investigation into Molino Mills began as a class project, when the extant remains

located adjacent to Mission San Joseph de Escambe were then unidentified. The class project

entailed combing through numerous archives to pinpoint the mill’s identity. Four possibilities

for the mill’s identity were uncovered: the Cooper Mill, Molino Mills, the Molino Lumber and

Brick Company, and the Jacobi Lumber Company. The only mill which corresponded with a

mission location, however, was that of Molino Mills. With its identity confirmed, the class

project evolved into a thesis. This thesis entailed extensive archival research into a poorly

documented era, terrestrial excavations that revealed a material assemblage consistent with a

Reconstruction Era mill, and a riverine survey that determined if any submerged mill remains

survived the last 130 years. The research design established three distinct goals: to determine the

mill’s boundary and document extant remains, to define the relationship between Molino Mills

and the Escambia River, and, finally, to ascertain the importance of Molino Mills in the West

Florida lumber industry.

Determining the extent of the mill’s footprint by identifying its boundaries at first

appeared to be a minor goal, but, upon a closer inspection of documentary evidence, defining the

boundary became a rather important one. Early in the investigation, the only available

documentary evidence that described the mill was a sketch found in William Dudley Chipley’s

Pensacola (the Naples of America) and its Surroundings Illustrated: New Orleans, Mobile, and

the Resorts of the Gulf Coast.1 The sketch depicts the mill from a vantage point across the river,

looking north. It illustrates the main mill building with accompanying smokestack, lumber

1 Chipley, Pensacola (the Naples of America) and Its Surroundings Illustrated, 30. A copy of this image

can be found in Chapter III (Figure 6).

89

drying racks, wharf structure, log rafts, and two vessels. As such, a shovel test survey was the

most appropriate method to uncover the location of the mill and its extents. The resulting

terrestrial survey provided evidence to support a mill 30m x 60m (98.5ft x 197ft) in dimension,

which closely coincided with dimensions from historical documents.

Shortly following the shovel test survey’s completion, a new document came to light that

described not only the relationship between Molino Mills and the Pensacola Lumber Company,

but also provided an inventory of company assets. The document was a broadside detailing the

Pensacola Lumber Company’s sale at public auction in New York City.2 The broadside lists

numerous buildings for sale, including “One large Steam Saw Mill; 28 Dwelling Houses, and

Furniture in Manager’s house; 1 Store, Blacksmith and Carpenter Shop and Tools; Wharf and

Landing; …1 Grist Mill.”3 This list includes only buildings that are within the community of

Molino, and do not include those outside Molino, such as a store in Whiting, Alabama.

Numerous trips to the Escambia County’s Clerk of Court Archives failed to divulge the location

of these additional structures. Therefore, while the project was successful in identifying the main

sawmill’s position, it failed to identify the location of the additional 30 known structures.

Further archival research may pinpoint a general location of these buildings, and, when followed

by additional shovel testing, could uncover the structures’ exact positions.

A riverine survey aided in determining the relationship between Molino Mills and the

Escambia River. Upon completion of the survey, few documents had been located that described

the Molino waterfront. Two deeds records indicate that river landings once existed on Durants



3 Ibid.

90

Bluff.4 Neither record, however, provided any details concerning layout or size. A layout first

appears in Chipley’s 1877 mill image.5 The image depicts a massive wharf structure, including a

boat house, log rafts, a vessel (possibly a tug), and a barge. Based on the image’s directionality,

extant pilings related to the wharf structure have survived in the Escambia River. The river

conditions were not conducive to a pedestrian survey of this area; therefore, a portion of the river

north of the mill was surveyed.

The riverine survey revealed several structures relating to the Reconstruction Era. These

included a trench or sluiceway in an excellent state of preservation, as well as remains of 32

pilings (16 of which ran in a straight line) and a collapsed dock. Drawings of all the

aforementioned features were recorded. From this scant amount of evidence, it appears that the

mill did, in fact, utilize the river, but archaeological evidence did not reveal to what degree the

mill utilized the river. A major hindrance was that Daniel Sullivan owned a railroad with

connections through Molino that had an extension running into Molino Mills.6 During a

conversation with Dr. John Worth, he revealed that the Colonial Frontiers Fieldschool exposed

archaeological evidence for a railroad bed, but the extents of the bed have yet to be determined.

Daniel Sullivan’s railroad interests and the archaeological evidence do suggest a reliance on

transportation via rail over transportation via the river; however, several documents, recently

uncovered, severely altered this assumption.

4 Escambia County, Deed Book B, 525-526, Escambia County, Deed Book P, 581-585.

5 Chipley, Pensacola (the Naples of America) and Its Surroundings Illustrated, 30.

6 Daniel Sullivan owned Molino Mills from 1878 until the mill’s destruction in 1884.

91

The first document was a Florida broadside advertising the sale of the Pensacola Lumber

Company.7 This document lists riverine structures such as “Wharf and Landing” and “between

30 and 40 thousand Pine Logs, in the stream, together with the Booms.”8 In addition, the

company maintained river-going vessels listed as “One Large Stern-Wheel Steamer” and “7

Skiffs; 1 Yawl Boat.” This document indicates the river’s importance to the mill and elucidates

that the mill did use a boom and wharf structure for floating logs into the mill. The document

also states that Molino Mills is located “on the line of the Pensacola & Louisville Railroad,

whose tracks run into the Mill Yard.”9 This statement insinuates that the railroad was the

primary mode of transporting lumber; however, other documents found in the Dana Sargent

papers suggest otherwise by describing the riverine and maritime influences on Molino Mills.

