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1. Security Advisor Rice on American Leadership, Collective Action (06-11-2014)

2. Russian Action Creates New Paradigm in Europe, Breedlove Says (06-10-2014)

3. State’s Rose on Security of Space Environment (06-10-2014)

4. Breedlove: New Afghan President Will Be Willing Partner (06-10-2014)

5. Hagel Meets with French Defense Minister Le Drian (06-07-2014)

6. Obama: Normandy was ‘Democracy’s Beachhead’ (06-06-2014)

7. United in Support for Ukraine, Obama Says (06-05-2014)

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1. Security Advisor Rice on American Leadership, Collective Action (06-11-2014) Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice “The Strength of American Leadership, the Power of Collective Action”

Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Annual Conference

Thank you so much Richard for that kind welcome. And, to my good friends and former colleagues— Michele Flournoy and Kurt Campbell— I can’t help but note how well-rested you both look. I’m only a little bitter. Still, I want to thank you for your stellar service to our country

both from inside government and now, again, as leading thinkers on national security.

CNAS, which you founded, does a remarkable job of preparing our next generation of national security leaders. That work is critical, because our nation needs bright, dedicated young women and men who care deeply about our world. We need a diverse pipeline of talent ready and eager to carry

forward the mantle of American leadership. So, thank you all.

As President Obama told West Point’s graduating class two weeks ago, the question is not whether America will lead the world in the 21st century, but how America will lead. No other nation can match the enduring foundations of our strength. Our military has no peer. Our formidable economy

is growing. We are more energy independent each year. Our vibrant and diverse population is demographically strong and productive. We attract hopeful immigrants from all over the world. Our

unrivaled global network of alliances and partnerships makes us the one nation to which the world turns when challenges arise. So, American leadership is and will remain central to shaping a world that is freer, more secure, more just and more prosperous.

PUBLIC AFFAIRS SECTION, U.S. EMBASSY, BRATISLAVA

mer i can Refer ence Center

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY UPDATE

June 5 - 11, 2014

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At West Point, President Obama outlined how America will lead in a world that is more complex and more interdependent than ever before. As we move out of a period dominated by the wars in

Iraq and Afghanistan, we will lead by drawing on every element of our national power. That power starts with our unparalleled military might, used wisely and when necessary to defend America’s

core interests – the security of our citizens, our economy, and our allies. We will lead by strengthening effective partnerships to counter an evolving terrorist threat. We will lead by rallying coalitions and marshaling the resources of our partners to address regional and global challenges.

And, we will lead by standing firm in defense of human dignity and equality, while steering the course of history toward greater justice and opportunity for all.

Today, I’d like to focus on one pillar of that strategy—mobilizing coalitions. Indeed, galvanizing the international community to address problems that no one nation can solve alone is the bread and

butter of our global engagement. And, in many ways, it’s both the hardest and the most important element of how America leads on the world stage.

This concept is not new. Collective action has long been the hallmark of effective American leadership. The United Nations, NATO and our Asian alliances were all built on the foundation of

American strength and American values. American leadership established the Bretton Woods system and supported open markets, spurring a rapid rise in global living standards. Nor is this

approach the province of one political party. It was President Reagan who negotiated the Montreal Protocol, hailed today as our most successful international environmental treaty. President George H.W. Bush insisted on UN backing and assembled a broad coalition before sending American

troops into the Gulf. And, President Clinton led the campaign to enlarge NATO, opening Europe’s door to the very nations who, as Secretary Albright put it, “knocked the teeth out of totalitarianism

in Europe.” Our history is rich with successes won not as a lone nation, but as the leader of many. Now, our approach must meet the new demands of a complex and rapidly changing world. The

architecture that we built in the 20th century must be re-energized to deal with the challenges of the 21st. With emerging powers, we must be able to collaborate where our interests converge but define

our differences and defend our interests where they diverge. Our coalitions may be more fluid than in the past, but the basics haven’t changed. When we spur collective action, we deliver outcomes that are more legitimate, more sustainable, and less costly.

As global challenges arise, we turn first, always, to our traditional allies. When Russia trampled

long-established principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law with its illegal annexation of Crimea, the United States rallied the international community to isolate Russia and impose costs. With American leadership, the world condemned the seizure of Crimea through an

overwhelming vote in the UN General Assembly. We expelled Russia from the G8. Last week, the G7 met for the first time in 17 years, and we continued to concert our approach to Ukraine and other

pressing global challenges. We’ve reinforced the unity of our NATO Alliance and bolstered our commitment to Article 5. President Obama has pledged to invest an additional $1 billion to bolster the security of our Eastern European allies against threats or intimidation. More U.S. Army and Air

Force units are now deployed to Central and Eastern Europe, more American ships patrol the Black Sea, more American planes police the Baltic skies. And, meanwhile, with the support of the

international community, Ukrainians have the chance to write a new chapter in their history. By working in lockstep with the EU and other partners, we imposed sanctions that are biting the

Russian economy. The IMF, the World Bank and private sector estimates all suggest that $100-200 billion in capital will flow out of Russia this year, as investors move their money to more reliable

markets. Russia’s economy contracted in the first quarter, and the IMF has declared that the country

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is likely in recession. Its credit now rates just above junk status. Russia has lost standing, influence, and economic clout by the day. With our closest partners—Europe, the G7 and other key allies —we continue to send a common message: Russia must cease aggression against Ukraine, halt

support for violent separatists in the East, seal the border, and recognize the newly elected Ukrainian government. If Russia does not, it faces the very real prospect of greater pressure and

significant additional sanctions. The speed and unity of our response demonstrates the unique value of America’s leadership.

