men aren't from mars - progressiosequeira, alejandro ruiz, francisco alvarado, johnnyjimenez,...

Men Aren't From Mars

Unlearning machismo inNicaragua

Patrick Welsh

About the authorBorn in Northern Ireland and raised in Scotland,Patrick Welsh has been involved in humandevelopment issues for 20 years. In the 1980s hetaught in Nigeria and worked in popular education inNicaragua. After a short spell as project officer forLatin America and the Caribbean with CAFOD in theearly 1990s, he returned to Nicaragua in 1993. Sincethen he has been involved, as an ICD developmentworker in the development of participatorymethodologies for gender training and awarenessraising with men. He is a founder member of theNicaraguan Association of Men Against Violence(Asociaci6n de Hombres Contra la Violencia, AHCV).

PhotographsAll photographs were taken in El Pefiasco, Nicaragua,by Liz Light, a development worker with CIIRjICD.The exception is the cockfight on page IS,reproduced courtesy of Lucinda Broadbent, fromwhose film Macho it is taken.

Supported by the EC Daphne Initiative,Oxfam UK Poverty Programme and Staples Trust

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CHANGING MINDS. CHANGING LIVES

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ContentsAcknowledgements 3

Preface 4

1. Introduction 6

2. Nicaragua 1979-99 8

From revolution to neoliberalism 8

The Sandinista revolution and women's development 10

The end of the war and the crisis in male gender identity in the 1990s 13

3. The development of machismo in Nicaragua 15

'Machismo', indigenous cultures and the Spanish invaders 15

Machismo in today's Nicaragua 18

4. CANTERA's work on masculinity and popular education 23

Gender and popular education 23

CANTERA's programme, 1993-99 24

Course on masculinity and popular education developed by CANTERA, 1995-99 28

5. Measuring impact and developing the methodology 38

Towards A New Masculinity: A study to measure the impact of the courses on

masculinity and popular education 1994-97 38

The training manual El Significado De Ser Hombre 47

6. Problems and lessons 49

Problems 49

Lessons 50

7. Suggestions for awareness-raising and gender training for men 57

The need for processes of individual and collective integral human development 57

The work of other organisations on masculinity and gender in Nicaragua 57,Coordinated strategies for gender awareness-raising with men in Nicaragua 58

8. Conclusions 59

9. Bibliography 61

2 • Men Aren't From Mars

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AcknowledgementsAs an ICD development worker in Nicaragua between 1993 and 1999, I worked with the local nongovernmental organisation CANTERA to develop a methodology for gender training andawareness-raising with men. It has been an enriching and fulfilling experience, full of personal andprofessional challenges and opportunities for learning. This paper is an attempt to systematisethose six years of intense and innovative work, to which many men and women have contributedtheir knowledge, talents, dedication and aspirations for social justice and gender equity. I wouldlike to thank the following for their commitment, dedication, inspiration and friendship:

.:. The 360 men from Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Costa Rica (and theoccasional participants from Panama, Spain, United States, Peru, Haiti and England) whoaccepted the invitation to 'unlearn machismo' and who made the course on masculinity andpopular education a memmable, inspiring experience.

•:. The men in CANTERA, who developed, ran, supported and participated in the workshops andsystematised their contents: the late Freddy Morales, Raman Gonzalez, Xavier Mufioz, SantiagoSequeira, Alejandro Ruiz, Francisco Alvarado, Johnny Jimenez, Edgar Amador, Guillermo Vega,Martin Ugarte, Anthony McInneny, Marvin Henriquez, Victor Flores, Danny Calden (Panama),Julio Fajhardo, Roberto Moreira, Victor Manuel Llanes, Pedro Jose Martinez, Alfredo Sanchez.

•:. Montserrat Fernandez of the CANTERA methodological team and the other women inCANTERA, who supported and accompanied the work on masculinity and popular education:Anabel Torres, Almachiara D'Angelo, Ana Molina, Raquel Fernandez, Julie Marciaq, Aura LilaUlloa, Mary C McKay, Ana Cicero, Diana Fanguey, Tania Pesce, Flor de Maria Monterrey, Flor deMaria Lapez, Maria Veronica Torrez, Marcia Ramirez, Sofia Lacayo, Xiomara Bello, EIsa Osorio,Yeta Ramirez, Nereyda D'Arce, Lourdes Espinoza, Evelia Peralta, Goya Wilson, Evelyn Morales.

•:. The ICD team in Managua, Nicaragua, for their continual support: Patricio Cranshaw, MartaTaylor, Ninoska Cerna, Marelene Torufio and Raman perez.

•:. My friends in the Group of Men Against Violence in Managua for staying together andsupporting each other through all the ups and downs: Ruben Reyes, Xavier Mufioz, JohnnyJimenez, Oswaldo Montoya, Vinicio Buitrago, Edgar Amador, Jairo Sequeira, Braulio Delgado,Carlos Avalos, Jesus Castellan.

•:. Veronica Campanile for 15 years of faith, trust, friendship and unwavering personal andprofessional support.

•:. Dr Sarah Bradshaw and Peter Sternberg for their invaluable comments and suggestions on thesecond draft.

•:. CIIR/ICD staff members in London for their valuable contributions: Adam Bradbury, LambertRae, Osvaldo Vasquez, Annie Street.

Paddy WelshApril 2001

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Preface

Work on gender among men is relatively new. InNicaragua a small number of organisations areseeking to build more just relationships

between the genders and to contribute to thetransformation of patriarchal society's paradigm of whatit means to be a man. Similarly, only a few have acceptedthe challenge of getting men to question and transform,from their own experiences, the behaviour, values andconcepts with which dominant culture defines anddetermines masculine identities.

The Centre for Communication and Popular EducationCANTERA is one of the pioneering organisations in theeffort to promote, through educational processes,reflection on the meaning of being male, and the factorsdetermining the formation of masculine identity.CANTERA's work on masculinity stems from thehypothesis that the behaviour of human beings ingeneral, and in particular of men, is learnt, and cantherefore be unlearnt through conscious processes ofreflection on daily practice, and the effects of this onthemselves and on others.

In this document Patrick Welsh proVides an in-depthaccount of the concepts, content and methodologies usedby CANTERA in its gender work among men in courseson masculinity between 1993 and 1999. The documentplaces this description in Nicaragua's historic andcontemporary context.

The introductory chapter describes how CANTERA arrivedat its decision to work on gender among men. It explainshow the team's reflection on existing theories of genderhelped sensitise the institution's personnel to theimportance of going deeply into the power relationsbetween the genders and the need to open spaces wheremen would be directly involved in reflecting on theirgender identity.

Chapter 2 offers a global vision of the contemporaryhistory of Nicaragua, details significant aspects of men'sand women's histories in contexts such as the hard yearsof the counterrevolutionary war, the undoing of socialpolicies during the 1990s, the progressive unemploymentcaused by neoliberal policies, and the consequences ofthis for relations between the genders. It recognises theweakness and negative consequences that the lack of afeminist agenda during the revolutionary period had onits attitude to the emancipation of women. It describeswomen's effort to achieve autonomy through theformation of groups and collectives, from where theybegan to promote their rights. It synthesises the impactthe different gender theories of the 1980s and 1990s hadon the women's groups and networks in the country, andhow, from GAD (theory of Gender and Development)


women themselves began to question existing powerrelations. The text witnesses to the negative impact of theeconomic, political and social crisis on the behaviour ofmany men, who, according to their own reflections,changed the role society had historically assigned tothem, as providers in the home. In the same way, the lossof spaces of power in social and political organisations,provoked an identity crisis in men, which they try toovercome with 'masculine methods' such as alcohol andviolence in all its forms. In spite of the negative effects,the situation helped a minority of men to begin to takeup new roles in the family, which had usually beenconsidered women's roles. The chapter also refers to theformation of the group Men Against Violence, ofManagua.

Chapter 3, taking as a reference point different theorieson masculinity, considers cultural stereotypes in a generalway and analyses masculine prototypes in Nicaraguanhistory and culture. It takes us back into the period of theSpanish Conquest in order to reconstruct the historicalprocess leading to the construction of masculine identitydominant in today's society. There is reflection on theimages which the different masculine prototypes have inNicaraguan history and culture. The chapter tells us howCANTERA's courses on masculinity reconstruct theprocess of learning to be a man, and the role of thedifferent institutions and people in this learning process- the family, the school, the church, the media, etc. Allthese structures of socialisation play a part in buildingand consolidating masculinity - the cultural ideals arereinforced and accepted as natural and universal. Thereare statements made by participants of the course, suchas: 'Our mothers brought us up like that, so it is theirfault', Le. the blame falls, according to some men, ontheir mothers who in many cases take up the role ofmaking their sons into men. The chapter tells oftraditions in rural Nicaragua where in many cases, when ason is born, the midwife receives twice what she is givenwhen a girl is born, and in addition she receives apresent, a chicken or some other thing, thus emphasisingthe superiority of the boy over the girl from the momentof birth. This will be accompanied over the years byvalues and the dominant and strong behaviour expectedof boys. The chapter refers to the different forms ofviolence in which the man is subject and victim at thesame time. All forms of violence are simply justified bythe ingrained belief in the superiority and power of theman over the woman. An important aspect whichemerges in the chapter is that of intra-gendered violence,showing that masculine violence is not limited toviolence against women, but happens also between menthemselves. This type of violence aims to mark a major orminor level of manliness, and is used especially againstthose who transgress the norms, values and behaviour

which determine masculine identity in the dominantideology. Violence is in the very heart of the patriarchalmasculine identity. The chapter ends affirming that inNicaragua there is no hegemonic vision of the model ofmasculinity; it is determined by the formation, thecontext, and personal and collective realities.

Chapter 4 describes the themes of the workshops and themethodological process which develops them. It showshow men themselves decided to work on and profoundlyquestion the theme of masculine identity, which not onlyneeds to recognise the practical and strategic needs ofwomen, but goes deeply into the very meaning of being aman. The chapter describes the process by which themale team of CANTERA had to overcome its mistakenconceptions of the significance of gender and feminism,and analyse the relationship between concepts andpractices relating to masculinity. It describes themethodology of the workshops, which takes as its startingpoint the objective as much as the subjective reality ofthe subjects it is working with, and helps the participants,after a critical reflection, to make commitments totransform personal and collective reality. The techniquesand games used are also described. These are used withthe primary aim of helping the participants to distance

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themselves from reality, in order to read it critically. Thetechniques and games were a basic educational tool forinvolving emotions, feelings and values in reflecting onand analysing the different themes. Each workshopfinished with the participants individually, andcollectively, drawing up proposals for change.

Chapter 5 describes the different mechanisms used tomeasure the impact, not only on those taking part in theworkshops, but in the persons, women and men, withwhom the participants relate in their daily lives. It

provides an analysis of this evaluation, and the lessonsgenerated by the experience.

The critical analysis and deconstruction of masculineidentity, carried out with and by men, proVides the basesfor the development of egalitarian relationships betweenthe genders, and for influencing the conscious process oftransformation of the patriarchal model in our societies.This text invites reflection and, as in the workshops, thereader will be drawn into liVing out his or her ownidentity process.

Anabel TorresCANTERA


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1. Introduction

Recent Nicaraguan history has been marked by a seriesof socio-political upheavals and 'natural' disasters.Wars and dictatorship, revolution and counter

revolution, constant economic instability, earthquakes andtsunamis (tidal waves), volcanic eruptions and hurricaneshave made Nicaragua at the turn of the millennium one ofthe poorest and least developed countries in the westernhemisphere. Of the 174 countries included in the UnitedNations Development Programme (UNDP) HumanDevelopment Index for the year 2000, Nicaragua wasnumber 116. In Latin America and the Caribbean, onlyGuatemala and Haiti have a lower ranking (UNDP 2000: 17).