Dana Sargent owned, along with a few others, a stake in Molino Mills from 1876 until

1881. The collection contains approximately 70 pages of documents and provides, as of yet, the

only known shipping records and personal letters relating to Molino Mills.10

These documents

detail the use of the Escambia River and contain the most comprehensive source of information

pertaining to riverine use by Molino Mills. In a letter from Ale Conn to Dana Sargent, Mr. Conn

asked for permission to break up a raft and re-raft the longest timber before sending the rafts



8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10

The Dana Sargent Papers are located at the P.K. Yonge Library at the University of Florida in

Gainesville, Florida.

92

down river.11

The letter provides one of the only definitive descriptions of rafting procedure at

Molino Mills. In a letter from W.D. Chipley to Dana Sargent, Chipley expresses that Molino

Mills utilized the river for the bulk of their log transportation needs. Furthermore, the mill used

rail only when they could not fill an order through riverine transportation. Chipley adds that the

lumber industry was depressed and that it would be cheaper to ship timber via water, as opposed

to rail.12

Moreover, Chipley appeared angered by Joseph Vaughn’s attempts to steal business

from his railroad by undercutting shipping prices, and stated that Chipley was very interested in

obtaining the mill’s business.13

Two weeks later, Chipley sent another letter to Sargent, this time

making a business proposition. The proposition involved Chipley shipping “all except square

sawn stuff 6 X 6 & upwards.”14

If Sargent agreed to the business proposition, Chipley would

“replace track at once & will give… prompt and faithful service.” Additionally, if given twenty-

four hours’ notice, Chipley offered to pay all fees due to “failure of service.”15

Unfortunately,

this is last known letter between the two individuals; it is not known if Sargent agreed to the deal

or continued to use rail transportation as a secondary means.

In addition to river rafting, the Dana Sargent papers provide evidence for oceangoing

shipping. A wide array of documents including personal letters, broker contracts, cargo lists, and

11

Based on the letters in the Dana Sargent Papers, Ale Conn is likely the superintendent of Molino Mills.

Ale Conn to Dana Sargent November 28, 1876, Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library, University of Florida,


12

W.D. Chipley was a railroad tycoon who built two railroads in the Florida panhandle and even served a

term as Pensacola’s mayor. W.D. Chipley to Dana Sargent August 14, 1877, Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge

Library, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

13

Joseph Vaughn was a boom tender, according to U.S. census records, and likely managed or at least had

many contacts involving riverine shipping. The document insinuates that Vaughn oversaw timber transportation via

the river; therefore, Vaughn was undercutting Chipley by charging cheaper fees for transporting logs.

14

W.D. Chipley to Dana Sargent August 27, 1877, Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library, University of

Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

15

Ibid.

93

schooner schedules suggest shipments that involved at least fifteen different vessels. Timber was

loaded onto both schooners and barks and subsequently transported numerous places, including

Boston, Philadelphia, New York, and Melbourne, Australia.16

Finally, Dana Sargent, in 1876, mentioned that Molino Mills received the tug Water

Witch. The Water Witch was worth approximately $2,737.00.17

Additionally, on June 16, 1877,

a survey of the river indicated that Molino Mills had about 128,000 ft2 of timber in the Escambia

River.18

It would be impossible to quantify the relationship between Molino Mills and the

Escambia River, yet some final conclusions can be deduced. First, based on a few documents

and extant remains, it is apparent that, throughout the mill’s operation, large quantities of logs

were floated into the mill from timber grounds north of the mill. A newspaper article from 1868

describes a log jam caused by Molino Mills: “We are told that the Conecuh and Escambia River,

for a distance of 200 miles, are literally jammed with saw logs, belonging to the Pensacola

Lumber Company, and destined for Molino. Experienced log men estimate their number at not

less than 40,000, or about 9,000,000 feet.”19

No records indicate that felled trees were shipped

by rail or by any other means from timber grounds into Molino Mills. Secondly, records specify

that, at least for a significant portion of the mill’s existence, the river acted as the main

thoroughfare for timber transportation along the Escambia River (at least prior to August 1877).

16

Shipping records and cargo lists found in Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library, University of

Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

17

Dana Sargent note, March 6, 1877, Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library, University of Florida,


18

Specification of old timber in River, June 16, 1877, Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library,

University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

19

“200 Miles of Logs,” The Daily Phoenix, August 25, 1868.

94

Whether this trend continued following Dana Sargent’s tenure as a part owner of the mill

remains unknown. It is likely that, when Daniel Sullivan purchased Molino Mills, he utilized rail

transportation over river (considering he also owned the railway), although no documents

conclusively indicate either way. Finally, the records reveal that timber processed in Molino

Mills was shipped via oceangoing ships to the northeastern United States. No documents

describe timber shipped via rail to the northeast, even though railway connections did exist,

suggesting a reliance on the water over rail transportation.

Additionally, the riverine survey, as well as terrestrial fieldwork, aided to uncover how

Molino Mills and the town of Molino interacted within and upon the maritime landscape. In this

case, the landscape or locale analyzed is Durants Bluff, with Hoyt, Knight, and Ayer selecting

this landform because of its inherent features conducive to a sawmill operation. Durants Bluff

consists of an elevated area that exists immediately adjacent to the river. This elevation allowed

for the mill erected to reside close to the water, yet out of danger from annual water level rises.