Unilateral sanctions would not have had the same bite as coordinated efforts with the EU. American condemnations alone do not carry the same weight as the UN General Assembly. Bilateral U.S.

assistance to Ukraine could not match the roughly $15 billion IMF program. And, for our Eastern allies, American security guarantees are most powerful when augmented by NATO’s security umbrella.

The United States’ commitment to the security of our allies is sacrosanct and always backed by the

full weight of our military might. At the same time, we expect our partners to shoulder their share of the burden of our collective security. Collective action doesn’t mean the United States puts skin in the game while others stand on the sidelines cheering. Alliances are a two-way street, especially in

hard times when alliances matter most.

As we approach the NATO summit in Wales this September, we expect every ally to pull its full weight through increased investment in defense and upgrading our Alliance for the future. Europe needs to take defense spending seriously and meet NATO’s benchmark—at least two percent of

GDP—to keep our alliance strong and dynamic. And, just as we reassure allies in the face of Russia’s actions, we must upgrade NATO’s ability to meet challenges to its south—including by

reinforcing the President’s commitment to build the capacity of our counterterrorism partners.

Likewise, our historic alliances in Asia continue to underwrite regional stability, as we move toward a more geographically distributed and operationally resilient defense posture. In the face of North

Korea’s increasing provocations, we’ve developed a tailored deterrence strategy and counter provocation plan with South Korea, and we are updating our defense cooperation guidelines with Japan for the first time in almost two decades. We aim also to deepen trilateral security cooperation

and interoperability, which President Obama made a central focus of his summit with the leaders of Japan and Korea in March and his trip to the region in April.

Improved coordination is a necessity in the Middle East as well. The 35,000 American service

members stationed in the Gulf are a daily reminder of our commitment to the region and clear evidence that the United States remains ready to defend our core interests, whether it’s disrupting

al-Qa’ida or preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. At the same time, we look to our partners, both individually and through the Gulf Cooperation Council, to cooperate on missile defense and develop other critical deterrence capabilities, including in the spheres of counter-piracy,

maritime security, counterterrorism and counter-proliferation.

America will always maintain our iron-clad commitment to the security of Israel, ensuring that

Israel maintains its qualitative military edge and can protect its territory and people. Equally, we consistently defend Israel’s legitimacy and security in the UN and other international fora. In turn, we expect Israel to stand and be counted with the US and other partners on core matters of

international law and principle, such as Ukraine.

Drawing on the strength of our alliances and the reach of our partnerships, the United States’ brings together countries in every region of the world to advance our shared security, expand global

prosperity, and uphold our fundamental values.

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Let me start with our shared security. To responsibly end our war in Afghanistan, President Obama first rallied our NATO allies and ISAF partners to contribute more troops to the coalition, surging

resources and helping Afghan forces take charge of their nation’s security. As we bring America’s combat mission to an end, we’ve enlisted our allies and partners to make enduring commitments to

Afghanistan’s future—so that Afghan Security Forces continue to have the resources they need, and the Afghan people have our lasting support.

Partnership is also the cornerstone of our counter-terrorism strategy designed to meet a threat that is now more diffuse and decentralized. Core al-Qa’ida is diminished, but its affiliates and off-shoots

increasingly threaten the U.S. and our partners, as we are witnessing this week in Mosul. The United States has been fast to provide necessary support for the people and government of Iraq under our Strategic Framework Agreement, and we are working together to roll back aggression

and counter the threat that the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant poses to the people of the region. Yet, as President Obama said at West Point, we must do more to strengthen our partners’ capacity

to defeat the terrorist threat on their home turf by providing them the necessary training, equipment and support. That is why the President is asking Congress for a new Counterterrorism Partnership Fund of up to $5 billion to assist nations on the frontlines of terrorism to fight al-Qa’ida, its

affiliates, and groups that embrace its violent extremist ideology.

To shrink terrorist safe-havens and end civil conflicts, which can be breeding grounds for transnational threats, we continue to lead the international community to strengthen the foundations of peace and security. The U.S. is the largest supporter of UN peace operations, which both reduce

the need to deploy our own armed forces and mitigate the risks that fragile and failed states pose. When violence in South Sudan broke out in December, and the world’s youngest country reached

the brink of all-out war, the United States led the Security Council to augment the UN mission in South Sudan and re-focus it on protecting civilians, while we recruited, trained and equipped additional peacekeepers. Since December, nearly 2,000 more troops have surged into South Sudan,

with approximately another 1,700 expected this month.

In Syria, by contrast, we have seen the failure of the UN Security Council to act effectively, as Russia and China have four times used their vetoes to protect Assad. With fighting escalating, terrorist groups associated with al-Qa’ida are gaining a greater foothold in Syria, the horrific

humanitarian costs are mounting, and the stability of neighboring countries is threatened. So, while Russia and Iran continue to prop up the regime, the United States is working with our partners

through non-traditional channels to provide critical humanitarian assistance and, through the London-11 group, to ramp up our coordinated support for the moderate, vetted Syrian opposition— both political and military.