Who, then, would have thought that men in Nicaraguawould be meeting to discuss the meaning of masculinityand sitting down together to 'unlearn' machismo? Whocould have imagined that men would be willing to reflecton the use of power and violence in their relationshipswith women, children and other men, and begin todiscover other dimensions of their being such astenderness and sensitiVity? Who could have conceived ofmen concerned about gender and committed to genderequity?

The Centre for Popular Education and Communications(CANTERA) is one Nicaraguan non-governmental


organisation (NGO) that has pioneered the promotion ofgender awareness-raising and training with men. Since itsfounding in 1988, women's welfare, human rights andintegrated development have been central to its missionand its work with women has had a double emphasis:raising women's awareness of their gender position, andthe promotion of empowerment. Both aim to improve thequality of life and relationships for women.

To that end CANTERA has worked to develop trainingmethodologies for popular education. Popular educationis based on the theory that society can be transformed bypromoting participatory processes that enable people toanalyse criticall,¥ and propose changes. Applied to gendertraining with women, popular education enables them tocome together to reflect on the inequalities and injusticesthat they experience daily and to propose strategies forchange that will improve their lives. Ideas and practices,myths and realities about gender identity and roles arequestioned and their historical, social and cultural originsrevealed. Women become the catalysts of their owntransformation and the protagonists in their owndevelopment.

By the early 1990s, it had become increasingly obvious tomany women in Nicaragua that if gender eqUity was to

be achieved men, too, would have to change. Men'sadherence to 'machismo' at home, at work and in thecommunity represented a serious obstacle to women'sdevelopment and empowerment. Simultaneously, gendertheory had begun to emphasise the need for in-depthanalysis of the power relationships between men andwomen, and the power wielded by men systematically todominate and control women in public and private, andthus to secure rights and privileges denied to women. In aworkshop in CANTERA on Gender, Gender Theory andGender Perspective, the Mexican anthropologist MarcelaLagarde pointed out that 'at present, in the highest levels,there is a shift away from a gender perspective that givesexclusive priority to women towards a gender perspectivethat also incorporates men in a positive way... ' (CANTERA1993: 23). The need to involve men in gender issues wasbecoming increasingly clear.

By 1993 women in CANTERA were challenging the menin the organisation to take gender seriously and toembark on a critical analysis of masculinity. This led inSeptember 1994 to the First National Encounter onMasculinity, organised by CANTERA, in which 41 menfrom all parts of the country took part. Geared towardsmen working in community development projects andprogrammes where gender had become, or was becoming,an increasingly important component, the participants'enthusiasm confirmed that some men, at least, weregenuinely concerned with gender, which until thatmoment had been almost exclusively a women's domain.

The success of the First Encounter and the demands forfollow-up spurred CANTERA to develop a training courseon masculinity and popular education to enable men toanalyse their masculinity critically and propose changesin their values, attitudes and behaViour. Women hadadapted popular education methodology to the analysisand transformation of their own gender situation, andmen began to do the same, recognising that changes inthemselves would help improve the quality of women'slives and reduce levels of violence against women. Theresult would be greater gender equity. Some men alsorecognised that relinquishing the traditional model ofmasculinity would also improve the quality of their ownlives and open up new development potential for them.

By the end of 1999, 360 men from all over Nicaragua hadtaken part in CANTERA's courses on masculinity andpopular education, and many of them had gone on todevelop and implement training initiatives with othermen in workplaces and communities. To test theeffectiveness of the methodology and its capacity toinstigate change in men, CANTERA has also promotedrigorous processes of evaluation and systematisation. Animpact study carried out in 1998 showed positive and

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promising results: albeit slowly, men were shOWing signsof change and this was undoubtedly related to thetraining they had received and the methodology used.

ICD/CIIR has supported CANTERA's work with men onissues of masculinity since 1994. This paper describesCANTERA's innovative work and its implications forcommunity-based integrated human development. It

shares CANTERA's experience in gender awareness-raisingand training with men, carried out in Nicaragua from1994 to 1999. It focuses on the development of thetraining courses, the changes in men's attitudes, valuesand behaviour, and the construction and validation of amethodology for gender work with men. The paper alsooffers a set of proposals for groups interested in startingwork on gender and masculinity. The description takesinto account Nicaragua's history, culture, and currentsocio-political context, including the work of theautonomous and diverse women's movement and itsattempts to challenge and change gender roles andidentities.


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2. Nicaragua 1979-99

From revolution to neoliberalism

On 19 July 1979, two days after Nicaragua'spresident, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, fled thecountry, one of the longest and cruellest

dictatorships in Latin American history came to an end.The Sandinista revolution had triumphed.

The Sandinistas' youthfulness and freshness and theiremphasis on land reform, education and public healthcaptured the imagination of a generation and during the1980s led to the creation of a massive internationalsolidarity movement. Thousands of people from all overthe world travelled to Nicaragua to pick coffee, joinbuilding brigades, or work in development programmes.Thousands more raised funds or ran educational activitiesin their churches, trades unions and communities.

In the early 1980s the country experienced a developmentboom. Health and education levels improved substantiallyand agricultural production increased. People were takingpart in democratic processes at all levels of society. Hopereigned and the future seemed bright.


By the mid 1980s, however, Nicaragua was in crisis. Theadministration of Ronald Reagan in the United Statesaccused the Sandinistas of being Communists anddeclared that they were a threat to US national securityand to peace and democracy in Central America. The USgovernment and private organisations instigated a lowintensity warfare against Nicaragua, setting up, trainingand financing counter-revolutionary forces. The atrocitiesof the 'Contras', as they came to be known, are welldocumented, I as are the devastating human andeconomic effocts of the war on Nicaragua.

In human terms the cost of the Contra war goes farbeyond the tens of thousands of dead, tortured,disappeared or disabled. Thousands of Nicaraguanfamilies produced 'heroes y martires', and experiencedextreme emotional and psychological anguish that afterthe war would manifest itself as post-traumatic stress.Those whose son, daughter, brother or sister had not yet

I During the 1990s, human rights organisations such as Witness forPeace monitored the human rights situation, as did developmentagencies such as OXFAM.

been killed in the war were constantly wondering whentheir turn would come to grieve. In the midst of thissuffering, the economic embargo imposed by the USgovernment throughout the 1980s, pushed people closeto desperation. Poverty and unemployment surged.Inflation soared to 33,547.58 per cent in 1988, thehighest ever recorded in Latin America (research carriedout in 1992, La Coniente 1997: 343).

By the dawning of the 1990s, the dramatic improvementsin health, education, agricultural reform and productionhad evaporated. Internal discontent and dissent weregrowing. Nicaragua was clinging to a revolution in decay,a nation of empty stomachs and stores and overflowingcemeteries. By the end of the 1980s people were tired,desperate and longing for the end of the war. No amountof internal and external solidarity could stave off themilitary, economic and political might of the UnitedStates. A profound desire for peace paved the way forpolitical change.

The elections of February 1990 were won by VioletaChamorro, representing a coalition of political parties(the Union Nacional Opositora - UNO) supported by theUS government. For some it marked the end of a MarxistLeninist dictatorship and heralded a new era of peace anddemocracy. For others, it symbolised the crumbling ofCamelot and the opening of the floodgates to neoliberalcapitalism. For a few it was a bit of both.

Whatever their ideological differences, the peacefulhandover of power by the Sandinista government toVioleta Chamorro in May 1990 fulfilled a dream sharedby all Nicaraguans: the end of decades of armed conflict.With the Sandinistas out of government and socialism onthe decline in Eastern Europe, the United States no longersaw a need for low-intensity warfare. Contra andSandinista soldiers could be demobilised and Nicaraguacould begin the task of reconstruction.

By mid 1990, however, unprecedented street riotsprotesting the new government's economic policies led toviolent confrontations and several deaths. As theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bankmoved in to help the Chamorro government design andimplement its economic strategies, new lines ofconfrontation were being drawn, this time socioeconomic. Despite losing the elections, the Sandinistaswere the largest single political party in the NationalAssembly and had a committed, active membership. Theirgoal and war-cry was 'defend the gains of the revolution',neoliberalism the new enemy. It could be argued that thelow-intensity warfare of the 1980s had not ended at all; ithad simply entered a new phase, which some have named'low-intensity democracy' (La Corriente 1997: 372).

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Strictly speaking, neoliberalism already had a foothold inNicaragua by the late 1980s when the Sandinistagovernment introduced reforms aimed at stoppinginflation and reducing the state sector. In the early 1990s,however, the Chamorro government was relentless inimplementing neoliberal economic policies. A series ofstructural adjustment programmes (SAPs) and extendedstructural adjustment facilities (ESAFs), hailed by thegovernment as the only economic path for Nicaragua,produced unprecedented misery and suffering for themajority of the population. Between 1980 and 1990, thenumber of people liVing in poverty rose by 59 per cent,from 1.7 million to 2.7 million (La Coniente 1997: 346).According to the Nicaraguan Institute of Statistics andCensus (INEC), in 1993, 75.7 per cent of Nicaraguanfamilies were classified as living in poverty and 46.6 percent in extreme poverty (quoted in UNDP 2000: 80). Asunemployment and underemployment rose, so too didlevels of violence and civil insecurity. Nicaraguan policestatistics show that in 1991, for every 100,000 peopleliVing in Nicaragua 191.96 violent crimes were registered.By 1996, the ratio had risen to 405.13 violent crimes forevery 100,000 citizens (UNDP 2000: 158).

In 1996 the Sandinistas again lost the national elections,this time to Arnoldo Alem{m, former mayor of Managuaand leader of the vehemently anti-SandinistaConstitutional Liberal Party (PLC). In the first years of hisgovernment the Sandinista Party tried to resist theadministration's pursuit of IMF-dictated economicpolicies that were even more stringent than those of theprevious government. The government, for its part,unleashed a campaign to destroy the remnants ofSandinismo and endeavoured to inhibit, control and eveneradicate NGOs.

In the past few years, however, political expediency andeconomic interests have led to an open pact between thePLC and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).In January 2000, the National Assembly approvedconstitutional changes designed to perpetuate the holdon power of the two main parties and eliminate theirsmaller r~vals. The National Directorate of the FSLN hasrepeatedly stated that its main concern is to win the nextgeneral election scheduled for November 2001. Despiteinternal and external criticisms and schisms, it appearswilling to take whatever measures necessary to achievethat goal, including pacts with those who, just a decadeearlier, were its sworn enemies.

In the meantime, the gap between rich and poor widensas Nicaragua continues its downward spiral of povertyand misery. According to Nicaraguan feminist writer SofiaMontenegro, the war of the 1980s set the country'seconomy back by 40 years (La Corriente 1997: 345).


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Thanks to decades of war followed by 10 years of harshneoliberal policies, Nicaragua is now officially consideredpoor enough to be classified as a heavily indebted poorcountry and in December 2000 achieved 'decision point'status within the HIPC initiative. However, with a totalexternal debt of US$6,498.6 million (US$l,316.70 perhead of population) and gross domestic product (GDP) ofUS$2,267.9 million (US$459.50 per head of population),Nicaragua's debt is unpayable and many are calling for itsimmediate cancellation (UNDP 2000: 163).

The extent of poverty and underdevelopment inNicaragua was laid bare in November 1998 whenHurricane Mitch ripped the country apart. According tothe Civil Co-ordinator for Emergency and Reconstruction(CCER), 2,394 people died, 938 disappeared, 287 wereinjured, and an estimated 865,700 people, in 144,300families, were directly affected by the disaster, losinghouses, crops and land. The total value of destroyedinfrastructure (roads, bridges, houses, schools, healthclinics, and so on) was estimated at US$1,403 million, or65 per cent of Nicaragua's GNP (CCER 1999: 31). Onceagain, Nicaragua, at least for a time, became the focus ofhumanitarian aid and solidarity initiatives from all overthe world.