The close proximity to the river decreased the distance necessary to transport logs from the river

into the mill. Still, for the mill owners, this close proximity was not small enough, and the

owners or mill manager commissioned the creation of a water-filled trench that allowed for logs

to be floated through the flood plain to a point immediately adjacent to the mill building. The

creation of a trench increased the workers' reliance on the maritime or, in this case, riverine

environment and thus expanded the riverine influence on the mill's culture. Furthermore, an

increased riverine space necessitated the mill manager to hire more raftsmen or individuals to

control the logs while in the trench. A similar increase arose from the mill manager’s erection of

the boom and piling structure, identified during the remote sensing survey and subsequent target

diving on MMM 20 and 21. This structure modified the riverine environment and increased the

95

mill’s reliance on the environment, and thus the maritime influence on the culture, while also

likely increasing profits.

The mill’s location at that point along the Escambia River, in conjunction with the

erection of numerous structures in and on the riverine landscape, transformed that landscape into

a transit point. A transit point exists at “connections with waterways inland and points where

vessel or transportation methods change.”20

Although the area of Durants Bluff, under this

definition, was not a transit point prior to the erection of Molino Mills, it certainly was during its

operation. At the mill, a mecca for riverine activity occurred in which transportation methods

changed from riverine to possibly rail, or continued, albeit in a different form, in the river. A

great deal of documentary evidence exists, such as the census records or the Dana Sargent

papers, that describes logs being floated into the mill or logs and processed timber floated to

Pensacola Bay for subsequent worldwide distribution. In fact, recall that Dana Sargent chose to

become more dependent on Joseph Vaughn and his riverine transport, as opposed to William

Chipley and his rail transport. This may have been for a purely economic reason; however, it

also demonstrates the connection between Molino Mills and the river, thus displaying the

societal maritime influences. Without Molino Mills and the modifications of the riverine

landscape, this area may have remained just another bend in the river instead of an important

economic zone.

The final goal for this project was also difficult to discern and nearly impossible to

quantify. Studies into West Florida’s lumber industry have typically focused on either

antebellum water-powered sawmills or turn-of-the-twentieth-century mill company towns,

leaving a large gap in the history of West Florida’s lumber industry lasting from 1865 until

20

Westerdahl, “The Maritime Cultural Landscape,” 6-7.

96

approximately 1885. Unfortunately, it is exactly during this timeframe when Molino Mills

operated. Although difficult, it is still possible to glean an idea of Molino Mills’ importance to

the industry. One way to establish significance is to examine the value of the mill to the

community of Molino. According to most documents, Molino Mills employed somewhere

between 125-200 men, although a secondary source places this number at 400 employees.21

U.S.

census records indicate that Molino had a population of 260 in 1870 and approximately 310 in

1880.22

An 1869 note written by J.J. Maguire and Thomas Paine places this number closer to

400.23

Depending on the source utilized, the mill employed some 30-100% of the community’s

inhabitants. In addition, most of the other residents of Molino may have been employed in

supporting roles, such as post office employees, grocers, etc. Such numbers attest to the

economic importance, at least locally, of Molino Mills.

Arguably, one of the best methods of examining Molino Mills’ place in the industry

would be to scrutinize the mill’s total output and to determine the proportion of West Florida’s

total lumber output. Unfortunately, in December of 1880, a fire destroyed approximately five

blocks of downtown Pensacola, including the U.S. Customs House, the Escambia County Tax

Collectors Office, and the Pensacola Gazette offices. Shipping records would have been held at

these locations, or possibly at the mill itself. As a result, very few shipping records exist from

the Reconstruction Era. Extant sources have estimated Molino Mills’ annual output at between

21

Armstrong, History of Escambia County, Florida, 116; J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of Molino,

Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915; Brackett, ““The Naples of America,” Pensacola During the Civil

War and Reconstruction,” 58.

22

U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules of the Ninth Census of the United States; U.S. Bureau

of the Census, Population Schedules of the Tenth Census of the United States.

23

J.J. Maguire and Thomas A. Paine to Harrison Reed, 12 July 1869, Governor Harrison Reed Papers.

97

18 and 32 million board feet.24

Documents from the Dana Sargent papers state that, in 1876,

approximately 500,000 board feet were shipped, and, in 1877, the mill shipped 1.5 million board

feet, while an additional 314,000 board feet could not be attributed to a specific year.25

Little data exists concerning West Florida lumber industry’s timber output; therefore, a

comparison with the scant data on Molino Mills’ lumber output is difficult to formulate. Richard

Massey states that, in 1883, Pensacola’s total lumber export was 102,370,000 feet of lumber;

Molino Mills would therefore account for 18-32% of the area’s total annual export.26

According

to John Brackett, a mill operating in Millview, Florida, had a daily output of 35,000 board feet in

1868.27

Brackett estimates Pensacola Lumber Company’s (Molino Mills) daily output at 60,000

board feet, almost double that of Millview’s output.28

Another source indicates that, in 1885, a

large mill in north Florida produced 10 million board feet annually.29

All sources suggest that, in

terms of production, Molino Mills was one of the largest mills in West Florida.

Another possible method to determine the importance of Molino Mills is to examine the

size of the mill itself. Descriptions regarding Molino Mills’ size include one noting that the

24

Armstrong, History of Escambia County, Florida, 116; J.H. Daffin, “The Story of the Town of Molino,

Florida,” The Molino Advertiser, March 26, 1915.

25

Dana Sargent Papers, P.K. Yonge Library, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL.

26

Massey, “A History of the Lumber Industry in Alabama and West Florida, 1880-1914,” 89; Drobney,

Lumbermen and Log Sawyers Life, Labor and Culture in the North Florida Timber Industry, 1830-1930, 32.

27

Millview is located on the Perdido Bay, about 8 miles west of Pensacola. By1868, the Pensacola and

Perdido railway was completed, connecting Millview with Pensacola, and allowing for rail transportation of timber

from Millview to the Port of Pensacola.