Yet, even as we strongly oppose Russia on Syria and Ukraine, we continue to work together to

eliminate Assad’s chemical weapons and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. We built an unprecedented sanctions regime to pressure Iran while keeping the door open to diplomacy. As a consequence, working with the P5+1, we’ve halted Iran’s progress toward a nuclear weapon and

rolled it back in key respects. Now, we are testing whether we can reach a comprehensive solution that resolves peacefully the international community’s concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and

bolsters our shared security. In today’s world, the reality is: many transnational security challenges can only be addressed

through collective action. Take the threat of nuclear material in terrorist hands. One unlocked door at any of the facilities worldwide that house weapons-usable material is a threat to everyone. That’s

why President Obama created the Nuclear Security Summit. So far, 12 countries and 24 nuclear

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facilities have rid themselves of highly-enriched uranium and plutonium. Dozens of nations have increased security at their nuclear storage sites, built counter-smuggling teams, or enhanced their nuclear security training. Our nuclear security regime is stronger today, because we created a

coalition to address the problem, and we’ll keep the momentum going when we host the fourth Nuclear Security Summit in 2016.

Consider, as well, infectious diseases like MERS, bird flu or Ebola, which present yet another type of threat to our security. In 2012, 80 percent of countries failed to meet the World Health

Organization’s deadline for preparedness against outbreaks. The international community needed a shot in the arm. So, the United States brought together partners from more than 30 countries and

multiple international institutions to develop the Global Health Security Agenda, which we launched in February. Our strategy, backed by concrete commitments, will move us towards a system that reports outbreaks in real time and ensures nations have the resources to contain

localized problems before they become global pandemics.

As we confront the grave and growing threat of climate change, the United States is leading the world by example. As National Security Advisor, part of my job is to focus on any threat that could breed conflict, migration, and natural disasters. Climate change is just such a creeping national

security crisis, and it is one of our top global priorities.

Our new rule, announced last week, to reduce carbon pollution from power plants by 30 percent compared to 2005 levels is the most ambitious climate action ever taken in the U.S. It’s the

centerpiece of our broader climate action plan. And, as we work toward the meeting in Paris next year to define a new global framework for tackling climate change, we’re challenging other major

economies to step up too. We’re working intensively with China, the world’s biggest emitter, to bend down their emissions curve as fast as possible. We’ve built international coalitions to address short-lived climate pollutants like black carbon, HFCs and methane. And, we’ve led in encouraging

private investment in green infrastructure projects overseas, while reducing incentives for high-carbon energy investment.

Our security also relies on defining and upholding rules that govern our shared spaces—rules that

reject aggression, impede the ability of large nations to bully smaller ones, and establish ways to resolve conflicts peacefully. A key element of our Asia Rebalance is collaborating with our partners

to strengthen regional institutions and international norms. That’s why we are working with ASEAN to advance a code of conduct for the South China Sea that would enhance maritime security, reinforce international law, and strengthen the regional rules of the road.

Similarly, we are building partnerships to set standards of behavior to protect the open, reliable, and interoperable Internet, and to hold accountable those who engage in malicious cyber activity. That’s

why we’re working with our partners to expand international law enforcement cooperation and ensure that emerging norms, including the protection of intellectual property and civilian infrastructure, are respected in cyberspace. For example, last week, working with 10 countries and

numerous private sector partners, we successfully disrupted a “botnet” that had been used to steal hundreds of millions of dollars and filed criminal charges against its Russia-based administrator.

Last month, the Department of Justice indicted five Chinese military officials for hacking our nation’s corporate computers, making it clear there’s no room for government-sponsored theft in cyberspace for commercial gain. We are working with our allies through efforts like the Freedom

On-Line Coalition and the Internet Governance Forum to preserve the open Internet as driver for human rights and economic prosperity.

This brings me to the second key reason we mobilize collective action—to expand our shared

prosperity. In 2009, facing the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression, President Obama

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led to establish the G20 as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. We needed more voices at the table, writing the rules for the global economy and committing to dramatic measures to restore growth. Our efforts included mobilizing more resources for the IMF and World

Bank to support the most vulnerable countries. And, thanks to a broad and concerted international effort, the global economy has turned the corner.

Last year, we played a key role in enabling the 157 members of the WTO to reach a landmark agreement that will modernize the entire international trading system. In every region of the world,

we’ve brought nations together to increase trade and develop high-standard agreements to further boost growth and job creation. This is a key pillar of our rebalance to Asia, where we’re working

with 12 economies, representing almost 40 percent of global GDP, to finalize an ambitious Trans-Pacific Partnership. With the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, we’re taking what is already the largest trading partnership in the world to a new level. To increase trade both within

Africa and between Africa and the United States, we will join with Congress to extend and update the African Growth and Opportunity Act before it expires next year.

In regions brimming with economic potential, including Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia, we’re supporting entrepreneurship and fostering private sector investment. Our Power Africa

initiative will double access to electricity across the continent through more than $15 billion in private sector commitments. We’re assisting young people throughout Africa and South East Asia

to develop their business and entrepreneurship skills, as well as their leadership. As we approach 2015, we’re pressing our partners to deliver on the Millennium Development Goals

and to devise bold new goals that will guide the next phase of the fight against poverty. Building on the extraordinary progress in many developing countries, our approach isn’t simply about pledging

more money, it’s about bringing together resources and expertise from every sector to do more with what we have and to support models of economic growth that fuel new markets. We’re building public-private partnerships, investing in academic breakthroughs, supporting non-profits that

translate ideas into action, and creating stronger connections among them all.

Take, for example, the progress we’ve made in agricultural development. Back in 2009, at the G8 meeting in L’Aquila, President Obama made food security a global priority backed by billions of

dollars in international commitments. In 2012, the President launched the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which has now grown to ten African countries, more than 160 companies,

and delivered more than $7 billion in responsible planned investments in African agriculture. And through our Feed the Future partnerships, millions of smallholder farmers are planting better seeds, using better fertilizers, and seeing their incomes rise.

