mohamed lahrouchi cnrs & university paris 8...strict cv model (lowenstamm 1996, scheer 2004))....
TRANSCRIPT
![Page 1: Mohamed Lahrouchi CNRS & University Paris 8...Strict CV model (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004)). Tashlhiyt Taqjmit krf tikkarfjurf 'tie' i-ksudˁ tikkasdˁjusdˁ 'be afraid' laxbar tixxabrjubr](https://reader033.vdocuments.mx/reader033/viewer/2022051822/5fec6a17618deb6d8d158b8f/html5/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Mohamed Lahrouchi
CNRS & University Paris 8
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• Lexical and morpho-syntactic categories in TB: Ø Root: a stem minus any derivational affix. A category still under debate,
especially with regard to its segmental composition (exclusively consonantal?).
Ø Stem: a word minus any inflectional affix.
Ø Derivational affix: an affix that attaches to a root (a noun or a verb for those rejecting the root as a lexical unit), assigns a morphosyntactic category and/or changes the meaning.
Ø Inflexional affix: obligatory affixes which do not change the category of the word, used primarily to mark person, number and gender in verbs and number, gender and state (free/construct) in nouns.
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§ Word derivation in Berber makes extensive use of non-concatenative operations (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1992, Lahrouchi 2010, Bensoukas 2001, Lahrouchi 2008, 2010, etc.).
§ Standard theories claim that words are decomposed into consonantal roots combined with other morphological units (cf. among others McCarthy 1979, Prunet et al. 2000, Frost et al. 2000).
§ Alternative theories hold that whole words are stored in the lexicon and that they are derived from other words (cf. among others Hammond 1988, Ratcliffe 1987, Ussishkin 1999 and Dell & Elmedlaoui 1992).
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§ Various attempts to define the root in Berber and Semitic: - What is a root made of?
- What is its role in word formation processes?
§ In Indo-European languages, the root corresponds to the smallest meaningful lexical unit that a set of items share.
• Roots are assumed to contain both consonants and vowels:
e.g. reason, reasoning, reasonable share {reason}
receive, deceive, perceive, conceive share {ceive}
cranberry, huckleberry / blueberry, strawberry
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§ {ceive}, {cran} and {huckle} are bound roots that can neither be assigned a specific meaning nor function as independent words (see Aronoff 1976, Spencer 1991).
• In Semitic languages, semantically and morphologically related words are traditionally described as sharing a common root that consists entirely of consonants, combined with other morphemes. • In Classical Arabic, katab ‘he wrote’, kattab ‘he made write’, ka:tab ‘he
corresponded’, ka:tib ‘writer’ and maktab ‘office’ share the root {ktb}.
• In Modern Hebrew, tasmir ‘handout’, méser ‘message’, masar ‘pass on’ and mimsar ‘relay’ share the three consonants {msr}.
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• In Berber (including Tashlhiyt),
• krz ‘plough’, ikrz ‘he ploughed’, amkraz ‘ploughman’, and tayrza ‘ploughing’ the root {k,r,z}.
§ dl ‘cover’, addal ‘scarf’, imdl ‘lid’ and amdlu ‘cloud’ share the root {dl}.
§ This leads to the assumption that the lexicon of the Afroasiatic languages consists mainly of consonantal roots (Greenberg 1955, Diakonoff 1970).
§ Associated with templates, they allow deriving various verbal and nominal forms.
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• In Semitic, the consonantal root dates back to medieval grammarians such as Sibawayh and Ibn Jinni.
• They used the triconsonantal {fʕl} ‘do’ as a model for derivation.
• Within Autosegmental Phonology, the consonantal root has acquired a morphological status expressed through multi-tiered representations where the root consonants lie on a distinct tier (McCarthy 1979, 1981).
• Associated with vocalic melodies and affixes to specific templates, they derive various verbal forms.
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Classical Arabic verbal forms (McCarthy 1979, 1981):
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§ Classical Arabic katab 'he wrote' / kaːtab 'he corresponded' / nkasar 'it broke'
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• Further evidence for the existence of the consonantal root is found in word games and language impairment:
• Word games
Classical Arabic: kattab > battak, kabbat, tabbak…(McCarthy 1981: 379, 1991:12)
Moroccan Arabic: walu / lawu ’nothing’, raʒəl / ʒarəl ’man’ (Berjaoui 1997)
Tashlhiyt Berber: skr ‘do’ > tissakrjukr / iksud ‘he is afraid’ > tikkasdjusd.
• Language impairment (Prunet et al. 2000, Idrissi et al. 2008)
ʔiħ-t-imaːl > ʔiħtilaːm ‘probability’, ma-sbaħ > ma-ħbas ’swimming pool’
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• Alternative theories, couched for the most part within the Optimality Theoretic framework (Prince & Smolensky 1993), reject the consonantal root and instead suggest that words are derived from other words "surface-based derivations" (Bat-El 1994, Ussishkin 1999, Bensoukas 2001).
• See also stem and word-based theories other than OT (Hammond 1988, Ratcliffe 1997, and Dell & Elmedlaoui 1992).