Nicaraguan civil society responded quickly to the disaster.A major initiative, supported by ICD, was theestablishment of the CCER, which brought together morethan 320 NGOs, women's collectives and communityorganisations from all over the country. Barely twomonths after the hurricane, the CCER had produced adocument, Turning the Mitch tragedy into an opportunity forthe human and sustainable development ofNicaragua: areconstruction and development proposal. By May 1999, thishad been further elaborated and was presented in aninternational meeting in Stockholm, between donors(governments, World Bank, IMF, Inter-AmericanDevelopment Bank, and so on) and Central Americangovernments, to agree proposals for the reconstruction ofCentral America. Since then the CCER has played a majorrole in ensuring that civil society's voice and wealth ofexperience in human development are taken into accountby governments and international donors in thedevelopment and implementation of reconstructionprogrammes and projects.

An innovative element of the CCER's work has been thecarrying out of social audits in the areas where post-Mitchemergency and reconstruction aid was channelled.International and national NGOs, and community-basedorganisations, were praised for their transparency,efficiency and organisational capaCity to get emergencyaid quickly to those who needed it most. Since then, theNGO sector has supported hundreds of innovative and


inspiring community-based reconstruction anddevelopment initiatives. Government entities, however,did less well in the audits, and international donororganisations (governmental and non-governmental) areincreasingly concerned about corruption in governmentinstitutions. The Nicaraguan government's reputation andcredibility is being questioned by the internationalcommunity.

Nicaraguan NGOs and community organisations wereable to respond rapidly to the disaster because they couldcapitalise on the experience in participatory communitydevelopment they had accumulated in the 1980s. In the1990s their existence represented a challenge to theeffects of neoliberal policies and a search for prodevelopmental socio-economic alternatives. For manypeople in Nicaragua, the programmes and projects of civilsociety organisations are their only access to anypossibility of development.

Despite the prevalence of macro-economic policies thatexclude, demobilise and impoverish, Nicaraguans'capacity to struggle against all the odds is an undeniableasset. Their tenacious spirit, capaCity for critical awarenessand zest for life have often seen them through sociopolitical upheaval and 'natural' disasters, and kept hopealive. However, political, social and economic policiesand structures are unlikely to change significantly in thenear future. The progreSSive and innovative humandevelopment initiatives of NGOs and communityorganisations remain small-scale. Thus the socio-politicalagenda for most Nicaraguans continues to be the searchfor survival strategies.

The Sandinista revolution andwomen's developmentThe women's emancipation movement that blossomed inEurope and the United States in the 20th Century led tochanges for some women in Nicaragua, but the triumphof the Sandinista revolution in 1979 heralded a new erafor all Nicaraguan women. Many women who had takenpart in the insurtection of the 1970s proceeded in the1980s to take up powerful political positions and becomerole models for women of all ages and backgrounds.Many others, in their own communities andorganisations, began to participate in new ways,contributing to the building of a new society based onprinciples of justice and equality.

In 1980, less than a year after the overthrow of Somoza,the National Literacy Crusade mobilised thousands ofwomen (and men) into an effort that reduced the illiteracyrate from 51 per cent to 12.9 per cent (RochalEnvio 2000:20). Being involved in the Crusade, for many women,

meant travelling away from their own communities andfamilies. Hundreds of women from the towns and citieslived and worked for months at a time in isolated ruralareas and their vision of their country and of themselveschanged dramatically as a result.

Opportunities in education also opened up for women,especially in the big towns and cities. Towards the end ofthe 1980s, it was estimated that 80 per cent of universitystudents in Nicaragua were women. For the first time,large numbers of women were studying, not only areastraditionally dominated by women (arts and humanities)but also engineering, agronomy, economics andadministration. As a result, women began to work asengineers, doctors and agronomists. As in every war, therole of women in Nicaragua altered dramatically duringthe Sandinista revolution.

However, it was not the promotion of health, educationand land reform - pillars of Sandinismo - that broughtthe most significant changes for women, but the Contrawar. In rural areas, although women maintained thereproductive roles traditionally assigned to them, many alsobegan to take on other tasks. Because so many men hadbeen drafted into the army, women took on responsibilitiescommonly associated with men. Women's participation infarming co-operatives, for example, widely promoted by theSandinista revolution, led to the learning of new skills andthe development of leadership qualities which manywomen were able to develop further in the 1990s.

Throughout the war years, thousands of women and mendedicated themselves to the defence and development ofthe revolution, often ignoring or minimising their ownpersonal needs. Women not only continued to look aftertheir families, but also participated voluntarily inactivities aimed at improVing health and educationwithin the community: community kindergartens,parent-teacher associations, communal committees, theSandinista Defence Committees. Productive projectsflourished as women organised everything from sewingco-operatives to pig-farming collectives. Many women,too, served in the armed forces, although in the earlydays of the revolution this traditionally male territory wasreclaimed as 'army chiefs - under the leadership ofHumberto Ortega - decided that women would onlyoccupy administrative posts' (Belli 2001: 342), thusreducing and minimising women's participation in theArmy. In the Sandindista Police Force and the Ministry ofthe Interior, however, things were different and largenumbers of women signed up, many of them rising toimportant leadership positions.

For thousands of women, participation in the revolutionled to the relegation of their own practical needs and

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strategic interests, in gender terms. The war and thedeteriorating socio-economic situation put pressure onwomen to dedicate their energies to the collective needfor survival. Consequently, although certain roles andresponsibilities changed for women as a result of therevolution and new opportunities opened up, a specificfeminist agenda, based on gender analysis, was unable toflourish in its own right. In her book Sandino's Daughters

Revisited: Feminism in Nicaragua Margaret Randall says:'Women's issues and the needs of the Revolution were toooften placed in opposition to each other.' (Randall 1994:28, quoted in a review by Dennis Kortheuer). Themessage to women was clear: once the war was over theycould start working on their own specific problems andneeds; until then, they should focus on the war effort.

Margaret Randall argues that the failure of the revolutionto develop a feminist agenda contributed to its ultimateloss of power at the polls in 1990. In her interview withpoet Gioconda Belli, the latter declares: 'I feel that we lostthe revolution to a form of political machismo.' (Randall1994: 188) An important reason for this was thepatriarchal character of Sandinista institutions and men'sdomination of power structures at all levels. Even wherewomen were present, male values and perspectivescontinued to permeate Nicaraguan society. Althoughimprovements in the quality of women's lives wereincluded in the Sandinistas' agenda for socialtransformation, gender equity was not. The Sandinistagovernment felt it was facing an external, objectiveproblem (the war, the Contras, the Central IntelligenceAgency) and its resolution had to be given utmost priority.Women's issues and feminism, interpreted by many(especially men) as an alien, predominantly 'First World'concept would have to wait. Hence the Sandinistawomen's organisation, AMNLAE (Asociaci6n de MUjeresNicaraguenses 'Luisa Amanda Espinoza'), 'provedincapable of doing the one thing uniquely within itsprovince - that is going to battle around women's genderspecific issues -[and] it became less and less important towomen's lives.' (Randall 1994: 30)

By the latf 1980s the promotion of a feminist agendawithin the Sandinista Revolution had produced moderatebut important results, for example the inclusion ofequality in the Constitution, the recognition of commonlaw unions and of single mothers with their children aslegitimate families. However, many feminist activists andsympathisers within the FSLN remained unhappy withthe restrictions on their development and as a resultbegan to set up groups and collectives in different parts ofNicaragua that meant, in some cases, breaking away fromAMNLAE. Mostly supportive of the Sandinista Revolution,they laid the foundations for an autonomous women'smovement. Immediately after the 1990 elections, many


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women's NGOs and collectives were consolidated andnew ones were founded. They began to developprogrammes and strategies focussed on women's genderinterests and needs. According to Sofia Montenegro, 'thewomen's movement, after the FSLN electoral defeat wasone of the first to acquire autonomy and (since then) hasbeen setting itself up as an emergent political force.' (La

Corriente 1997: 36)

This coincided with advances in gender theoryinternationally which began to question the 'Women inDevelopment' (WlO) focus that had been Widely adoptedduring the 1980s, not only in Nicaragua but in manydeveloping countries. Aimed at improving women'scondition and quality of life by promoting theirparticipation in productive activities (for example, settingup vegetable gardens), the WlO approach often increasedthe workloads of women and failed to address issues vitalto their gender consciousness and empowerment.

By the early 1990s the 'Gender and Development' (GAD)approach, which insists on the analysis andtransformation of power in gender relations, was beingWidely used by women's NGOs, groups and collectives inNicaragua and in some national and internationaldevelopment agencies. GAD differs from WlO in that itfocuses not only on the material and economicdevelopment of women, but also on raising theirconsciousness about gender in society. It calls forwomen's empowerment and autonomy: qualitativeimprovements in their capacity to make decisions abouttheir own lives and their participation in all spheres oflife. It demands equal opportunities for women, andaccess to and control of resources.

In a meeting with ICD development workers andcounterpart organisations in 1993, Dora Maria Tellez,former Sandinista health minister, said that even ifneoliberalism destroys all the social gains of the revolution,it will not find it easy to reverse the capaCity for criticalanalysis that thousands of people, including thousands ofwomen, had gained through participating in therevolution. With the emergence of a range of autonomouswomen's organisations in the 1990s that focus on raisingwomen's gender consciousness, empowerment andautonomy, that would appear to be the case.

One of the most important expressions of autonomouswomen's organisation in the 1990s is the National Networkof Women against Violence (NNWV), an umbrellaorganisation that brings together hundreds oforganisations and collectives from all parts of Nicaragua.Since it was set up in 1992 it has had significant impact notonly in raising public awareness on gender and intrafamilyviolence, but also in political and strategic terms. In 1996,

owing mainly to the efforts of the NNWV, the NationalAssembly passed legislation whose primary aim was toreduce and eliminate intrafamily violence. Known as 'Law230', it is preventative rather than punitive, although itdefines sentences for specific offences. The law protects notonly women who are subject to violence by their husbandsor partners, but all family members who suffer violence atthe hands of another person within the family. The lawalso acknowledges the psychological dimension ofviolence: psychological injury is legally recognised as anoffence (NNWV 1996: 7). In 1996, the Ministry of Healthrecognised intrafamily violence as a public health issue,thus accepting, in theory, responsibility for creatingstrategies, programmes and services to reduce it. However,since then the continued implementation of neoliberalpolicies and the resultant deterioration of public healthservices have hindered practical advances in this area.

The growth of the NNWV and other networks as well asthe mushrooming of women's groups all over the country2,

and their emphasis on gender-based and intrafamilyviolence reflects the recognition of violence as a majorsocial and public health problem, especially for women. Astudy carried out by NNWV with the University of Le6n innorthern Nicaragua, and supported by the University ofUmea in Sweden, found that 60 per cent of womeninterviewed reported that they had suffered physical,psychological or sexual violence at some point in their life(Ellsberg et a11998: 45). Three-quarters of these womenhad been subjected to violence at the hands of theirhusbands or common law partners, making this the mostcommon type of violence reported by women (Ellsberg eta11998: 45). Further research carried out by FlOEG, aNicaraguan NGO, and the Inter-American DevelopmentBank (lOB) in 1997 among women in Managua, revealedthat 70 per cent of the women included in the study hadexperienced physical violence at some point in their lives,one-third of them in the previous year (Morrison 1997,quoted by Clavel et aI1999).