Which leads me to the third key reason we mobilize collective action. For, however much we might like to, we rarely can force nations to respect the rights of their citizens. So we must catalyze the international community to uphold universal values, build broad coalitions to advance human rights,

and impose costs on those who violate them.

Human rights must be protected for everyone, especially traditionally marginalized communities

such as ethnic or religious minorities, LGBT persons, migrant workers, and people with disabilities. That’s why President Obama decided to join the UN Human Rights Council, so we could lead in reforming that flawed institution from within. In fact, we have made it more effective. Because of

our efforts, the Council has spent far more time spotlighting abuses in Qadhafi’s Libya, Syria, Sudan, North Korea and Iran than demonizing Israel.

At the same time, the Open Government Partnership initiated by President Obama in 2011, has

grown from eight countries to 64, all working together to strengthen accountable and transparent

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governance. Our Equal Futures Partnership unites two dozen countries in a commitment to take concrete steps to empower women in their societies both economically and politically. And, as civil society comes under attack in more and more places, we’re bringing countries and peoples together

to counter restrictions and strengthen protections for civil society.

Moreover, we’ve focused the global community on elevating that most basic aspect of human dignity—the health and well-being of the most vulnerable people. We’re partnering with nations that invest in their health systems. We’re working with NGOs to improve child and maternal health,

end preventable diseases, and make progress towards a goal that was inconceivable just a decade ago—the world’s first AIDS-free generation.

Across all these vital and far-reaching challenges, we continue to bring the resources of the United States and the reach of our partnerships to bear to forge a safer and more prosperous world. Our

goals are bold and won’t be realized overnight, but the essence of U.S. leadership, as always, remains our ambition, our determination, and our dauntless vision of the possible – the pursuit of a

world free of nuclear weapons; a world where extreme poverty is no more; where people are free to choose their own leaders; and where no child’s potential is cut short by a circumstance of her birth.

We’ve earned our unparalleled position in the world through decades of responsible leadership. We affirm our exceptionalism by working tirelessly to strengthen the international system we helped

build. We affirm it daily with our painstaking efforts to marshal international support and rally nations behind our leadership. We affirm it by taking strong action when we see rules and norms broken by those who try to game the system for their own gain. As President Obama told those

graduating cadets at West Point, “What makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it’s our willingness to affirm them through our actions.”

As we leave an era of American foreign policy dominated by war, we are in a much stronger position to shape a more just and secure peace. In doing so, we will be vigilant against threats to our

security, but we also recognize that we are stronger still when we mobilize the world on behalf of our common security and common humanity. That is the proud tradition of American foreign

policy, and that is what’s required to shape a new chapter of American leadership.

Thank you very much.

2. Russian Action Creates New Paradigm in Europe, Breedlove Says (06-10-2014)

By Army Sgt. 1st Class Tyrone C. Marshall Jr.

American Forces Press Service

DEAUVILLE, France, June 10, 2014 – The Russian annexation of Crimea and its actions on the Ukraine border have prompted NATO to undergo future self-evaluations in three areas, the

alliance’s supreme allied commander for Europe said last week.

Speaking to American Forces Press Service during the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of

the D-Day invasion, Air Force Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, who also commands U.S. European Command, discussed how Russia has create a new paradigm in Europe.

“If you look across the last 12 years, we have purposely set out to try to have a partnership

relationship and make Russia a partner,” he said. “And we have made decisions about numbers of forces, readiness of forces and basing of forces on the fact that Russia was going to be a cooperative partner in the future.”

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The general explained a timeline of events in which Russia has undertaken provocative actions

detrimental to its cooperative partnership in NATO.

“What we’ve seen, unfortunately, -- first in Georgia in 2008, and now in Crimea in ’14 -- we have seen a nation mass forces on a border, cross an internationally recognized border and annex by

force portions of a sovereign nation. We kind of thought that was over in Europe. But apparently it’s not, and so we will now have to look at three things in the future.”

Breedlove said NATO will review its readiness, responsiveness and basing in Europe, and he

explained the alliance’s approach in each area.

“We’re going to have to look at the readiness of our forces. … Is it appropriate?” he asked. “We’re going to have to take a look at the responsiveness of our forces. Is it right? We have the NATO

Response Force on 15 days, 30 days or more. Do we need to have it on two days, five days, a week?”

Also important, the general said, is where forces are positioned, because basing has a lot to do with

responsiveness.

“If you don’t have to get on a train or a plane, you’re much more responsive then if you have to get on a train or a plane,” he explained. “So we’re going to have to look at that.”

Breedlove also discussed NATO’s joint warfighting approach, noting the value of the alliance’s ability to pull together a joint force quickly for missions in Libya and elsewhere.

“We absolutely embrace and understand that no service stands alone,” Breedlove said. “No service

can do the mission alone. Every service is dependent on every other service, so joint warfighting is all that we do.”

The general noted that this is how the U.S. military has operated for the last two decades, and he

said he thinks the notion has “caught on with our friends and neighbors.”

“You see the British talking about building a joint expeditionary force,” Breedlove said. “It looks very much like what we have done in NATO.”