• The consonantal root is an abstract morpheme, which never surfaces as such (i.e. without vowels).
• In Tashlhiyt Berber, root consonants can surface without any vowel (e.g. skr ‘do’, lkm ‘arrive’, krf ‘tie’).
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• Learnability issues: Complex and abstract systems are commonly considered difficult to learn, since they require more decisions from the learner (Dresher 1999).
• Learners face difficulties using the consonantal root in word formation; words make the learning process easier (Bat-El 2003:45).
• The consonantal root fails to account for prosodic transfer: Hebrew: flirt / flirtet, faks / fikses (Bat-El 1994, Ussishkin 1999).
Classical Arabic: miljuːn (sg) / malaːjiːn (pl)
ʒundub (sg) / ʒanaːdib ‘grasshopper
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§ Berber: gzzr / agzzar ‘butcher’, bbʒˤ / ubbiʒˤ ‘trampling’.
§ Dell & Elmedlaoui (2002:35) : "Derived forms preserve as much as possible the length of the consonants in the source forms."
• OT reinterprets the internal morphological operations in terms of concatenative operations, using Alignment constraints (Generalized Alignment, McCarthy & Prince 1994).
• Prosodic Circumscription (McCarthy & Prince 1994), captured by means of authentic units of prosody (mora, syllable, foot, prosodic word):
e.g. raml (sg) ‘sand’ / rima:l (pl), sultˤa:n ‘Sultan’ / sal:atˤi:n.
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• Languages games: evidence for the root as an abstract unit of morphological analysis in Tashlhiyt Berber.
• Two secret languages used by women in Tashlhiyt Berber:
a. Taqjmit (Lahrouchi & Ségéral 2009), Isouktane south-west Morocco
b. Tagnawt (data from Douchaïna 1996, 1998), Tiznit south-west Morocco.
• Users of these languages have access to abstract levels of representation.
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• Users are able to extract only root consonants from words and use them as an input to derivation.
• Affixes and vowels are dropped.
• The morphological operations used to disguise words are captured as the direct result of the association of a consonantal root to a fixed-shape template (made of a sequence of CV units, Strict CV model (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004)).
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Tashlhiyt Taqjmit
krf tikkarfjurf 'tie'
i-ksudˁ tikkasdˁjusdˁ 'be afraid'
laxbar tixxabrjubr 'news'
Tashlhiyt Tagnawt
skr ajssakrwakr 'do'
i-ksudˁ ajkkasdˤwasdˤ 'be afraid'
n-sˁbr ajssˁabrwabr 'we endure'
ta-frux-t ajffarxwarx 'girl'
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• Only the consonantal material of Tashlhiyt forms is kept in the disguised forms.
• The vocalic material is replaced in the disguised forms by a default vocalism : I A U (Taqjmit), A (Tagnawt).
• Affixes : aj- is prefixed and -wa- inserted in all Tagnawt forms
ti- and -ju- in all Taqjmit forms
• In case the root contains less than three consonants, the lacking material is supplied by epenthetic t in Tagnawt, i in both Tagnawt and Taqjmit.
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Two main observations
Only root consonants
are extracted
Taqjmit ti R1R1 a R2 R3 ju R2 R3
Tagnawt aj R1R1 a R2 R3 wa R2 R3
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§ Say it twice in one word!
k sˤ dˤ
C v C v [C v] C v C v – C v [C v] C v C v
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§ Say it twice in one word!
k sˤ dˤ
C v C v [C v] C v C v – C v [C v] C v C v
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§ Say it twice in one word!
k sˤ dˤ
C v C v [C v] C v C v – C v [C v] C v C v
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§ Say it twice in one word!
k sˤ dˤ
C v C v [C v] C v C v – C v [C v] C v C v
t i a j u
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§ Tashlhiyt Berber morphology is "mainly" root-based.
§ Templates determine the surface forms of the root.
§ Verb derivation: § Geminated imperfective (see session #3).
§ Causative verbs
§ Reciprocal verbs
§ Causative + reciprocal / reciprocal + causative.
§ Noun derivation § Agentive nouns, action nouns
§ Free/Construct State.
§ Templatic competition (Lahrouchi 2013, 2018)
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§ Agentive nouns (Bensoukas 2001, 2012; Jebbour 1996)
§ The category is defined on the basis of morphological rather than strictly semantic similarity.
§ Morphologically, ANs are formed by means of a derivational prefix m-, preceded by an inflectional vowel (generally a-).
§ Semantically, they refer to the doer of the action expressed by the corresponding verb.
§ Some ANs may refer to the undergoer of the action (e.g. ls 'wear' > timlsit 'clothes', ns 'spend the night' > imnsi 'diner', kl 'spend the day' > imkli 'lunch', ʁr 'call, read' > tamʁra 'wedding').
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Verb Agentive noun
a. 'graze' ks amksa
'live' zdʁ amzdaʁ
'help' aws amawas
'be ill' adˤn amadˤun
b. 'hunt' gʷmr angʷmar
'follow' dˤfrˤ andˤfurˤ 'stand' bidd anbdad
'harvest' mgr anmgar
Ø Prefixation of m-, preceded by the nominal marker a-.