Violence, however, is not the only issue that women'sorganisations work on. They also focus on other practicaland strategic neids of women: health, education, technicaltraining, employment, credit, human rights, reproductiverights, sexuality, political participation, awareness-raising,and so on. In 1996, during the elections, women fromdiverse organisations and ideological backgrounds formedthe National Women's Coalition and drew up a 'minimalagenda' demanding that women's human rights beguaranteed. These were understood as 'civil, political,social, economic and cultural rights, exercised indiViduallyand collectively, with special emphasis on the rights of

, The distribution list of the feminist magazine La Boletina indicates thatthere are about 1000 groups working on gender issues in Nicaragua.


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women in ethnic groups' (La Corriente 1997: 368). Duringthe election campaigns in 1996, only the traditional Lefttook the 'minimal agenda' seriously and the electoralvictory of the PLC, even more conservative than theprevious government, came as a major blow to thewomen's movement.

Not all women, and few men, share the vision and valuesof such autonomous women's organisations as theNNWV. Nicaragua in the 1990s has witnessed anorchestrated endeavour, spearheaded by extremeconservative elements in the Catholic Church, to returnto 'traditional Catholic values'. Despite the non-religiousnature of the State, enshrined in the Constitution,Cardinal Obando y Bravo and the Nicaraguan Bishopswield significant political power that has enabled them topromote pre-Vatican II morality, ethics and theology inthe Ministry of Education and other state and nongovernmental institutions. Despite this, however, and theinternal differences and difficulties that women'sorganisations face, their vision, strength, diversity andorganisational capacity should not be underestimated.

The end of the war and the crisis inmale gender identity in the 1990sAfter the shock of electoral defeat for the Sandinistas in1990, Violeta Chamorro symbolised new hope and thepossibility of future prosperity for Nicaragua. 'Peace' wasjoyfully celebrated by women and men of all politicalpersuasions. But Chamorro's electoral promises of peaceand prosperity failed to materialise, and the hopes anddreams of thousands of war veterans quickly dissipated.Her government had inherited a country in tatters. In thelate 1980s the Sandinista government had been forced tocut the state sector, fuelling massive under- andunemployment. The economic embargo and the war hadreduced agricultural production to a minimum andpeople were experiencing 'a dramatic reduction in theirbuying power, an accelerated decrease in basic health andeducation services, increasing overcrowding and ageneralised process of social decomposition' (La Coniente1997346). In 1990 Nicaragua was bankrupt and broken.Since then, for most of the population, economicconditions have deteriorated even further.

One of the main problems throughout the 1990s was ashortage of jobs. The UNDP report on Human Developmentin Nicaragua for the year 2000 states that 'in the 1990s lackof employment was one of the major problems faced by theNicaraguan population' (UNDP 2000: 72). It points out thatwomen were particularly affected. In 1996, the CentralBank statistics put total unemployment at 51.1 per cent(CENIDH 1999: 26). Two years later the new government,using a different method of calculation, stated that

unemployment had fallen to 24.1 per cent and by 1999 to10.1 per cent (CENIDH 1999: 27). However, research by theInstitute for Nicaraguan Studies in September 1999 putsunemployment at 11 per cent and underemployment at 41per cent (CENIDH 1999: 27).

During the 1990s the labour market experienced majorshifts from the formal to the informal sector. In 1985 47.9per cent of the economically active population wereemployed in the formal sector, falling to 32 per cent in1995 and 29.2 per cent in 1999 (UNDP 2000: 71). Most jobopportunities for women were in the ever-increasinginformal sector, selling water or setting up a stall in themarket or in their own homes, increasing their alreadyheavy workload. By 1999, three out of every foureconomically active women were working in the informalsector, where income is notoriously unpredictable. In 1999,93 per cent of women working in the informal sector werenot in full-time employment (UNDP 2000: 78).

As the 1990s wore on, sweatshops began to appear. Mostof their employees were women. Despite the miserablesalaries and conditions, for hundreds of women theyprovided an opportunity for formal sector employment.In general, however, unemployed and underemployedmen considered this women's work, and beneath them.Their vision of themselves, their employmentexpectations and quite often their pride, led many ofmen to stay at home while increasing numbers of womenscrambled to scrape a liVing, working long hours andtaking home pitiful earnings.

By the end of the 1990s women accounted for 35.8 percent of the economically active population, up from 29.5per cent in 1995 and 20.2 per cent in 1963 (UNDP 2000:70). Logically, the proportion of economically active malesmust have fallen. However, although both men andwomen participate in the formal and informal labourmarkets, the UNDP report on Human Development inNicaragua for the year 2000 states that 'unemployment isabove all a male problem, underemployment anessentially female one' (UNDP 2000: 72).

Men in crisis in a society in ruins3

For most men, full-time paid employment is intrinsicallylinked to a sense of maleness and, as in most countries,men in Nicaragua are taught that their role as husbandand father, at least in theory, means earning a salary tomeet the basic needs of the family. In reality, however,many men never fulfil this obligation, and the common

l The ideas in the remainder of this section, and in section 3, 'Thedevelopment of machismo in Nicaragua' are based on the personalexperiences, analysis and debates of Nicaraguan men who took part inCANTERA's workshops on masculinity between 1994 and 1999.


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practise of fathering children with different womenreduces expectations (in both women and men) that menwill voluntarily take responsibility as providers for theirfamilies. Despite this, in 1990 thousands of Nicaraguanmen (mostly young), having hung up their arms,expected to find employment, establish themselves ashusbands (common-law or otherwise) and fathers andsettle into a 'normal' family existence.The reality couldnot have been more different. With no jobs available,they were unable to earn a salary, and their status, roleand sense of importance and usefulness within the familyand in society began to erode. Many men faced a sense offailure and alienation. Unable to meet one of society'sbasic expectations, Nicaraguan men at the beginning ofthe 1990s were at the threshold of a major crisis, causedmainly by changes in markets that the transition fromSandinismo to neoliberalism provoked.

Unemployment, however, was not the sole cause of men'scrisis. During the 1980s men in Nicaragua hadexperienced a sense of belonging and self-importance. Asmembers of the armed forces, the FSLN or otherorganisations, men wielded power - military, political,social, interpersonal - and revelled in it. Although itfunctioned in a top-down model, the exercise of powerhad as its ultimate aim the establishment of a just society(at least in theory) and men were the self-proclaimedprotagonists of that endeavour. A popular Nicaraguansong of that era called men 'Warriors of Love', sacrificingthemselves and using their power to save Nicaragua fromcapitalist imperialism and create a new society. But thisromantic adventure came to an abrupt end in 1990. Asmany men saw their power diminish, disappointmentand disillusionment replaced it. Moreover, despite amilitary victory over the Contras, a new government hadbeen installed that set about dismantling all the gainsthey had fought for and had seen their friends die for inbattle. Unemployment and poverty mocked the dream ofsocial justice they had fought for and neoliberaleconomic policies offered little chance of prosperity. Bythe mid 1990s, disillusionment was turning to anger andcynicism.

Many men found themselves forced to emigrate (legallyor illegally) in search of work and new opportunities inCosta Rica or the United States, where hundreds ofthousands of Nicaraguans currently reside.' Those whostayed behind had few internal resources and externalnetworks to help them cope with the crisis. The dictatesof traditional masculinity inhibited many men frompublicly or privately recognising the extent of their senseof loss, futility and anger. To do so would be to admitweakness and defeat and thus invite criticism andostracism. Ill-equipped to cope with emotional problems,thousands of men turned to typically male methods of


dealing with crisis: increased alcohol consumption andviolence.

For a minority of men, however, dealing with the crisis ofthe early 1990s meant opening themselves up to thepossibility of new roles and responsibilities in the family,commonly associated with women. Out of neceSSity a fewmen began to take on domestic chores while theirpartners or mothers sought paid work. For many of thesemen, this required a reappraisal of attitudes and valuesassociated with traditional male and female identities androles, and the beginning of a redefinition of theirunderstanding of masculinity.

Men Against Violence

As in the case of women, the revolution had equippedmany Nicaraguan men with a capacity for criticalanalysis. Some began to link the assumption of domesticchores and other issues related to gender equity (equalopportunities, gender violence, reproductive rights, andso on) to human rights, social justice and integratedhuman development. In 1993 a group of men linked toNicaraguan feminist NGOs and progressive women'scollectives began to meet regularly to reflect onmasculinity and related issues, and family violence inparticular. This led to the formation of the Men AgainstViolence Group in Managua (MAVG) in December 1993.The MAVG had two main aims: to offer a space wheremen could meet to reflect on violence and masculinity intheir own lives and relationships, and to organiseactivities geared at challenging other men to reflect ontheir masculinity and eliminate violence from their lives.

Some women looked on suspiciously, doubting that mencould change. Many, however, welcomed the gesture andurged more men to get involved, recognising that ifwomen were to advance further, power relations betweenwomen and men (and among men) would have tochange. The birth of the MAVG marks the beginning ofan organised attempt by men in Nicaragua to face thecrisis in masculinity, reduce gender-based violence andcontribute to gooder equity.

• The Nicaraguan population in Costa Rica is around 450,000 and cashremittances from the estimated 150,000 Nicaraguans living in theUnited States are Nicaragua's primary source of income.

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3. The development of machismo inNicaragua

Machismo, indigenous cultures andthe Spanish invaders

Machismo: a universal phenomenon

Peter Sternberg' points out that the contemporaryusage of the word 'machismo' stems from the workof North American anthropologists in Mexico in the

1940s and 1950s.6 Their research depicts a racist view ofMexican men as violent, uncaring and willing to go toany length to protect their honour, a stereotypical imagethat has been further propagated by Hollywood (andMexican) movies. In modern-day Nicaragua, however, theword 'machismo', is used to describe a socio-culturalmodel of masculinity that, passed on from generation togeneration, dictates the attitudes, values and behaviourthat men should adopt to be considered men and to feelthat they are men. It encompasses not only the way thatmen relate to women but also to other men and tochildren in both the domestic and public spheres of life.It is, in effect, an ideology built upon the erroneous

supposition that men, as the result of a naturalphenomenon, are physically, intellectually and sexuallysuperior to women, a concept that is instilled into bothwomen and men from an early age. Consequently, menenjoy rights and privileges and have access toopportunities in society that are denied to women and asystem of gender inequity is promoted and perpetuated.To accuse someone of being 'machista' in Nicaragua bearsnegative cpnnotations and is indicative of the successthat women have had in the past 20 years in revealingthe oppressive nature of patriarchal society.

, Peter Sternberg is an ICD/CIIR development worker with CISAS, aNicaraguan NGO that promotes community health, where he issupporting the development of a proposal to involve men in issues ofreproductive health in Nicaragua. He is also undertaking a PhD at theUniversity of Leeds. Many of the historic references and interpretationsin this section have come out of correspondence and discussions withPeter and I am greatly indebted to him for his insights and for sharinginformation from his own research.

6 See Mirande A (1997) Hombres and Machos - Masculinity in Latino

Culture, Westner, Boulder Colorado.


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'Machismo', the product of centuries of cultural history,is, therefore, a relatively modern term and it has changedand developed as society itself has evolved. It would beerroneous and simplistic to perpetuate the idea that inLatin America and the Caribbean machismo began withthe arrival of the Spanish invaders more than 500 yearsago. The cultivation and preservation of male power anddominance in society, however well 'developed', is auniversal phenomenon that transcends historical andcultural barriers.