Biographies:

Air Force Gen. Philip M. Breedlove

Related Sites: NATO

Special Report: 70th Anniversary of D-Day and the Invasion of Normandy Special Report: A Persistent Presence – America’s Continued Commitment to European Security

3. State’s Rose on Security of Space Environment (06-10-2014)

Remarks by Frank A. Rose, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, Conference on Disarmament Plenary, Geneva, Switzerland

Continuing Progress on Ensuring the Long-Term Sustainability and Security of the Space

Environment

Thank you, Mr. President. Excellencies, colleagues, I am pleased to join you today at the Conference on Disarmament and to have this opportunity to address an issue that is vital to the

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interests of the United States, as well as the entire global community: ensuring the long-term sustainability, stability, safety, and security of the space environment.

Since the beginning of the space age, the global community has been inspired by humanity's space

endeavors and reaped the benefits of the use and exploration, of outer space. Many may take these benefits for granted so we must ask ourselves: "what will the consequences be if the space environment were to become unusable?"

The use and exploration of space and the information we derive from these activities permeate almost every aspect of our daily lives. We are safer, healthier, and more knowledgeable—not to

mention more connected—due to humanity’s creativity, ingenuity and willingness to transcend the difficulties mankind faces in harnessing outer space. All nations and peoples have seen a radical transformation in the way we live our daily lives and in our understanding of our planet and the

universe. Today there are more than sixty nations and many nongovernmental entities that are space-faring or that benefit from space capabilities.

But space, a domain that no nation owns but on which all rely, is becoming increasingly congested

from orbital debris, and contested from man-made threats that may disrupt the space environment, upon which we all depend. The globe-spanning and interconnected nature of space capabilities and

the world’s growing dependence on them mean that irresponsible acts in space can have damaging consequences for all of us. Therefore, it is essential that all nations work together to adopt approaches for responsible activity in space to preserve this domain for future generations.

And so we must ask ourselves: What is the best way forward?

Some of us would suggest we pursue a new legally binding arms control agreement. The United States is willing to consider space arms control proposals and concepts that are equitable,

effectively verifiable, and enhance the security of all nations. However, we have not yet seen any legally binding proposals that meet these criteria.

Therefore, it is important to focus on those areas that unite us rather than divide us. There are many

ways forward in which we do agree—space faring nations have cooperated in numerous ways since the beginning of the space age. It is in those areas that unite us, I believe, we should focus on

achieving progress in the near term. This is because the United States wants to ensure a future where humanity continues to benefit from space activities. As the U.S. National Space Policy states “All nations have the right to explore and use space for peaceful purposes, and for the benefit of all

humanity, in accordance with international law.”

Transparency and Confidence-Building Measures

Mr. President, we must work together in a productive manner to address these challenges. I believe there are challenges that need to be addressed through practical, near-term solutions such as non-

legally binding transparency and confidence-building measures (TCBMs) to encourage responsible actions in, and the peaceful use of, space. Such pragmatic, non-legally binding measures exist, have been agreed to by consensus in the past, can be implemented quickly, address the problem of debris,

and address the growing potential for actions that threaten the space environment.

Let me discuss some of the practical initiatives that the United States has pursued and supported over the past several years. First, there is the Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) study of outer

space TCBMs. Thanks to the constructive approach taken by the GGE chair, Mr. Victor Vasiliev of Russia, the Group reached consensus on the final report in July 2013. This GGE report was then

adopted by consensus on December 5, 2013 by the United Nations General Assembly.

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The GGE report endorsed voluntary, non-legally binding transparency and confidence-building measures to strengthen stability in space. It endorsed efforts to pursue political commitments –

including a multilateral code of conduct – to encourage responsible actions in, and the peaceful use of, outer space and it demonstrates the importance and priority of working on these voluntary and

pragmatic measures. This report should be a central element in our informal discussions this week on outer space security.

For those committed to peaceful cooperation and collaboration in space, recommendations from the report provide useful, near-term steps to further our shared goal of a long-term sustainable space

environment: First, states should take steps to ensure the long-term sustainability of space by adhering to

international guidelines to mitigate space debris and cooperate on orbital collision avoidance. For its part, the United States is an active participant in these efforts, which include bilateral experts’

workshops and multi-national technical exchanges, such as the UN COPUOS's Working Group on Long-Term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities.

Second, the report encourages states to implement further information sharing measures. Such measures provide clarity of intent about military space activities and avoid misunderstanding and

miscalculations which, in the realm of space, could prove catastrophic for all who benefit from space assets. For example, States could exchange information regarding national security space policies as well as military space expenditures. Such measures would build on the practices already

employed by a number of nations, including the United States, which currently publish their space policies as well as national strategies for military space activities.

Third, States should consider pursuing political commitments, including a multilateral code of conduct, to encourage responsible actions in, and the peaceful use of, outer space. The United States

actively supports and participates in the effort to develop an International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities, and we encourage all interested States to continue to engage in this process.

Fourth, the GGE recommends that States address harmful radio frequency interference and exchange information on space weather hazards. These recommendations deserve further

consideration by the International Telecommunication Union and the World Meteorological Organization.

The United States welcomes proposals for development of additional TCBMs for outer space activities as long as they satisfy the criteria established in the consensus report. Per the GGE

consensus report, criteria for non-legally binding TCBMs for outer space activities should:

• be verifiable by other parties in their application, either independently or collectively;

• be clear, practical and proven, meaning that both the application and the efficacy of the

proposed measure must be demonstrated by one or more actors;

• and finally, reduce or even eliminate the causes of mistrust, misunderstanding and miscalculation with regard to the activities and intentions of States.