28

Brackett, ““The Naples of America,” Pensacola During the Civil War and Reconstruction,” 58-59.

29


1830-1930, 30.

98

“largest producer of freshly cut timber in 1868 was the Pensacola Lumber Company.”30

Another

source calls the mill “one of the largest sawmills in the south.”31

An 1880s estimate states that a

mill needed a capital outlay of $60,000.00 and working capital between $25,000.00 and

$40,000.00.32

One estimate states that Molino Mills was erected at a cost of $200,000.00.33

In

addition, when the mill burned in 1884, it was an $180,000.00 loss.34

In other words, in 1866,

Molino Mills had a capital outlay over three times more than was necessary, insinuating that the

mill was very large.

Jeffrey Drobney states that, shortly following the Civil War, the largest mill in the

Blackwater Bay was located at Bagdad and was owned by the Simpson & Company Lumber

Company. The aforementioned Bagdad Mill produced about 30 million board feet annually.35

Additionally, he describes the largest mill in the Millview area as the Perdido Mill at 175ft x 55ft

and containing a single engine, one gang saw, two circular saws, and six boilers, with a 10-hour

output of 150,000 board feet.36

Molino Mills was documented with a size of 85ft x 206ft and,

based on the archaeological investigation, measures approximately 98.5ft x 197ft.37

Also, the

30


1830-1930, 58.

31


32


33

Hotchkiss, Industrial Chicago The Lumber Interest, 474.

34

“Molino Mills Burned,” The Pensacolian, September 13, 1884.

35


1830-1930, 29-30.

36

Jeffrey Drobney states that, in 1880, the annual output for all mills in Millview (including the Perdido

mill and Abercrombie mill) was 30-40 million board feet. Ibid., 29-30.

37

Smith, Assignee's Sale in Bankruptcy, of Steam Saw Mill, Timber Lands, Stores, Houses and Furniture,


99

mill contained two engines, two double circular saws, one gang, two gang edgers, and eight

boilers.38

If the broadside listing Molino Mills’ characteristics is correct, that would make

Molino Mills the largest sawmill in Northwest Florida during the Reconstruction Era.

Based on size and production estimates, Molino Mills was likely a major player, if not

the major player, in the West Florida lumber industry during the Reconstruction Era. Based on

available documents, Molino Mills’ annual lumber output was one of, if not the largest in West

Florida. Finally, the mill was likely the lynchpin for the community of Molino. A significant

portion of the community would have worked in the mill itself, and another large portion of the

population would likely have worked in occupations that supported either the mill or mill

employees.

While records indicate that Molino Mills played a central role in the West Florida lumber

industry, they do not demonstrate the importance of this study. The mill operated in a difficult

time during reconstruction following the Civil War. It also acted as a prime example of a

transitional sawmill for both the national lumber industry and the lumber industry of Florida. In

regard to the national lumber industry, the industry saw a shift from northeastern and midwestern

forests to southeastern timber lands in the mid-1800s. By 1870, northern timberlands were

completely depleted and a new source of timber was in desperate need. During the late 1800s,

the completion of numerous railroads crisscrossing the South aided in the development of

extremely large sawmill complexes. Molino Mills fits perfectly within this general trend and

exemplifies a transitional mill that was one of the early, large southern sawmills operating before

and shortly after the railroads were completed. Molino Mills’ transitional nature and importance

can also be observed when examining the West Florida lumber industry.

38

Ibid.

100

West Florida prior to the Civil War was typified by small-scale, locally-used timber,

hewn and processed at water-powered mills.39

Following the Civil War, larger steam-powered

mills, such as Molino Mills, were commonplace. At first, these mills utilized riverine

transportation, but, as railroads began to open up virgin timberlands, these mills transformed into

the giant mills typically seen at the beginning of the twentieth century. These early, twentieth-

century mills were company towns and, for all intents and purposes, their own fully independent

communities. Molino Mills likely played a major role in the community of Molino’s prosperity.

A small community existed prior to Molino Mills, but it was not until the community took the

name “Molino” following the erection of Molino Mills that the community prospered.

Additionally, it is possible that Molino Mills represents a precursor to large mill company towns.

Molino was prospering and growing quickly during the time the mill operated. In fact, all

documentary evidence suggests that the town of Molino was named after the mill itself.

Furthermore, during the Reconstruction Era, Molino appears to have no other industrial

development, nor large, job-creating facilities, outside those dedicated to supporting the sawmill

industry. It is impossible to know if, had Molino Mills not burned, the community of Molino

would have turned into a company town. Based on documentary evidence, however, it appears

Molino may have been headed in that direction.

Most studies have focused on what some may deem “glamorous” mill sites, such as early,

often family-run, water powered mills or the easily identifiable large scale company town mills,

leaving a large void in the scientific community’s understanding of West Florida’s lumber

industry. Unfortunately, vast collections containing documents relating to Reconstruction Era

mills in West Florida simply do not exist, but, with a little patience and diligence, a clearer

39

There are some exceptions, such as the larger, water-powered mills in Bagdad and a few early, steam-

powered sawmills.

101

picture of these mills can be obtained. Additionally, archaeological investigations into these

mills reveal little documented and poorly understood aspects of the lumber industry, like log

rafting and riverine resources. This study has attempted to elucidate one particular sawmill,

Molino Mills, demonstrate its significance in West Florida’s lumber industry during the

Reconstruction Era, and reveal the possibility of its role in the evolution of the development of

the milling industry from small, water powered mills to steam powered sawmills, precursors to

the large mill company towns. If nothing else, this study has demonstrated that these sawmills

are significant and worthy of future investigation.