Male and female identities in Nahuatl andChorotega societies

At the time of the conquest of Central America by Spanishinvaders, two of the largest and most influential indigenousgroups that populated the area now known as Nicaraguawere the Chorotega and the Nahuatl peoples. In Nahuatlsociety women were considered men's property and hadfew rights, the economy depended on war and conquestand government was top-down and dictatorial. TheChorotega people, in contrast, had developed a societyruled by a council of elders, depended on farming andgathering for their subsistence and Chorotega womenenjoyed greater rights than their Nahuatl counterparts.Pablo Antonio Cuadra', an expert on Nicaraguan cultureand identity, argues that: 'Chorotega women were valuedmembers of their communities and played an importantpart in the economic, religious and political activities of thetribe'. While little historical information exists on the actualposition of women in Chorotega society, and given thatCuadra's interpretation may be idealised, this does implythat certain differences did exist between women at thetime of the conquest. Gender, then as now, is not the onlysocial category that determined women's and men's roles,responsibilities and quotas of power in indigenous societies,and it would be fair to deduce that differences did in factexist between men and between women based on otherfactors such as ethnicity, class and age. Indeed, in relationto Nahuatl culture it has been argued (Levi and Montenegro19938

) that while rural women were still subordinate tomen they enjoyed greater freedoms than their sisters in thecities and towns and wider participation in the political,social and religious lives of their communities.

Mestizo culture

In the analysis of the Spanish conquest of Nicaragua inher book Sexual Culhlre in Nicaragua, Sofia Montenegroexplains that the constitution of a mestizo or mixedindigenous and Spanish culture begins with the Spaniards'occupation of the land, the birth of a new ethnic groupthrough the rape of indigenous women, the derogation ofautochthonous languages and the imposition of anotherlanguage, religion and new social order' (Montenegro


2000: 30). In the early years of the conquest, Montenegroclaims the existence of 'two republics'. On one hand therewas the 'Spanish republic', governed and protected by thestate, and on the other there was the 'indigenous republic'which obeyed and worked for the Spanish republic,maintaining some continuity with indigenous traditionsand lifestyles. Within a short period of time, however, athird social group, those born of mostly illegitimateunions between Spaniards and indigenous people, hadappeared. This group differed from the 'indigenousrepublic' in three main ways: its members did not settle incommunities, did not co-own land and property andindeed rarely owned land at all for farming. This gave thisnew mestizo or ladino population the advantage that theywere exempt from the tithes and taxes that the indigenouspeoples had to pay to the Crown. In effect, as Montenegropoints out, 'this third group found itself outside the legalorder that had been established starting from the 16thCentury' (Montenegro 2000: 31). This situation, togetherwith their refusal to be identified with the mulatopopulation (people born of black and white parents) led tothe eventual absorption of the mestizo population into the'Spanish republic'. Indeed, indigenous women who hadgiven birth to children by Spanish fathers, whetherthrough rape or by consent, were invariably rejected bytheir communities and their only option was to seek therecognition of the father, ensuring at least that thechildren would be brought up as mestizos, and enjoy thebenefits this entailed.

Montenegro argues, however, that this process has hadfar-reaching consequences for Nicaraguan culture andthat the effects are still to be found today: 'For the childthis meant the non-identification with his/her motherand her culture and the identification with the father's.The result of this psychic operation can still beappreciated even today in the unblemished machismothat exists in our society: in the violent humiliation ofwomen and in the equally violent affirmation of thefather. Machista behaviour reproduces, through time, thearbitrary power of the conqueror and his indifferencetowards his offspring; scorn towards women andresentment towa-rds mothers.' (Montenegro 2000: 32)

The influence of the Catholic Church

The violent appropriation of indigenous women bySpanish conquerors led not only to the birth of a mestizoculture but also, in time, to the assimilation within that

, Cuadra bases his analysis on the Historia General y Natural de las Indiaswritten by Spanish traveller Ovieda y Valdez at the time of theconquest.

• Levi, L, and Montenegro, S (1993) 'Allucinaci6n de familia: aportespara la deconstrucci6n de la familia patriarchal', Xi/otl, No. 11, 6 June,1993, pp 25-33.

culture of the idea that women who mother mestizochildren are, to quote Peter Sternberg, 'holy, as givers oflife and corrupt for their sin of allowing themselves to beimpregnated by conquerors'. This dichotomy of womenas 'mother-saint' and 'sinner-whore', a concept reinforcedby the Catholic Church since the time of the conquest,still permeates both Nicaraguan men's and women'svision of womanhood today. Indeed, the most importantcultural-religious festival in Nicaragua is the feast of theImmaculate Conception (the remembrance of Mary beingconceived without the stain of original sin on her soul)and the exuberance with which it is celebratedovershadows both Christmas and Easter. The significancegiven to this feast demands cleanliness, purity andvirginity as the essential qualities desirable in all women.The constant pressure exerted on women to emulate theVirgin Mary as the prototype of feminine wholeness andintegrity is indicative of the control that patriarchalsociety wields over women's sexuality and is one of themain pillars of machismo in Nicaragua.

Unravelling stereotypes

As part of an effort to unravel cultural stereotypes anddiscover the historic roots and contemporary character ofmachismo in Nicaragua, participants in the masculinitycourses run by CANTERA are often invited to reflect onthe images they have of the four different male'prototypes' in Nicaraguan history and culture:indigenous men, Spaniards, Africans and Englishmen!When asked to draw these images, most men have littledifficulty in representing indigenous men and Spaniards.Information about Africans and Englishmen, however, isscant and derived from primary school textbooks thatdepict Africans as slaves and barbarians and Englishmenas pirates or as Dickensian gentlemen with top hats andtail coats.

The expression of these stereotypes paves the way for adeeper analysis of indigenous societies in Central Americabefore the arrival of Christopher Columbus. It isinteresting to note, however, that in this analysis theparticipants rarely make direct references to the Nahuatland the Chorotega peoples and the often heated debatenever completely escapes from stereotypes and historicalinaccuracies. General agreement is usually arrived at,however, that in pre-Columban indigenous societies rolesand responsibilities of both men and women were clearlydefined, and, as in modern society, related to biologicalconditions and functions. Women's biologicalreproductive function ensures perpetuity for the family ortribe; it leads to the assignation of the home as the'natural' domain of women and the development of theirsocial role in nurturing and bringing up the children(motherhood). According to the images and information

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held by some men, this often included planting,harvesting and processing grains and vegetables in theirpatios and preparing food. Men, on the other hand, freefrom the responsibility of bearing and raising children,were permitted greater freedom of movement. They coulddevelop skills as hunters and gatherers and, in times ofwar with neighbouring tribes, as warriors.

Images of male superiority

Despite their lack of objective knowledge of Nahautl andChorotega cultures, the Nicaraguan men who have takenpart in CANTERA's training courses on masculinity,preserve images of their indigenous forefathers asproviders for and protectors of their families andcommunities, physically stronger than women andgenerally superior. Some men insist that indigenous menrefrained from using violence in their relationships withwomen and that the arrival of the Spanish destroyed aharmonious indigenous society. Others refute this asunfounded idealism. Indeed, it probably says more abouttheir aspirations for the future of gender relations thanabout any historical precedent. After intense debate, theparticipants invariably conclude that power relationshipsbetween men and women existed in indigenous culturesas they do in modern ones, based on the premise thatmen are naturally stronger, more intelligent than andsuperior to women.

Some men in their analysis of the genocide and fiercehumiliation suffered by indigenous peoples at the handsof the Spanish, while recognising the devastatingconsequences for women, also argue that this experienceingrained itself in men's minds and subconscious as aprofound sense of powerlessness, failure and weakness.They suggest that this may have affected the subsequentdevelopment of men's vision of their world and especiallytheir perceptions and concepts of male and femaleidentity and roles. It could be argued that genderviolence, as a cultural, historical phenomenon inNicaragua, is in part the collective externalisation ofmen's subconscious shame at their inability to defendthemselveli, their culture and 'their' women. Thesystematic subordination of women, often expressed inmisogyny, enables men to express a sense of primal guiltand anger (at themselves and at women), and to provethat they are not weak and thus reclaim a lost sense ofsecure, dominant, powerful masculinity fragmented bythe Spanish conquest.

Machismo in Nicaragua and other parts of Latin Americadoes not begin with the Spanish conquest; but its

9 The Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua was a British colony and the firstlanguage of most of the Creole population is English.


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development as an oppressive ideology that has dictatedgender relations throughout the past five centuries hasbeen greatly influenced by the experiences of women andmen during that period. The traditional models offemininity and masculinity prevalent in indigenoussocieties were reinforced by Spanish norms and values,and by a staunchly misogynist Catholic Church.Furthermore, the internalisation of feelings of guilt,shame, betrayal, anger and powerlessness experienced bywomen and men (to different degrees and for differentreasons) deepened the divisions that already existedbetween them. The historical convergence of thesephenomena laid the foundations for the establishment ofthe inequalities and injustices that characterise thegender relations that permeate contemporary Nicaraguanmestizo culture.

Machismo in today's NicaraguaGender theory holds that the assignation of male andfemale gender identities in a given society at a particulartime are directly related to the physical, anatomical andsexual attributes that differentiate men and women.Based on these attributes, historical, socio-culturalparadigms are created that dictate how women and menshould be, what they should do, and how and what theyshould think and feel.

When a male child is born in Nicaragua he is identifiableonly by his external sexual organs (his biological sex).From the moment of his birth, however, or even before ifthe mother has access to an ultrasound scan, asocialisation process begins that will attempt to assign tohim the attitudes, values and behaviour demanded of menin society (his gender identity). In general, his arrival inthe world will be greeted with joy and celebration. Inmany rural parts of Nicaragua, a midwife is paid theequivalent of US$S and given a chicken if a male child isborn, but receives only US$2.S0, and no chicken, if thechild is a girl (CANTERA 1994: 6) - a more than symbolicmanifestation of the social value placed on being male.

The family is key in gender socialisation processes. Onthe birth of a male child, all family members willautomatically know the 'proper' way to bring him up. Noone will dress him in pink or give him dolls to play with,and as he grows he will be encouraged to take part inboisterous energetic games which develop physicalstrength and the ability to endure pain. Tears, fears andweakness are prohibited and punished with accusationsof being a coch6n - a sissy or poofter. Big boys don't cry,girls are inferior and any expression of qualities orbehaviour considered feminine is frowned on and sneeredat. As in many societies, ingrained homophobic attitudesserve as a powerful control mechanism not only to steer


young boys towards heterosexuality, but also to instilmacho value systems and behaviour patterns.

By a very early age, therefore, young boys have begun tointegrate into their own individual identity the socialprescriptions for masculinity. This enables them to feelthat they are men and guarantees that others, men andwomen, will treat them as men. This early moulding ofattitudes, values and behaviour enables their insertioninto a world that revolves around the strategic needs andinterest of men. To facilitate this, concepts related tofemininity are also hammered into young boys' valuesystems and ways of thinking. They begin to internalise aview of women that is diametrically opposed to theirview of themselves. They internalise ideas aboutwomen's weakness and general physical and intellectualinferiority. Women are perceived by men (and indeed bythemselves) as second-class beings whose main functionin life is to attend to men's physical, emotional andsexual needs.

Because of the gender roles socially assigned to women,mothers, grandmothers and older sisters play a centralrole in passing on gender-based attitudes, values andbehaviour to their daughters and sons. Many men inNicaragua, when they begin to reflect on theirmasculinity, say: 'Our mothers brought us up, so it's theirfault'. Gender stereotypes are so ingrained that manywomen inculcate in their sons the attitudes, values andconduct that society considers appropriate for men. Theyare of course not the only ones who do so. They areconstantly reinforced by other people and socialinstitutions, such as the church and the educationsystem. All members of the family (fathers, when they arepresent, brothers and sisters, aunts, uncles, cousins andgrandparents) collude unquestioningly in the 'correct'bringing up of male children. Nothing is gained bycasting blame, and machismo can only be changed whenseen in its socio-historical perspective and when men taketheir share of responsibility for its eradication.