In this regard, the United States believes that European Union efforts to develop an International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities can serve as the best near-term mechanism for States to

implement many of the GGE’s recommendations. Furthermore, we believe such a non-legally

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binding Code of Conduct, if signed by established and emerging space powers, could help solidify safe operational practices, reduce the chance of collisions or other harmful interference with nations’ activities, and strengthen stability in space. I attended the recent round of Open-Ended

Consultations on the Code in Luxembourg, which I found to be very productive and constructive. The United States fully support the EU’s ambition of finalizing the Code this year, or soon

thereafter.

In addition to the GGE and the Code of Conduct, the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) has also been doing important work to move forward in the development of new

international long-term sustainability guidelines. The Scientific and Technical Subcommittee’s Working Group on Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities is playing an active role in developing these recommended guidelines, which are being further reviewed in Vienna this week.

We believe numerous areas covered by this COPUOS agenda item are fruitful for international discussion and cooperation, such as space situational awareness, space operations, space debris, and

space weather. Furthermore, we welcome an opportunity to discuss implementation of specific bilateral measures, such as exchanges of information on national space policies and military space activities, and provision of spaceflight safety notifications to other spacefaring nations.

So, as I have outlined today, the United States will continue to take a leadership role in ensuring the long-term sustainability, stability, safety, and security of the space environment by promoting and

putting into practice the landmark GGE consensus report and continuing to support EU efforts to develop an International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities. These efforts keep the focus on those areas that unite us rather than divide us and offer us the best way forward.

Other Proposals

Mr. President, as the United States has made clear, we are prepared to engage in substantive

discussions on space security as part of a Conference on Disarmament’s consensus program of work. Indeed, as I have described, the United States is fully engaged across a wide range of bilateral

and multilateral fora in pursuit of sustaining the space environment. However, some proposals fail to meet the set criteria for a valid TCBM, as identified in the GGE report. For example, in assessing a Russian initiative for States to make declarations of “No First Placement” (NFP) of weapons in

outer space we conclude that it is neither verifiable, nor does it adequately and satisfactorily define a "space weapon."

The United States believes that arms control proposals and concepts should only be considered by

the international community if they are equitable, effectively verifiable, and enhance the security of all. In this regard, the draft “Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space

and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects” (PPWT), introduced in 2008 at the Conference on Disarmament in document CD/1839, does not meet the necessary criteria. I would also note the revised draft PPWT sent to delegations yesterday evening by Russia. We will conduct

an in-depth analysis of the revised draft text, but our preliminary assessment is that the new draft text does not address the significant flaws in the 2008 PPWT. Namely, there is no effective

verification regime to monitor compliance, and terrestrially-based anti-satellite systems posing the greatest and most imminent threat to space systems are not captured.

Conclusion

Mr. President, last year we observed the 50th anniversary of a key piece of outer space diplomatic history: The adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of the “Declaration of Legal

Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Uses of Outer Space.” This resolution, adopted by consensus in December 1963, laid out key principles, including that the

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exploration and use of outer space shall be carried on for the benefit and in the interests of all mankind and that outer space is free for exploration and use by all States on the basis of equality and in accordance with international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. Just over

three years later, the Principles Declaration formed the core for the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, which remains the foundation of the international legal framework for space activities along with the three

other core treaties on space. It is important that we not lose sight of how much has been – and continues to be – achieved for humanity's common benefit within this framework. The United States believes any discussions on space security in the CD or other fora should support the

continued vitality of these principles.

Mr. President, sustaining the space environment is critical for all of mankind—for our aspirations, our economies, our environment, our health, as well as our security. If we are serious about

maintaining the space environment for future generations, we must support measures that promote positive activities in space and refrain from proposing ineffective measures that will fail to unify us

in solving the challenges we face in the space environment.

Fortunately, the current legal framework for space activities rooted in that declaration of legal principles of fifty years ago provides a solid basis for operating in space today. The GGE

recommendations offer the best, most practical solutions for bolstering the internationa l community’s efforts to ensure the availability of the space environment for all of humankind. By

working together on pragmatic steps, our nations and the international community can advance the long-term sustainability and security of the outer space environment for all nations and future generations.

We have already witnessed progress on many fronts in pursuit of a sustainable, stable, safe, and secure space environment. This progress did not happen by accident. It required the sustained commitment and hard work of many, many individuals and governments from around the world.

Yet much more progress must be made to ensure our ever greater goals in space are not hindered by miscalculation, accidents, or shortsighted actions.

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to all of my colleagues here this morning.

4. Breedlove: New Afghan President Will Be Willing Partner (06-10-2014)

By Army Sgt. 1st Class Tyrone C. Marshall Jr. American Forces Press Service

DEAUVILLE, France, June 10, 2014 – NATO’s supreme allied commander for Europe expressed confidence the new Afghan president will be a willing partner in making better opportunities for his people, which begins with signing the bilateral security agreement that would allow U.S. forces to

remain in Afghanistan beyond the year’s end.

Air Force Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, who also commands U.S. European Command, spoke to

American Forces Press Service last week while he was here to participate in the commemoratio n of the D-Day invasion’s 70th anniversary.

The general said he is “extremely confident” that Afghanistan’s new president will sign the

agreement. The winner of the election will be announced July 22.

“Both of the leading candidates have said they will sign it within a week, which is good news,” Breedlove said. “We need to move on and get the momentum back that this sort of stagnant political

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process had … set over what’s going on there. Now we have, what I think will be, a willing partner in the next Afghan president -- whichever one it is. And that will make the opportunity for the Afghan people only that much better.”

The general noted he already has planned for all options and is prepared to implement whichever is

necessary. On May 27, President Barack Obama announced that pending a signed bilateral security agreement,

nearly 10,000 U.S. service members would remain in Afghanistan in 2015 and that nearly all U.S. forces will leave the country by the end of 2016.