102

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APPENDIX

116

Appendix A

Table of Artifacts Recovered

The following table contains a list of selected artifacts recovered during the shovel test

survey performed at Molino Mills. The data includes only artifacts recovered during the 15

shovel tests conducted specifically for this thesis; therefore, it does not contain any artifacts from

previous investigations, such as those recovered during any of the UWF Colonial Frontier

Fieldschools. In the attempt to make looking through the follow table easier, non-diagnostic

artifacts were excluded. These artifacts included cinder/slag, carbonized wood, non-cultural

sandstone, non-cultural stone, <1/4”scanned, and land snail shell. Additionally, to condense the

table and save space, a number of abbreviations were created, these include 30cm rdm = 30cm

Rim Diameter, btm = bottom (as in cup bottom base), Embd = Embossed, Indet = Indeterminate,

and frag = fragment. A complete list of all artifacts recovered is located at the University of

West Florida’s Archaeology Institute.

117

Prov. Catalog Count Weight (g) Artifact Type Comments

3501 1 1 1 Plain Sand Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3501 2 10 1 Sherdlet <1/2" Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3501 3 2 0.3 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Clear

3501 4 1 0.1 Glass, Indet Plain, Flat, Clear

3501 5 4.5 Indet Metal Frags Iron

3501 6 1 0.7 Nail Frags Iron

3501 7 0.1 Land Snail

3501 8 14 53.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3501 9 12.3 Indet Brick <1/2"

3501 10 1.3 Fired Clay

3501 14 0.1 Indet Object Styrofoam


3502 2 1 0.1 Bottle Glass Plain, Curved, Amber



3502 5 45.2 Mortar

3502 6 35 622.9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3502 7 1 1433.3 Handmade Brick

3502 8 24.4 Indet Brick <1/2"



3503 3 19.9 Indet Brick <1/2"

3503 4 32 7045 Indet Brick >1/2"



3503 7 8.2 Mortar


3504 2 1.5 Indet Metal Frags Pewter

118


3504 3 1 0.6 Nail Frags Iron, Hand Wrought

3504 4 1 1 Nail Frags Iron

3504 5 0.2 Metal Container Iron


3504 7 28.9 Mortar

3504 8 38.6 Mortar

3504 9 1 2123 Indet Brick >1/2"

3504 10 2 1232 Handmade Brick


3504 12 82 6549.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3505 1 1 1.8 Plain Shell Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3505 2 1 1.6 Nail, Whole Iron, 40mm, Machine Made



3505 5 95.1 Indet Brick <1/2"

3505 6 101 1282.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3506 1 1 2.1 Jefferson Roughened var Conecuh Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3506 2 1 0.3 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Light Olive Green

3506 3 2 3.5 Nail, Whole Iron, 38.7mm, Cut



3506 6 5 141 Strap, Metal Iron

3506 7 79 809.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3506 8 101.8 Indet Brick <1/2"


3507 2 5 0.2 Sherdlet <1/2" Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1



119


3507 5 22.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3507 6 15 68.5 Indet Brick >1/2"


3508 2 2 57.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3508 3 1 0.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3508 4 1 0.3 Lithic Chunk Granite

3509 1 0.1 Shell, Indet


3509 3 6 52 Indet Brick >1/2"

3509 4 9.6 Indet Brick <1/2"


3510 1 1 0.1 Indet Coarse Eartherware Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3510 2 1 0.1 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Clear, Tooled


3510 4 1.7 Indet Metal Frags Lead


3510 6 1 0.8 Tack, Metal Iron

3510 7 3 2 Nail Frags Iron, Cut

3510 8 0.1 Indet Metal Frags Bronze



3510 11 0.1 Reptile bone

3510 12 0.1 Fish Spine

3510 13 75 Mortar

3510 14 238.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3510 15 236 6616.1 Indet Brick >1/2"



120



3510 19 25 33.8 Lithic Chunk Chert

3510 21 5.5 Coal


3511 2 1 1.1 Tack, Metal Iron, 17.5mm, Hand Wrought


3511 4 1 0.1 Land Snail


3511 6 7.3 Mortar

3511 7 92 6014.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3511 8 75 Indet Brick <1/2"



3511 12 11.7 Coal


3512 2 1 1.6 Nail Frags Iron, Cut





3512 7 25 1028.3 Indet Brick >1/2"

3512 8 42 Indet Brick <1/2"

3512 9 11 26 Lithic Chunk Granite

3512 10 3.7 Mortar

3512 13 2.2 Coal

3512 14 0.9 Unmodified Clay

3513 1 1 0.1 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Soda Lime

3513 2 1 7.5 Bottle Glass Plain, Curved, Clear, Cup btm

121



3513 4 2 0.4 Wine Bottle Glass Plain, Curved, Light Olive Green


3513 6 1 0.1 Shot, Metal Lead, 3.6mm Diameter, Cast


3513 8 1 6.9 Nail, Whole Iron, 77mm, Cut



3513 11 0.1 Flat Iron, Metal Iron

3513 12 8.1 Mortar

3513 13 189 10471.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3513 14 129.1 Indet Brick <1/2"

3513 15 1 937.3 Handmade Brick "J Gonzalez"





3513 22 0.1 Coal


3514 1 3 5.7 Walnut Roughened var McKee Island Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3514 2 2 1.4 Incised Sand Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3514 3 2 1.2 Plain Grit Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 2


3514 5 1 0.1 Flake, Lithic Flint/Chert

3514 6 4 0.1 Flake, Lithic Chert

3514 7 0.1 Fishbone, Indet

3514 8 0.1 Fulgurite

3514 9 3.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

122


3514 10 5 5.2 Indet Brick >1/2"