Within families, machismo is expressed in a gendereddivision of wor~ in which women are responsible forreproductive tasks (childbearing and -raising, domesticchores, and so on) and men for productive tasks (paidwork). This division has far-reaching implications for men'sand women's individual and collective development,because it determines social mobility and subsequentaccess to opportunities and resources. The allocation ofreproductive tasks to women greatly inhibits their access toeducation and paid employment, and limits their politicaland social participation.

The concept of power is of particular importance inperpetuating gender inequities. In social systems based on

gender differences, power is a male attribute. Men quicklylearn that they not only have to possess power, they mustalso use it. Power includes the ability to conquer anddominate. It leads to the control and manipulation ofthose who are considered inferior, and promises rewards.Men are expected to manifest this type of power in theirrelationships with women in all spheres of life, and itssuccessful use guarantees rights and privileges within thefamily unit and in society. To ensure men's freedom ofmovement, individual and professional development andthe rewards associated with these (money, prestige, socialstatus), women must be subordinated.

However, this type of power can lead to the use ofviolence, especially in conjugal relationships. Physicalstrength is seen as a positive male value to be nurturedby men and in men. Its private application, as physicalviolence and as a means to control women, is acommon practice that many men internalise as theirright and duty. Both men and women have been taughtto regard the woman in marriage or common-lawunions as the man's property. This confers on the manthe right to do as he pleases with her and the duty tokeep her under control. In the study by NNWV citedearlier, 39 per cent of the women interviewed reportedthat their husband, partner or boyfriend had usedphysical violence against them on at least one occasion.Among women who were or had been in a conjugalrelationship, the proportion was 52 per cent (Ellsberg et

al 1998: 45).

Violence as a manifestation of male power is not limitedto the physical sphere. The sense of superiority instilledinto men often leads to systematic psychological abuse ofwomen by their partners, for example verbal abuse thatconstantly humiliates and denigrates, and the use ofthreatening and violent language. It is also expressed inthe constant control and monitoring of women's spacesand mobility and sometimes even in the denial ofpermission to leave the house. In many cases physicaland psychological violence go hand-in-hand and are apermanent feature of conjugal relationships.

Nor is violence by men against women confined tocouples. Even within the family other violent dynamicsare common, for example, fathers who use psychologicaland physical violence against their daughters andbrothers who do so against their sisters.

Sexual violence is also a product of male power, and it isgenerally acknowledged that most acts of sexual violenceagainst women in Nicaragua are committed in thewomen's own home by family members or friends of thefamily. National police statistics in 1998 showed a 100per cent increase in sexual crimes reported in police

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stations between 1996 and 1997. The number of rapesregistered increased by 124 per cent (Clavel et a11999)

which may be more indicative of women's increasedwillingness to report rape than of increased incidence ofrape. In an unpublished study carried out in 1998,27 percent of women stated that they had been sexually abusedas children, as did 20 per cent of men.

Women of all ages are subject to harassment and acts ofviolence by men in other areas of everyday life: at work,in public transport, in markets and shopping centres andon the streets. The idea that men have a right to useviolence, and that this is natural male behaviour, is soingrained in the minds of many men and women inNicaragua that in conjugal relationships where violence isabsent, people wonder: does he really love her? Violence,especially in its 'milder' forms is seen as an expreSSion oflove and affection, especially when it is the result ofjealousy. It is a popular belief that a jealous man who hitshis partner does so because he loves her so much he isafraid of losing her to another man.

Intrageneric violence

Male violence is not limited to violence against women.Intrageneric violence, or violence used by men againstother men, is also related to the social assignation andindividual assimilation of power as a positive maleattribute. For many men, the use of physical violencebecomes a 'normal' way of settling differences (pubbrawls and street fights), often with knives and guns.Importance is put on the ability to fight, to defendoneself, to endure pain and when necessary to beat theliving daylights out of adversaries. It is a way of achievingstatus and gaining and perpetuating power within malecircles.

Physical and psychological violence is also systematicallyused against men (individuals and groups) who do notconform to masculine norms. Gays are the obvious targetfor this type of violence, as are other men who fail tofulfil the norms of traditional masculinity. It is witnessedamong cQildren in the isolation, ridicule and bullying ofboys who are quiet and reserved, or who lack physicalstrength. Many men carry this over into their youth andadulthood. Brute force, not dialogue, is the way to settledifferences.

On a macro level this is transferred to the propagation ofwar as a legitimate means to conquer and dominateothers, to protect interests and to defend oneself. Fewwomen have been responsible for starting wars lO and theArmed Forces in almost every country in the world aredominated by men, especially at the highest levels. Inwars, as was the case in Nicaragua in the 1980s, it is


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usually men who are conscripted or who voluntarily takeup arms and therefore men who are the immediate anddirect casualties. It is one reason why in many countriesin the world men have a lower life expectancy thanwomen. In Nicaragua in 1989, women accounted for 52per cent of the Nicaraguan population because so manymen had been killed as a result of the Contra war.

Not all the factors that contribute to men dying earlierthan women are as dramatic as war. Social habitsassociated with maleness also influence men's lifeexpectancy and the quality of their life and health. Arecent study carried out in Mexico, Masculinity as a RiskFactor, revealed that the three most common causes ofdeath in menll are car accidents, homicide (men killingother men) and cirrhosis of the liver, the latter mostprobably related to the consumption of alcohol (DeKeijzer 1996: 11). Although other influences are also atwork, the hypothesis put forward in the study is thattraditional masculinity is a major contributory factor in alarge proportion of these deaths. The study also revealedthat in the State of Veracruz in 1993, four times moremen than women died in car accidents. While noinformation is offered in relation to the percentage ofmen and women drivers in the State of Veracruz, theauthor of the study suggests that socially learnedcharacteristics associated with masculinity (for exampleaggression and competitiveness), influence the way thatmen drive and lead to recklessness and irresponsibility onthe roads and ultimately to male deaths.

Further analysis of the statistics revealed a relationbetween the consumption of alcohol and deaths inaccidents" and homicide, concluding that the abuse ofalcohol contributed to premature male deaths and wastherefore a major risk factor for men (De Keijzer 1996:10). Given that the ability to hold one's drink is anattribute that men are encouraged to develop and thatother values associated with car accidents and homicideare also linked to maleness, there seems to be a linkbetween traditional masculinity and men's lifeexpectancy and general health.

The study also found that, although more than two-thirdsof attempted suicides were women, 75 per cent ofsuccessful suicides were men (De Keijzer 1996: 11).According to police statistics for Nicaragua in 1996, 84 percent of successful suicides were men (CANTERA 1996: 26).This may be related to social and economic crisis, but it isalso linked to the methods men choose to end their lives.Women usually take an overdose of tablets and in manycases their suicide attempt is a cry for help. Many menhang or shoot themselves. To cry for help would be toadmit weakness and goes against masculine values thatpredominate even in the moment of taking one's own life.


The internalisation of traditional masCuline values,attitudes and behaviour takes its toll not only of men'slife expectancy but also of their mental and physicalhealth the quality of their lives. Expressing one's feelingsor sharing personal or emotional problems is behaviourassociated with femininity, so most men reject it. Theresult is an inability to develop a healthy spiritualdimension. The maxim that 'big boys don't cry' and theconstant pressure on men to keep a stiff upper lip hasprofound emotional effects on men, many of whom gothrough their lives unable to show affection in ameaningful way. This is common not only inrelationships with women and children, but in particularwith other men, where the physical display of affection isanathema, except at a baseball match or after a goodmany beers. The repression of feelings and emotions notonly isolates men and generates loneliness, it also leads tophysical and mental illness. The high level of heartdisease in men is related not only to heavy smoking(historically associated with males, but nowadaysincreasingly adopted by women) and a high-fat, highcholesterol diet, but also to stress brought about by thesocially acquired inability to express and process feelings.

In effect, the degree to which each man assimilates theattitudes, values and behaviour associated with traditionalmasculinity has a direct effect on the quality and lengthof his life. The mandate to be 'macho' severely limits thepossibility of developing tenderness and sensitivity,qualities necessary for human beings to be human. Hencemale socialisation is a demoralising and dehumanisingprocess that atrophies men's individual and collectivedevelopment and their capaCity for qualitative humanrelationships. For many it leads directly to physicalillness, mental disorder and premature death.

Power and sexuality

The maintenance of male power and privilege in societyis directly related to the control of women's sexuality,which reqUires the allocation of reproductive tasks towomen. The use and threat of sexual violence are amechanism for ,the control of women. Although ingeneral sex and sexuality, even for men, are shrouded inmyths and taboos, the expectations of men's sexuality areremarkably clear. From an early age, young men aretaught that sexual prowess is the measure of masculinity.The concept of women as sexual objects is constantly

" In one workshop in 1999, one man half jokingly proposed that theonly women ever responsible for starting a war was Margaret Thatcherin Las Malvinas, a claim that no one at that moment was able to refute.

11 This does not include 'natural' causes such as cancer and degenerativeillnesses related to ageing.

12 Consumption of alcohol is a factor in 60 per cent of traffic accidentsreported to the police.

n

reinforced by male relatives and friends and by massmedia representations of women.

Many men in Nicaragua, when given the opportunity, tellhorror stories about their sexual initiation. Some, at 11 or12 years old, were taken by fathers or cousins to brothelsto 'enjoy' their first taste of sex (CANTERA 1996: 16). Theexperience is a traumatic one, marred by hidden fears, andwithout any knowledge of sex or sexuality. Stereotypesabout women as objects to be used for sexual pleasure arereinforced, as is the almost exclusively genital character ofmale sexuality. As a result men grow up equating sex withpenetration and the quantity of sexual conquests takesprecedence over the quality of sexual relations. Mensubsequently boast about and often exaggerate theseconquests in conversations with other men; it isimportant to let them know the extent of one's sexualsuccess.

Male attitudes towards sex and the pressure on themconstantly to prove their virility poses a risk of spreading ofHIV and AIDS. 'Real men' must demonstrate their sexualpower by having numerous sexual partners. Combined withscanty sex education and the propagation of myths aboutcondom use - 'they reduce sensitivity and pleasure' - theway that men in general exercise their sexuality is a causefor major concern. Many men who are in establishedheterosexual, conjugal relationships frequently haveunprotected sex with other women and men (bisexualpractices are common in Nicaragua but rarelyacknowledged). The HIV infection rate among heterosexualwomen is increasing rapidly. Half of the adolescents liVingwith HIV at present are women (UNDP 2000: 43).

According to Ministry of Health figures, between 1987and September 1999 a total of 467 people in Nicaraguatested HIV positive (UNDP 2000: 42). Of these, 227 nowhave AIDS and 130 have died of AIDS-related illnesses.Given that the Ministry of Health barely has theresources to attend to people with AIDS-related illnesses,it is generally recognised that these figures reflectdeficiencies in record keeping and, therefore, do notrepresent the full extent of HIV-AIDS in Nicaragua.Although it is generally recognised that infection ratesare lower than in other countries in Central America, itis accepted that conditions are ripe for an explosion ofHIV/AIDS. Poverty levels are increasing, abuse of drugs(including alcohol) is proliferating, prostitution has risenalarmingly, especially among young women, thegovernment lacks coherent education and preventionpolicies and irresponsible, risk-ridden sexual habits arewidespread. According to the Ministry of Health,although most women are aware of the risk of AIDS andits consequences, only 2 per cent insist on their partnerusing a condom (UNDP 2000: 43).