“NATO asked me, and I did, plan for all the way through the zero option” of all coalition forces leaving Afghanistan when the current NATO-led mission ends there Dec. 31, Breedlove said.

“Our teams have planned it out,” the general said. “We’re ready to go there if we have to. We have

pretty detailed plans for several options in between zero and what was just announced.” Flexibility is part of the equation, Breedlove said, but the focus now is the remainder of the

International Security Assistance Force mission. If the security agreement is signed, Operation Resolute Support would replace the ISAF mission.

“We have seven more months of ISAF,” he said. “The combat mission is still on for seven months, even though we are primarily in the train, advise and assist mission. So we need to get the most we

can out of this last seven months and set ourselves up well” for addressing the shortfalls in the Afghan national security forces during Resolute Support.

Obama’s recent announcement that 9,800 troops would maintain a post-2014 presence in Afghanistan “will allow us to do the mission that we need to do,” Breedlove said.

“We asked for a little more,” the general added, “but I think that this is a reasonable number. …

And it will allow us to do the train-advise-assist mission down to the corps level, and I think that’s very important at this point.”

Breedlove also expressed confidence in Afghanistan’s army and its continued progress.

“We try to keep connecting this army and its senior leaders into the Defense Ministry so that it can sustain,” he said. “I think this army, from the senior leaders on down, is really proving itself. Now we’ve got to help that infrastructure that connects to the army be successful as well.”

Biographies:

Air Force Gen. Philip M. Breedlove Related Sites:

Special Report: D-Day and the Invasion of Normandy Special Report: A Persistent Presence – America’s Continued Commitment to European Security

NATO International Security Assistance Force Related Articles:

Breedlove Emphasizes Afghanistan, Ukraine Among His Priorities Breedlove Supports Returning European Sites to Host Nations

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5. Hagel Meets with French Defense Minister Le Drian (06-07-2014)

By Cheryl Pellerin American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, June 7, 2014 – Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel met today in Paris with French Defense Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, the day after both attended D-Day anniversary ceremonies in Normandy in honor of the sacrifice and victory of June 6, 1944.

The talks were open and wide-ranging, Pentagon Press Secretary Rear Adm. John Kirby said in a statement, “in keeping with the close relationship between the two militaries and the friendship”

between the defense leaders.

Discussion topics included counterterrorism activities in Africa, where the United States and France have many common interests in helping African nations deal with that threat, Kirby added.

This morning in Suresnes, near Paris, former Georgia Sen. Max Cleland, secretary of the American

Battle Monuments Commission, greeted Hagel at the American Cemetery and Memorial.

There, Hagel and Le Drian walked to the grave of Cpl. Frank B. Milliard, a corporal in the 346

Field Artillery, 91st division, who died Sept. 20, 1918. He was from Nebraska, and his grave was marked with an American and a French flag.

Angelo Munsel, superintendent of the Suresnes American Cemetery, provided details of Milliard’s

service to Hagel and Le Drian.

The memorial holds 1,565 headstones, mostly from World War I, and 24 unknown soldiers from WWII.

Munsel said the cemetery is the only one with WWI and WWII war dead, although Lt. Quentin Roosevelt, killed in WW1, is buried in Normandy next to his brother Brig. Gen. Theodore Roosevelt Jr., who died in World War II after the Normandy landing.

Many of those buried in the cemetery died of the world’s first recorded H1N1 swine flu pandemic that hit American Expeditionary Forces hard in September 1918.

The group then walked from Milliard’s grave at the bottom of a hill to the Memorial at the top,

offering a panoramic view of Paris.

Munsel provided history of the building, noting that Woodrow Wilson delivered his speech on the League of Nations at the site.

“There is a lot of history here,” Hagel said, and Le Drian and the secretary placed wreaths of red and white roses and blue hydrangeas in front of the memorial building.

A recording from the memorial played a 21 gun salute followed by the French national anthem, as

well as the Star Spangled Banner. As the U.S. anthem played, a light rain began to fall.

Later, during their meeting, Hagel and Le Drian discussed the NATO Summit, Russian actions in Ukraine, the French sale of Mistral-class ships to Russia, and the security concerns of Allies in

Southern Europe, Kirby said.

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The defense leaders also spent time reflecting on the D-Day anniversary and the history of the past century, Kirby added.

Hagel said the D-Day ceremony "is a reminder of what history teaches and informs us if we are wise enough to learn from events from the past."

Biographies: Chuck Hagel

Related Articles:

U.S.-France Partnership Hagel Urges European NATO Members to Boost Defense Budgets

Related Sites: Special report: Travels with Hagel

6. Obama: Normandy was ‘Democracy’s Beachhead’ (06-06-2014)

By Jim Garamone American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, June 6, 2014 – Normandy represents democracy’s beachhead, President Barack Obama said today in remarks commemorating the 70th anniversary of the allied invasion of France,

a turning point in World War II that he said “decided not just a century but shaped the security and well being of all posterity.”

The air, land and sea invasion of Normandy 70 years ago today, considered the largest amphibious assault in military history, turned the tide in the allies’ defeat of the Nazis and established liberty

and freedom as a birthright in Europe.

“It was here, on these shores, that the tide was turned in that common struggle for freedom,” the president said during ceremonies at Omaha Beach. “Omaha -- Normandy -- this was democracy’s beachhead. And our victory in that war decided not just a century, but shaped the security and well-

being of all posterity. We worked to turn old adversaries into new allies. We built new prosperity. We stood once more with the people of this continent through a long twilight struggle until finally a

wall tumbled down, and an Iron Curtain, too.” From Western Europe toward the East and from South America to Southeast Asia, the democratic

movement spread, the president said.