Ø Insertion of a vowel after C2 (a or u)
Ø Dissimilation m > [n] when the stem contains a labial consonant.
Ø Also found in reciprocal verbs.
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Verb Action noun
'sort' frn afran
'untie' fsi afssaj
'scratch' bri abraj
'read' ʁr tiʁri
'drink' su tissi
'see' zˤrˤ izˤrˤi 'pick up' gru tigri
'be fat' dˤni tidˤni
Ø Morphological irregularity. Ø Generally, prefixed a-
(nominal marker) + infixed a- after C2.
Ø Or circumfixed i-…-i Ø These makers can be found in
other (non-action) nouns: E.g. argaz 'man', afgan 'people', abnnaj 'builder'.
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Free State Construct State
MS FM MS FM
a. a-frux t-a-frux-t u-frux t-frux-t 'boy'
a-maziʁ t-a-maziʁ-t u-maziʁ t-maziʁ-t 'Amazigh'
a-funas t-a-funas-t u-funas t-funas-t 'ox /cow'
a-tbir tatbir-t u-tbir t-tbir-t 'pigeon'
a-gadir t-a-gadir-t u-gadir t-gadir-t 'castel'
b. adgal t-adgal-t w-adgal t-adgal-t 'widowed'
adˤu - w-adˤu - 'wind'
isk t-isk-t isk t-isk-t 'horn'
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• FS a- alternates with CS u- in the masculine forms ; but with CS Ø in the feminine forms
• {t-,-t} mark feminine.
• From the masculine forms, we may assume that a- marks FS, u- CS.
• If this is the case, why does u- not appear in the feminine CS too?
§ Masculine plural i- remains unchanged in the FS and CS, as opposed to plural feminine where the vowel is dropped in CS form (e.g. ifrxan 'boys' vs tifrxin (FS) / tfrxin (CS) 'girls').
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• State alternations reflect the position of the NP in the syntactic structure.
• In VSO clauses, subject NPs directly following the verb appear in the CS form, while in SVO order they show a FS form :
a. iʃʃa wfrux aʁrum
eat: preterit 3ms boy.cs-nom bread.fs-acc
'The boy ate bread'
b. afrux iʃʃa aʁrum
boy.cs-nom eat:preterit 3ms bread.fs-acc
'The boy ate bread'
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• In the passive, NPs always appear in the CS form:
ittʃa wʁrum
eat: passive 3ms bread.cs
'Bread was eaten’
iʃʃa aʁrum
eat: preterit 3ms bread.fs
'he ate bread'
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• NP complements of light prepositions such as s 'with, by', d 'and' and ʁ 'in' appear in the CS form:
a. aʁrum /n ufrux/ → [u:frux]
bread-fs of boy-cs
'The boy’s bread’
b. iʃʃa tammnt s uʁrum
ate:3ms sg honey-fs with bread-cs
'He ate honey with bread'
c. iga tammnt ʁ uʁrum
put: preterit 3ms sg honey-fs in bread-cs
'He put honey on bread'
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§ Distribution of markers
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Works on State alternations in Berber:
• Syntactic analyses: Achab (2003), El Moujahid (1997), Ennaji (2001), Guerssel (1992, 1995), Ouhalla (1988, 1996).
• Phonological : Bader & Kenstowicz (1987), Dell & Jebbour (1991)
• Interface phonology / syntax: Bendjaballah & Haiden (2008), Lahrouchi (2013), El Hankari (2014).
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• Why is the CS marker u- absent in the Feminine form?
• Why does u- never occur with the FM marker t-?
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• Is the u- / Ø- alternation really allomorphic ?
• What is inherently allomorphic in the CS is the u-/w- alternation:
FS CS
a. argaz urgaz ‘man’
afrux ufrux ‘boy’
b. akal wakal ‘ground’
adgal wadgal ‘widowed’
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• What kind of operation allows only the FM marker to be spelled out in feminine CS forms?
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• What kind of operation allows only the FM marker to be spelled out in feminine CS forms?
To be continued!
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• Alderete, John, Jebbour, Abdelkrim, Kachoub, Bouchra & Holly Wilbee. 2015. Tashlhiyt Berber grammar synopsis. Manuscript, Simon Fraser University.
§ Dell, François & Mohamed Elmedlaoui. 2002. Syllables in Tashlhiyt Berber and in Moroccan Arabic. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
§ Lahrouchi, Mohamed (2013). Templates, markers and syntactic structure in Tashlhiyt Berber. Lingua 133: 53-72.
§ Lahrouchi, Mohamed (2018). The left edge of the word in the Berber derivational morphology. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 3(1): 1-25.
§ Lowenstamm, Jean. 1996. CV as the only syllable type, Current Trends in Phonology: Models and Methods, Volume 2, ed. by Jacques Durand and Bernard Laks. Salford: European Studies Research Institute, University of Salford. Pp. 419-441.
§ Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in Generative Grammar. Rutgers Unversity Center for Cognitive Science Technical Report 2.
• Ridouane, Rachid. 2016. Leading issues in Tashiyt phonology. Language and Linguistics Compass 10: 644-660.