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The reluctance of Nicaraguan men to use condoms or todevelop a more responsible approach to sex and sexualityis symptomatic of the androcentric nature of traditionalmasculinity. Sexual pleasure is a male right and privilegethat is negated by the use of condoms or self-imposedrestrictions. Women's sexual and emotional needs arebarely recognised and knowledge about women's bodiesand sexuality is limited. Indeed, the almost exclusivelygenital understanding of sex also means that most mennever discover the erotic potential of their own bodiesand the diversity of human sexuality. Even if love ispresent in relationships, the expression of feelings,emotions and affection is taboo to male sexuality. As hasbeen said many times in Nicaragua, 'women give sex toreceive love and men give love to receive sex'. Ineveryday life this maxim is borne out in the way manymen, of all ages, try to guarantee sex by sweet-talking, oreven emotional blackmail: 'if you really loved me... '. Foradolescent and young women this pressure often leads topremature and unwanted pregnancies as through sexualrelations, for them an act of love, they aspire to preservethe attention and 'love' of their suitors. In 1999, 4S percent of adolescent women in Nicaragua were alreadymothers, or were pregnant or had been pregnant at leastonce (UNDP 2000: 36). For many young men, thisrepresents another feather in their cap, a new conquest toboast of. This is indicative of men's attitudes to sex andwomen, to their own sense of responsibility and to theirown children. As in other areas of life, in the exercise oftheir sexuality men are granted privileges denied towomen and are freed from any sense of responsibility.Birth control, childbearing and child-rearing are femaletasks and men are expected to contribute at mosteconomically to the children's' welfare, and many fail tofulfil even this task. Men's sexual adventures are praisedby others and boost male egos and social standing.Women, on the other hand, are expected to be pure andchaste before marriage and faithful within in it.

Learning male identity

It would be ridiculous to assume that every Nicaraguanman colludes unconditionally with the hegemonic modelof masculinity described above. The socialisation of eachindividual determines the degree to which he assimilatesthe attitudes and values of traditional masculinity andthe expected behaviour. Although society undoubtedlyattempts to assign a homogeneous identity to all men,the particular family context, social context andindividual life experiences of men lead to the existence ofdifferent male identities in the same society. In otherwords, categories such as class, race, religion, geographicallocation and family unit type influence the attitudes,values and behaviour that anyone man takes on. Thesevarying manifestations of masculinity depend greatly on


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how individuals and groups of men interpret thestandards prescribed by society as typically male and howthey internalise them.

However, although different expressions of masculinitymay co-exist and no two men are ever the same, fewmanage substantially to escape the framework oftraditional masculinity that emphasises the possessionand use of power as a prerequisite for all men.

The model of masculinity that permeates Nicaraguanculture is a specific manifestation of a global paradigmthat predominates in many societies and whoseexpression is determined by each one's history and itssocial and cultural context. Nicaraguan society is complexand rapidly changing, heavily influenced bymodernisation and globalisation, of masscommunications in particular. Men and women of all


ages have access to different models of masculinity andfemininity, at least on their television sets. However,ingrained social norms that define male and femaleidentities and gender roles cannot be altered overnight.Men and women are under constant pressure toreproduce in their own lives and in those of theirchildren the attitudes, values and behaviour thattraditional society expects. Moreover, the predominanceof conservative right-wing ideology, and its propagationby ecclesiastical and political leaders calling for a 'returnto traditional family values', are a major obstacle to socialchange and the altering of gender roles. Changes in theways that men perceive themselves and women, in theirattitudes, values and behaviour in all spheres of life, willnot be achieved easily or quickly. They demand processesthat challenge not only the ethos and structuralframework of masculinity but also those of society itself.

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4. CANTERA's work on masculinity andpopular education

Gender and popular education

Women and popular education

Popular education, used to enable people to takeresponsibility for their own development andimproving their own health and education, enjoyed

considerable success in Nicaragua in the 1980s. During the1990s some NGOs and community-based organisationsbegan to use popular education methodologies in theirprogrammes. CANTERA's work with women, begun in1989, is an innovative application of popular education.Until then popular education had been limited to apredominantly Marxist analysis of society, and the needfor objective changes in oppressive structures to achievesocial justice. It was primarily concerned with questioningsocial and political power relations and generatingproposals to facilitate social justice. Gender relations,however, were excluded from the equation and the powerrelationships between men and women were not generallyor systematically subjected to critical analysis.

The fusion of popular education with gender analysisamong women, while still concerned with the

transformation of oppressive structures, began to includethe analysis of women's experiences and aspirations. Aswell as reflecting on the external world, women beganto analyse themselves, using a popular educationmethodology. Their own complex and subjective realitybecame the centre of their reflections and analysis. Theresult of these processes was the articulation of concreteproposals to improve their own lives: attitudes, values,roles, responsibilities, opportunities, rights and duties,public and political participation.

A recent study, Exploring Our Changes, carried out by~

MUSAVIA (Proyecto Mujer, Salud y Violencia (3), revealed

that awareness-raising and training with women thatused popular education methodology to analyse genderinequalities led to changes at two main levels:consciousness-raising and empowerment. The first hasto do with concepts, ideas and principles. The seconddeals with decision-making and bringing about change.Compared with women who have had no access toeducation on gender, women who have taken part in

" A Central America-wide programme supported by the European Union,UNFPA and a number of European NGOs.


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gender training in general demonstrated a greatercapacity to make decisions on their own developmentand life, and within the family, a higher level of selfesteem and a greater ability to defend their rights. Theyshowed a greater understanding of the causes ofviolence, were more inclined to reject violence (asrecipients or perpetrators) and showed efforts to bringup their children without resorting to violence(D'Angelo 1999).

Popular education and masculinity

In 1993 discussions in CANTERA about the meaning ofgender and its relationship to popular education openedup debate on masculinity. CANTERA's popular educationwith women and theoretical advances made it clear thatimprovement in women's quality of life depends onchanges in perceptions, concepts, values and behaviour,not only in women, but also in men. Moreover, thewomen who had taken part in the courses often said thatthe greatest obstacle in their change processes was theintransigence of men. How could gender power relationsbe modified if half of the population was not even willingto enter the gender debate?

Thus came the challenge. Women in CANTERA statedtheir position:

• Social justice, the ultimate goal of popular education,cannot be achieved without gender justice.

• Gender justice can be achieved only if both men andwomen work towards it, changing their ways ofthinking, being and relating: women towards greaterempowerment, men towards less machismo.

• The promotion of popular education and its declaredgoal of social justice falls short if it focuses only onobjective reality and social and political structures.

• Men committed to and working in popular educationfall short if they are not equally committed to genderjustice.

CANTERA's work on gender and masculinity respondsprimarily to women's practical and strategiC gender needsand was seen as a necessary step in consolidating anddeepening women's processes of change. It wasdeveloped, from the beginning, within a pro-feministframework that would itself develop over the years. Theidea that men would also benefit from changes inhegemonic masculinity, although present from thebeginning, grew as the process gathered momentum. Bythe end of 1993 CANTERA had started work onmasculinity and popular education and a few men in thetechnical team had begun to look at gender from adifferent perspective.


CANTERA's programme, 1993-99

Getting started

Recognising resistance, fears and contradictions

To start work on masculinity and popular education, menin CANTERA not only had to take on board thearguments of their female colleagues, but also to come toterms with their own misconceptions, prejudices andfears about gender and feminism. The turning point,perhaps, was the recognition that gender theory does notpropose 'turning the tables', a common myth perpetuatedby many men to demean feminism and justify their ownresistance to change. In fact, far from propOSing theinversion of roles and power relations, gender theory callsfor equity between men and women: in educational andemployment opportunities, in access to and control ofresources, in public and political participation, in familystructures, to mention a few. To achieve this balance,however, men too must change. They must cease to usepower to guarantee privileges for themselves at the cost ofwomen's subordination and exclusion.

A small group of men in CANTERA recognisedcontradictions between what they were saying and whatthey were doing. On the one hand, they declaredwomen's rights were essential to social justice. On theother, they continued to reap the benefits of a thoroughlymachista social system. Popular education proposes adialectical relationship between theory and practice, on apersonal as well as on a professional level. On realisingthis, men in CANTERA were able to take important stepstowards their own personal and professional involvementin gender issues.

Deepening the gender debate

Within CANTERA the shift in men's view of gender issueswas greatly influenced by Marcela Lagarde, a Mexicananthropologist and expert on gender and developmentwho held a two-1ay workshop on gender in CANTERA inmid 1993. Her visit to CANTERA facilitated the breakingdown of intellectual and emotional resistance and provedto be a catalyst for work on masculinity.

It was another year, however, before work actually began.The women insisted that there should be an educationalactivity on gender and masculinity for men and byJanuary 1994, such an event was included in the calendarof educational activities, to be organised by men for men.It was decided to bring together men from otherorganisations and from different parts of the country. Inmid 1993 the Men Against Violence Group (MAVG) had

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emerged in Managua and debates on gender and how toget men involved in gender issues were going on in otherNGOs. It was decided to raise the profile of the event. Formen in CANTERA, it was also a convenient way to avoidbeing the focus of the activity and subjecting themselvesto levels of reflection, analysis and intimacy that theywere not ready for or felt they did not need. Organising anational encounter among men was less of a threat, andalso opened up the possibility of drawing in a greaternumber of men.

The First National Encounter on Masculinity,1994

Planning the encounter

The First National Encounter on Masculinity took placein September 1994 and was attended by 41 men from allparts of Nicaragua. It was a one-day workshop, plannedby the men in CANTERA's Rural Team: Freddy Morales(RIP), Ram6n Gonz31ez and Patrick Welsh, ICDdevelopment worker and with input from women inCANTERA.

CANTERA's approach to workshops,

All CANTERA's courses and workshops are highlystructured. Care is taken to define precise, feasibleobjectives, and to ensure that topics are dealt with in alogical fashion and in relation to defined objectives.Appropriate educational methods and techniques aredesigned so that these objectives can be met, a timescale is proposed and responsibilities delegated todifferent members of the facilitating team. This ensuresthat a 'horizontal logic' - a relationship between thetopic being dealt with, objectives, methods andtechniques - is achieved, that enough time is allocated,and that each member of the team knows what his/herresponsibilities are.

Emphasis is also put on a 'vertical logic' - achronological one - taking care that topics are dealtwith in a way that allows one to lead into and build onthe other. A golden rule of CANTERA's approach topopular education is that each educational activityshould end with the collective articulation of a proposalfor change that must be practical and achievable. Thisapproach was applied strictly in planning the encounteron masculinity.

Questions abounded. Why would men come? Would theycome? What type of men would take part? What wouldtheir expectations be? Which issues would be the most

important to cover? Which could feasibly be dealt with inone day? What kind of fears and resistances would menhave? What would be the best methodology? Morequestions than answers. The planning sessions became akind of laboratory on masculinity as ideas wereexchanged, premises and prejudices questioned andtheories challenged.

Deciding the content

It was decided to focus the workshop on two main issues:

• the social construction of masculinity (male values,attitudes, behaviour, concepts, perceptions, and so on:where they come from and how they are instilled inmen), and

• the consequences of machismo for women, childrenand men (effects on mental and physical health,opportunities in life and human development).

A proposal to bring in an external expert on gender andmasculinity (a woman) was unanimously rejected.Experience showed that many men who had taken partin academic talks and seminars on gender issues (usuallygiven by women), mainly out of curiosity and good will,ended up feeling alienated and even angry. Often theycame away feeling that they had been personally blamedfor women's sufferings at the hands (and fists) of all mensince time began. This reinforced their resistance todiscussion of gender. The idea of bringing in a maleexpert on masculinity was also debated and finallyrejected. CANTERA's technical team was convinced of theneed to adopt and adapt popular education methodology,just as had been done with women over the years. Themain fear associated with bringing in a male expert ongender and masculinity was that the focus would havebeen exclusively intellectual and hence a typicallyrational male exercise. Popular education methodology,on the other hand, opened up the opportunity tofacilitate individual and collective processes of criticalreflection that would include a more subjective analysisof masculinity.