“None of that would have happened without the men who were willing to lay down their lives for people they’d never met and ideals they couldn’t live without,” Obama said. “None of it would have happened without the troops President Roosevelt called “the life-blood of America -- the hope of

the world.”

Obama singled out three veterans who returned to Normandy for the commemoration as representatives of the millions who served in the U.S. military during the war. “Whenever the world makes you cynical, stop and think of these men,” Obama said. “Whenever you lose hope, stop and

think of these men.”

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He spoke of Wilson Colwell, “who was told he couldn’t pilot a plane without a high school degree, so he decided to jump out of a plane instead. And he did, here on D-Day, with the 101st Airborne when he was just 16 years old.”

He spoke of Harry Kulkowitz, the Jewish son of Russian immigrants, who fudged his age at

enlistment so he could join his friends in the fight. He spoke of “Rock” Merritt “who saw a recruitment poster asking him if he was man enough to be

a paratrooper -- so he signed up on the spot. That decision landed him here on D-Day with the 508th regiment, a unit that would suffer heavy casualties.”

Obama spoke to the three veterans, telling them that their legacy is in good hands. “In a time when it has never been more tempting to pursue narrow self-interest, to slough off common endeavor, this

generation of Americans, a new generation -- our men and women of war -- have chosen to do their part as well,” the president said.

“This 9/11 Generation of service members, they, too, felt something,” Obama said. “They, too, chose to serve a cause that’s greater than self -- many even after they knew they’d be sent into

harm’s way. And for more than a decade, they have endured tour after tour.”

Today’s wars will end and the veterans of today will take their lessons from the World War II generation. “They, too, will become leaders in their communities, in commerce, in industry and perhaps politics -- the leaders we need for the beachheads of our time,” the president said.

“And, God willing, they, too, will grow old in the land they helped to keep free,” Obama added.

“And someday, future generations, whether 70 or 700 years hence, will gather at places like this to honor them and to say that these were generations of men and women who proved once again that the United States of America is and will remain the greatest force for freedom the world has ever

known.”

Related Sites: Special Report: 70th Anniversary of D-Day and the Invasion of Normandy Special Report: A Persistent Presence – America’s Continued Commitment to European Security

White House Fact Sheet on Normandy Landings Facts on U.S. Contributions to Peace in Europe since WWII

Related Articles: D-Day: Shared Suffering, Shared Glory among Nations

Photos

7. United in Support for Ukraine, Obama Says (06-05-2014) Washington — President Obama said the summit meeting in Belgium of the Group of Seven (G7)

major economies was occasion for each to “ensure that we’re in lockstep going forward” in providing support to the Ukrainian people. Obama also urged Russia to end its support for

Ukrainian separatists and enter into dialogue with Ukrainian President-elect Petro Poroshenko. Speaking in Brussels June 5 with British Prime Minister David Cameron, Obama said the situation

in Ukraine and European energy security dominated the two days of discussions among the leaders of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

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The G7 agreed that Russian President Vladimir Putin should “seize this moment, recognize Poroshenko is the legitimate leader of Ukraine, cease the support of separatists and the flow of

arms, and work with Ukraine to engage those in the east during this process of constitutional and economic reform,” Obama said.

“If Mr. Putin takes those steps, then it is possible for us to begin to rebuild trust between Russia and its neighbors and Europe. Should he fail to do so, though, there are going to be additional

consequences” in the form of more economic sanctions, the president said.

“My hope is, is that we don’t have to use it. But I’ve been heartened by the steadfastness of Europe thus far,” he said.

President Obama said he had also briefed the British prime minister on the U.S. initiative to strengthen the security of NATO and commented that the NATO Summit in Wales in September

would be an “opportunity for every ally to make sure they’re carrying their share and investing in the capabilities our alliance needs for the future.”

In Europe’s response to Ukraine, "there has been consistency in affirming the core values that had been at the heart of a united and prosperous Europe, " he said, despite the potential economic

consequences that sanctions against Russia could pose to their own economies. Obama said the situation in Ukraine has highlighted the need for greater energy security and

diversified energy supplies in Central and Eastern Europe. He said each G7 country has agreed to “conduct an energy assessment to identify the possible impact of any potential disruptions and to

offer ways we can better prevent disruptions and recover from them more quickly.” The G7 is also leading by example on climate change, Obama said, adding that the United States

“will continue to do our part.” He said recently announced standards for U.S. power plants aimed at reducing carbon dioxide pollution are “one of the most ambitious steps that any nation has taken to

combat climate change.” The United States has reduced its carbon emissions to their lowest levels in nearly 20 years. With

the new standards, carbon emissions would be reduced by 30 percent by 2030. “It will help us meet the commitments that we made when I first came into office,” he said.

At the conclusion of the summit, the G7 issued a joint statement saying that its collective will has shown itself to be “a powerful catalyst for progress” over the past 40 years.

“Our efforts to address major global challenges have also been guided by a commitment to

transparency, accountability and partnership with other concerned members of the international community. We remain bound together as a group by these values and this vision,” the statement said.

Related Sites:

Declaration from G7 Summit in Brussels White House Fact Sheet on G7 Summit in Brussels White House Facts on U.S. Assistance to Ukraine

White House Facts on U.S. Aid to Moldova White House Facts on U.S. Assistance to Georgia