3515 2 1 1.6 Incised Shell Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3515 3 1 8.1 Escambia Roughened var Escambia Indet form, Straight Rim, 30cm rdm, MVC: 1

3515 4 3 1.1 Plain Shell/Sand Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1


3515 6 1 0.3 Flake, Lithic Coastal Plain Chert

3515 7 2 Fired Clay

3515 9 1 0.2 Flake, Lithic Sandstone


3516 2 2 0.9 Plain Sand Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3516 3 1 3 Plain Grit Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1


3516 5 1 0.1 Flake, Lithic Chert

3516 6 1.2 Indet Brick <1/2"

3517 1 1 10.2 Check Stamp Grit Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3517 2 1 3.4 Pensacola Incised, variety unspecified Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3517 3 1 10.6 Weeden Island Plain Indet form, Thickened Rim, MVC: 1



3517 6 1 10.3 Indet Brick >1/2"

3517 7 0.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3519 1 1 5.6 Bottle Glass Plain, Curved, Clear, Machine Made


3519 3 1 0.9 Glass, Indet Plain, Flat, Purple


3519 5 1 0.1 Tack, Metal Iron, 12.1mm


123


3519 7 3 0.7 Shot, Metal Lead, 4.7mm Diameter, Molded

3519 8 1 0.1 Shot, Metal Lead, 3.7mm Diameter, Cast




3519 12 17.2 Mortar


3519 14 387.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3519 15 335 8594 Indet Brick >1/2"

3519 16 1.2 Coal




3520 4 31 175 Indet Brick >1/2"

3520 5 20.1 Indet Brick <1/2"

3520 6 40 19.1 Lithic Chunk

3521 1 1 4.9 Machine Part, Metal Indet


3521 3 1 41.9 Nail, Whole Iron


3521 5 1 2 Button, Metal Pewter

3521 6 0.1 Gastropod, Indet

3521 7 51.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3521 8 77 1582.3 Indet Brick >1/2"


3521 11 0.6 Coal

3522 1 4.6 Indet Metal Frags Pewter


124


3522 3 1 26.4 Nail Frags 59.7mm

3522 4 273 Mortar

3522 5 77 9403.8 Indet Brick >1/2"

3522 6 54.3 Indet Brick <1/2"


3522 10 1 1080.7 Lithic Chunk Sandstone

3522 11 8 Wood Sample





3523 5 134 8098 Indet Brick >1/2"


3523 7 102.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3523 8 544.9 Mortar






3524 6 15.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3524 7 29 4165.6 Indet Brick >1/2"





3525 4 15.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3525 5 27 504 Indet Brick >1/2"

125




3525 8 57.3 Coal


3528 1 3 24.7 Bottle Glass Curved, White, Molded

3529 1 18.6 Wood Sample


3530 2 1 30.7 Spike, Metal Iron



3533 3 4 Indet Metal Frags Iron


3533 5 14 68.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3533 6 24.9 Indet Brick <1/2"


3534 2 1 0.1 Flake, Lithic Quartz

3534 3 5 15.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3534 4 4.3 Indet Brick <1/2"




3538 2 4 1.2 Glass, Indet Plain, Flat, Soda Lime




3538 6 0.2 Seed, Indet

3538 7 1 0.1 Land Snail

3538 8 5 6.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

126


3538 9 6 Indet Brick <1/2"



3540 2 1 0.4 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Patinized

3540 3 1 0.1 Flake, Lithic Tallahatta Quartzite


3540 5 5.9 Indet Brick <1/2"





3541 4 3 9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3541 5 5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3542 1 0.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3543 2 0.1 Coal

3544 1 1 11 Nail, Whole Iron, 83mm

3545 1 1 20 Wood Sample

3548 1 1 434.7 Rod, Metal Iron

3548 2 1 363 Rod, Metal Iron





3549 5 1 0.4 Shot, Metal Lead, 4.3mm Diameter, Molded


3549 7 10 2.3 Screen, Metal Brass

3549 8 3 0.2 Tack, Metal Iron

3549 9 1 1.1 Screen, Metal Iron

127




3549 12 0.1 Bone, Indet


3549 14 329.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3549 15 170 1524.5 Indet Brick >1/2"


3549 18 8.1 Coal

3550 1 1 4 Jefferson Check-stamped, variety Leon Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3550 2 1 1.2 Chattahoochee Roughened var Chattahoochee Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1



3550 5 1 0.2 Hardware Screw, Metal Brass



3550 8 69 1080 Indet Brick >1/2"

3550 9 149.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3551 1 7 33.8 Indet Brick >1/2"

3551 2 5.6 Indet Brick <1/2"



3553 3 29 1495.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3553 4 33.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3553 5 10.1 Concrete


3554 2 1 44.5 Nail, Whole Iron, 117mm



128


3554 5 0.3 Nail, Whole Brass

3554 6 0.3 Bone, Indet

3554 7 8.4 2043.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3554 8 136.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3554 9 47 Concrete

3555 1 2 1 Nail, Whole Iron




3555 5 17 151.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3555 6 34.6 Indet Brick <1/2"


3556 4 0.7 Indet Metal Frags Brass



3556 7 12 141.8 Indet Brick >1/2"

3556 8 12.2 Indet Brick <1/2"

3556 9 7 1.3 Nail, Whole Iron, Cut


3557 1 1 140 Hardware Chain, Metal Iron


3558 1 2 1 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Clear






3558 7 2 0.1 Shot, Metal Lead, 4mm Diameter, Cast

129





3558 11 24 3301.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3558 12 80.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3558 14 0.5 Coal

3558 18 1 0.1 Indet Object Rubber



3560 3 1 709.9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3560 4 5 131.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3560 5 5.3 Indet Brick <1/2"


3562 2 1 15 Plain Grog Tempered Bowl, Straight Rim, MVC: 1





3562 7 3.7 Indet Brick <1/2"





3563 5 1 0.2 Burnished Shell Tempered, Plain Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

3563 6 1 2.2 Burnished Shell Tempered, Plain Indet form, Straight Rim, MVC: 1


3563 8 1.9 Indet Brick <1/2"


130


3564 2 1 0.8 Plain Sand Tempered Indet form, Straight Rim, MVC: 1






3568 3 15 225 Indet Brick >1/2"

3568 4 20.7 Indet Brick <1/2"




3569 4 1 Indet Metal Frags Brass


3569 6 19 128.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3569 7 9.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3569 11 0.2 Indet Object Plastic

3570 1 1 3.4 Plain Shell Tempered Indet form, Straight Rim, MVC: 1



3570 5 3 7.1 Indet Brick >1/2"

3570 6 10.9 Indet Brick <1/2"





3571 5 0.8 Concretion


3572 2 1 2 Moundville Incised, variety Snow's Bend Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1

131










3576 1 2 36.2 Indet Brick >1/2"




3577 4 3 Indet Metal Frags




3577 8 978.6 Handmade Brick

3577 9 8 403.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3577 10 46.9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3577 13 0.6 Coal

3577 16 1 1192.1 Indet Brick >1/2"

3578 1 1 262.3 Tack, Metal Iron, Hand Wrought







132




3578 10 1 1 Nail, Whole Lead

3578 11 156 3504.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3578 12 263.8 Indet Brick <1/2"



3578 15 1 774.7 Indet Brick >1/2"



3578 20 19 Coal

3578 25 0.1 Indet Object Fabric

3578 26 1 768.6 Indet Brick >1/2"




3578 30 1 996.5 Indet Brick >1/2"








3579 3 1 6.6 Nail, Whole Iron, 63mm

3579 4 1 18.5 Trim, Metal Iron


3579 6 112 7333.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

133


3579 7 154.8 Indet Brick <1/2"





3579 14 1.6 Coal

3579 16 1 0.6 Chunk, Lithic Utilized Quartz



3579 20 1 686.8 Indet Brick >1/2"




3580 3 48 1048.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3580 4 57.1 Indet Brick <1/2"




3580 11 693.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3580 12 1 746.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3580 13 1 1038.7 Indet Brick >1/2"






3581 6 281.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3581 7 260 6470.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

134





3581 11 0.1 Hardware Ring, Metal



3581 18 1 1275.3 Indet Brick >1/2"

3581 19 1 490.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3581 20 1 1069.9 Indet Brick >1/2"


3582 2 1 0.4 Chattahoochee Roughened var Chattahoochee Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1



3582 5 406 5164.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3582 6 253.3 Indet Brick <1/2"

3582 7 1 1130 Handmade Brick "J Gonzalez"





3582 16 1 1442.1 Indet Brick >1/2"



3582 19 1 777.3 Indet Brick >1/2"


3582 21 1 713 Indet Brick >1/2"



135


3583 3 1 8.9 Plain Whiteware Cup, Straight Rim, 10cm rdm, MVC: 1

3583 4 1 0.1 Lead Glaze Coarse Earthenware Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1






3583 10 538 6838.8 Indet Brick >1/2"

3583 11 327.4 Indet Brick <1/2"





3583 20 0.1 Indet Object Rubber

3583 21 1 421.6 Indet Brick >1/2"







3584 1 1 18.8 Hardware Ring, Metal Iron



3584 4 40 848.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3584 5 70.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3585 1 68.3 Indet Brick <1/2"

3585 2 49 1022 Indet Brick >1/2"

136











3590 4 1.6 Indet Brick <1/2"




3591 3 5 10.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3591 4 12.1 Indet Brick <1/2"

3591 5 3.5 Coal


3592 2 1.2 Indet Brick <1/2"



3593 1 1 0.2 Bottle Glass Embd, Curved, Clear, Molded

3593 2 18 796.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3593 3 40.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3594 1 2 4.6 Plain Shell Tempered Indet form, Straight Rim, MVC: 1



3594 4 4.6 Nail, Whole Brass


137



3594 7 55.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3594 8 51 1394.3 Indet Brick >1/2"



3594 13 0.3 Coal




3598 3 3 14.4 Indet Brick >1/2"

3598 4 9.5 Indet Brick <1/2"




3599 1 1 0.6 Plain Grog Tempered Indet form, Flat Rim, MVC: 1







3599 8 2 1.2 Nail, Whole Copper, Machine Made



3599 11 1 0.1 Graphite Graphite

3599 12 75 655 Indet Brick >1/2"

3599 13 86 Indet Brick <1/2"


138


3600 2 1 0.3 Flake, Lithic Quartzite


3600 4 2.1 279 Indet Brick >1/2"

3600 5 19.8 Indet Brick <1/2"




3601 4 4 21.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3601 5 2.3 Indet Brick <1/2"







3604 7 0.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3605 1 1 1.4 Alachua Cob Marked Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1





3605 6 2 11.5 Trim, Metal Iron, Cut

3605 7 1 5 Nail, Whole Iron, 62.4mm, Cut


3605 9 15 23 Nail Frags Iron, Cut




139



3605 14 20 122 Indet Brick >1/2"

3605 15 35.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3605 16 41.6 Mortar

3605 17 0.2 Coal


3606 2 0.2 Indet Brick <1/2"

3607 1 1 2 Hardware Screw, Metal Iron, 40.5mm, Machine Made

3607 2 1 2.4 Nail, Whole Iron, 55.5mm, Machine Made




3607 6 6 28.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3607 7 24.3 Indet Brick <1/2"



3608 3 181.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3608 4 37 146.9 Indet Brick >1/2"



3609 3 11 22.2 Nail Frags Cut




3609 7 424.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3609 8 248 731.5 Indet Brick >1/2"



140


3610 2 1.2 Indet Brick <1/2"


3611 3 3.4 Indet Brick <1/2"

3611 7 3.1 Plastic Bag Plastic


3612 2 0.9 Indet Metal Frags Iron, Machine Made

3612 3 3 314.9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3612 4 3.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3613 1 1 384.1 Bottle Glass, Flask Embd, Curved, Clear, Cup btm, Iridescent

3614 1 0.1 Fossil

3614 2 2 16.4 Indet Metal Frags Iron, Machine Made

3614 3 1 Indet Metal Frags Iron

3614 4 10.9 Indet Brick <1/2"

3614 5 14 152.5 Indet Brick >1/2"













3619 5 1 1.2 Staple, Metal Iron

3619 6 8 53.7 Indet Metal Frags Iron, Cut

141




3619 9 1 0.1 Lithic Chunk Flint, Gray

3619 10 78 265.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3619 11 108 Indet Brick <1/2"







3622 5 13 126.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3622 6 38 Indet Brick <1/2"

3622 12 1 0.2 Glass, Indet Plain, Flat, Soda Lime


3623 1 1 15.1 Concretion


3623 3 1 0.1 Shot, Metal Lead, 3.6mm Diameter, Dropped

3623 4 3.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3624 1 1 10.8 Nail, Whole Iron, 60.5mm


3624 3 1.8 Indet Brick <1/2"



3625 3 2 0.4 Hardware Ring, Metal Iron


3625 5 19 56.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3625 6 30.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

142


3626 1 1 0.6 Button, Metal Iron

3626 2 1 25.9 Spike, Metal Iron, 96.8mm




3626 6 15 36 Indet Brick >1/2"

3626 7 15.5 Indet Brick <1/2"



3627 3 2 5.5 Indet Brick >1/2"




3628 4 8 57.9 Indet Brick >1/2"

3628 5 12.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3629 1 1 25.4 Nail, Whole Iron, 115.3mm





3629 6 9 255.3 Indet Brick >1/2"

3629 7 17.2 Indet Brick <1/2"




3630 4 25 335.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

3630 5 31.9 Indet Brick <1/2"


143



3631 3 67 1710.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3631 4 55.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3631 5 0.2 Coal



3632 3 13 469.6 Indet Brick >1/2"

3632 4 36.8 Indet Brick <1/2"

3633 1 1 0.7 Plain Shell Tempered Indet form, Flared/Excurvate Rim, MVC: 1



3633 4 2 3.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3633 5 4.2 Indet Brick <1/2"

3634 1 1 0.1 Fossil

3635 1 1 79.8 Wood Sample



3636 3 2.9 Indet Brick <1/2"

3637 1 1 3.2 Nail, Whole Lead



3637 4 2.5 Indet Brick <1/2"


3639 2 0.4 Indet Brick <1/2"




3641 1 1 6.5 Indet Brick >1/2"

144


3642 1 1 0.1 Lithic Chunk Flint, Gray



3642 4 0.2 Indet Brick <1/2"

3644 1 1 20.1 Strap, Metal Iron

3645 1 1 21.1 Bottle Glass Embd, Curved, Aqua, Molded

3646 1 37 337.7 Indet Brick >1/2"

3646 2 38.5 Indet Brick <1/2"

3647 1 1 0.1 Shot, Metal Lead, 3mm Diameter, Dropped



3647 4 3 20.1 Indet Brick >1/2"

3647 5 4.5 Indet Brick <1/2"


3648 2 1 0.2 Glass, Indet Plain, Curved, Amber






3648 8 39 39.8 Wire, Metal Iron


3648 11 10 1401.1 Indet Brick >1/2"

3648 12 33.7 Indet Brick <1/2"

3648 13 3119 Concretion




145


3649 4 1 203.2 Spike, Metal Iron, 133.5mm, Cut




3649 8 5 48 Wire, Metal Iron

3649 9 1 6.9 Hardware Screw, Metal Iron



3649 12 2 1449.3 Bolt, Metal Iron, 209.8mm


3649 14 44 150.2 Indet Brick >1/2"

3649 15 70.6 Indet Brick <1/2"

3649 16 72.8 Fired Clay

3649 18 1671 Concretion

3650 1 7 0.2 Sherdlet <1/2" Indet form, Body Sherd, , MVC: 1

3650 2 1 242.4 Bolt, Metal Iron






3650 8 165.2 Indet Brick <1/2"



3650 11 153 2009.3 Indet Brick >1/2"

3650 13 0.7 Coal



146



3651 4 144 3800 Indet Brick >1/2"

3651 5 157.8 Indet Brick <1/2"


3652 2 116 2004 Indet Brick >1/2"


3652 4 125.8 Indet Brick <1/2"








3658 1 0.7 Indet Metal Frags Iron, 47.8mm







3659 7 13 136.8 Indet Brick >1/2"

3659 8 17 Indet Brick <1/2"

3660 1 3 22.9 Check Stamp Sand/Grit Tempered Indet form, Body Sherd, MVC: 1





147




3661 3 1.4 Indet Brick >1/2"