~

It was decided that the encounter would be run by thethree-man CANTERA team and no women would bepresent. It was thought that the presence of womenwould limit the discussion and inhibit the men. Besides,the women in CANTERA had enough to do withouttaking on the task of changing men. Men's involvementin gender issues, from the beginning, required them totake responsibility for their own processes of reflectionand change.


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Men's life experiences as a starting point

A key objective was to generate proposals for concretechange. The aim was to get men to look at themselves,their values and relationships, and to recognisecontradictions and injustice, to be able to takeresponsibility and initiate changes. The starting pointwould not be the theory, but men's own life experiences,concepts, perceptions and practices. The analysis neededto focus not only on the intellect but also on men's fears,feelings, dreams and aspirations.

The first encounter would have to enable men to reflecton their upbringing, and the people and institutions thatinfluenced them. The methodology would have to easemen into frames of mind that would facilitate intimatesharing.

Identifying the characteristics of masculinity

The first exercise in the workshop (after introductionsand presentations) was to identify typical male andfemale characteristics and group them into categories:physical/biological, socio-cultural and psychological. Sixgroups were formed, three of which definedcharacteristics and symbols associated with femininity,while the other three focused on male characteristics andsymbols. Some men did drawings to illustrate what theyhad discussed in the groups. In the first category, physicalstrength and height, muscles, moustaches and beards,and deep voices were identified as 'masculine',motherhood, large breasts and big hips as 'feminine'.These definitions were later discussed, as some men didnot agree that these characteristics were necessarilyattributable to nature. They argued, for example, that notall men have deep voices and beards and that manywomen have small hips and breasts. There wasunanimous agreement, however, that the fundamentalphysical/biological differences between men and womenwere their reproductive organs. In other words, it waspossible to define 'sex' as a biological category.

Differences between men and women

Among the socio-cultural characteristics identified as'feminine' were the use of dresses, skirts and tight-fittingtrousers; earrings and necklaces; long hair and make-up.Pastel colours like pink and yellow were associated withwomen, as was the custom of speaking softly. Womenwere seen as cornerstones of the family, mothers andwives, responsible for the home and for bringing up thechildren. They dance, go to the market, raise chickens,tend to the garden and like art. Men, on the other hand,dress in dark shirts and trousers, have short hair, do notwear earrings, but if they do, only in one ear. Within the

family they are the bosses, make decisions, are the legalrepresentatives and proVide for the family through paidwork. Men are free to come and go as they please andenjoy greater sexual freedom than women. As childrenthey play with cars, balls and toy guns; when they growolder, boxing and baseball are their favourite sports. Menare resolute and indispensable.

Many of the psychological attributes associated with menwere expressed in relation to those associated withwomen: less emotional (men don't cry), less able to putup with infidelity, more intelligent (good academic resultsmatter) and rational, superior and independent. Othercharacteristics seen as typically male werecompetitiveness, aggression, courage and bravery,recklessness and fearlessness. Men were also perceived ascapable, audacious leaders, able to take advantage ofopportunities in life. But they were also described as liarsand cheats, dangerous and lazy.

Women were described as delicate, soft, juicy, appetising,sexy, loving, friendly, and full of tenderness andsweetness. They are sensitive, express their feelings, crywhen they need to, express love, are spontaneous andhave a spirit of self-sacrifice. They are creative and some,too, are strong.

One campesino summed up the stereotypical view ofwomen in the drawing of a guitar, accompanied by thefollowing text:

The guitar symbolises women because they havecertain similarities, for example their waist and hips.To make her play all you have to do is touch her. Youhave fun with her and every time you hold her youfeel all choked up with emotion and you don't wantto put her down. You look after her and you don'twant anybody to mistreat her. Whenever you want to,you look for ways to make her play. She's sensitiveand tickley in the middle and that's were you reallylike to develop your own abilities. But if you find abetter model, you trade her in, physically speaking,that is, give!) that in other aspects she isincomparable. Women are the best thing that Naturehas given us. (CANTERA 1994: 10)

It would be difficult to find a more honest expression ofthe way women in a macho society like Nicaragua areperceived as second class citizens, whose primaryfunction is the satisfaction of men's emotional, physicaland sexual needs. They are thought of as men's property,objects owned, used and discarded at a whim. Men enjoyrights and privileges denied to women and wield powerover them to ensure that those rights and privileges aremaintained.


Inverted roles

The identification of the differences that men sawbetween themselves and women laid the foundation for afurther exercise aimed at enabling the participants todiscover where such ideas came from and to assess towhat degree they reflected reality. A video entitled Martaand Raymond, that inverts gender roles, enabled men towitness the mechanisms that subordinate women, theabuse and violence that women endure on a daily basisand the limitations put on their development. SeeingRaymond, a man, in a typical women's role, humiliatedby Marta, caused reactions varying from disbelief to fearto shame.

Return to 'normality'

The video was stopped at the point where Malta, in adrunken stupor, is beating up a pregnant Raymond. Theparticipants were asked to propose possible endings. Somethought that Raymond, at the end of his tether, wouldleave Marta and 'go home to daddy' or take refuge withfriends. Others suggested that family and societal pressurewould keep them together and that Raymond would haveto accept the abuse and the violence as part of his lot, forthe sake of the children and family unity. A few imaginedthat Raymond would fight back and put Marta in herplace and one or two thought that the situation wouldget better: Marta would change her ways and they wouldgrow old together, happy-ever-after, fairy story style.

The video actually ends with Raymond waking up from anightmare, and realising that things are back to 'normal'.He wakes Marta to cook breakfast and get the childrenready for school. His relief was mirrored by sighs thatmany participants in the workshop tried to smother.

Masculinity: socially assigned and individuallyassimilated

By this stage in the workshop, men had begun to unravelthe consequences for women of the unequal powerrelations between the genders. They were being easedinto reflecting on their feelings about these injustices andanalysing to what degree they were reproducing them intheir own relationships. They were discovering that malegender identity is socially assigned and indiViduallyassumed.

A trip back in time: the role of the family

The next exercise consisted of a trip back in time. Smallgroups were formed and the participants were asked toremember what they had learned as infants, children andadolescents about what it means to be a man. To avoid

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repetition the questions given to each group were slightlydifferent, but all were designed to facilitate reflection onthe role of the family, school, the Church, mass mediaand other social institutions in the inculcation ofattitudes, values and behaviour considered appropriate formen. It was no coincidence that many of thecharacteristics that had been discussed earlier figured inthese group discussions. Mothers and fathers, olderbrothers and sisters, aunts, uncles and grandparentstransmitted images of men as intelligent, rational beings,fearless, strong and courageous. 'Real men' are harddrinkers, smoke a lot, practise physical sports and aresexually active from an early age, preferably with anumber of different women. Homosexuality is anathema,heterosexuality obligatory. Physical strength and the useof violence are also hammered into young boys asnecessary attributes of their masculinity. The family, then,is revealed as the fundamental conduit of male valuespassing from one generation to the next.

The old school yard

As men remembered their school days, especially primaryschool, links were made between the norms established inthe classroom and playground and what had beenlearned at home. Many men remembered that boys andgirls were seated apart and that the education system to alarge degree reinforced the myth of male superiority. Itgranted privileges and rights to boys that were denied togirls. Many of the men acknowledged that in their ownfamilies even to the present day priority is given toeducating male children.

The role of religion and mass media

The examination of religion again highlighted the powerand privileges granted to men and the doctrine of malesuperiority instilled not only in them but also in women.Only men could become priests and were worthy tointercede directly with God; only boys could serve at thealtar. Representation of masculinity in the mass mediaconstantly reinforced male stereotypes and for many ofthe men in the workshop had decisively influenced theirown indiVidual perception of themselves, their owngender identity.

Masculinity and its consequences for men

The penultimate exercise in the workshop was to list theconsequences of 'masculinity' for men. The advantageswere quickly identified. They included the possession ofpower - over women and children, and also to makedecisions about their own lives - access to education andpaid employment, public recognition and leadership,freedom and independence. Among the disadvantages


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were: the repression of feelings and emotions; isolationand loneliness; severe problems with interpersonalcommunication; lack of flexibility and creativity indifficult circumstances; mental and physical ailments(stress, heart disease, and so on) resulting from the 'malelifestyle'; violence as a male attribute; and resistance tochange.

It appeared, then, that traditional, hegemonic masculinityhad a direct impact, not only on the lives of women, butalso on men's own potential for development and thequality of their lives and relationships. Inherent in men'ssocialisation was a series of prohibitions that preventedmen from developing characteristics associated withwomen: sensitivity, tenderness, the expression of feelings,and so on. Masculinity dehumanised men, and the useand abuse of power and violence impoverished their lives.

Sex, gender and socially constructed male identities

To most men in the workshop it had now becomeapparent that male values, attitudes and behaviour were aresult of social conditioning and not natural attributes.The men now understood the relationship between thetwo categories, sex and gender, in a very practical way. Itwas clear to many of them that gender identity is built onthe physiological and anatomical differences betweenmen and women. Its construction begins with theidentification of a new-born child's biological sex, whichtriggers differentiated socialisation processes thatprescribe one way of being, thinking, feeling, loving,liVing and dying for men and another for women.Masculinity is a collection of ideas, values, attitudes,social roles and behaviour patterns that men begin tolearn from the time they are born. But if so, they can alsobe unlearned. It was an important discovery.

If the quality of women's and men's lives and theirrelationships were to improve, the changes needed intypical male values, attitudes and behaviour had to bedefined. In evaluating the workshop, it was recognisedthat there had not been enough time to define precisemechanisms to implement change. Every man presentnow faced the challenge of instigating his owntransformation. Many felt that the content and focus ofthe encounter had opened up new possibilities for that.

Course on masculinity and populareducation developed by CANTERA,1995-99The success of the First Encounter on Masculinity and theenthusiasm expressed by the participants convincedCANTERA to follow it up. In 1995, therefore, CANTERA


piloted the first course on masculinity and populareducation. The course has been run every year since thenand by the end of 1999, 360 men from all over Nicaraguahad taken part. Participants had also travelled fromHonduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Costa Rica andPanama.

Participants

The courses were aimed at the same type of men as thosewho took part in the first encounter on masculinity in1994:

• employees of national and local NGOs working incommunity development initiatives (agronomists,administrators, sociologists, psychologists, educatorsand so on);

• employees of government agencies (for example theInstitute for Technical Training, the Ministry ofHeath) interested in the issues;

• young men involved with NGO work or organised ata local level around development issues (enVironment,culture, community education, work with youngpeople and children, community health, and so on);

• men from rural areas (campesinos and outreachworkers), working in agricultural projects and/orintegrated rural development programmes (foodproduction, clean water programmes, alternative ecofriendly agriculture, and so on).

Publicity

The courses were Widely publicised through:

• paid advertisements in national newspapers;• circulation of a leaflet giving information on the

course (structure, objectives, dates, cost, and so on);• invitations by letter and fax (and later by email);• word of mouth.

By 1996 it was no longer necessary to placeadvertisements in newspapers.

,Special emphasis was put on civil society networks inNicaragua and on other organisations with a potentialinterest.

Course structure and content

The structure and content for the first course were basedon two main elements: the encounter that had takenplace in September the previous year and the course forwomen that CANTERA had been running since 1989. Itseemed appropriate that the issues that women weredebating (social construction of gender, violence, power,

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sexuality, interpersonal communication) should also belooked at by men, but from their own perspective. One ofthe main purposes of working on gender with men was,after all, to help improve women's quality of life. Toachieve this, it was widely recognised that violenceagainst women would have to be eliminated orsubstantially reduced. Therefore, the analysis of violencein all its aspects and dimensions would have to be amajor part of gender work with men.

To arrive at an understanding of male violence and itscauses and consequences, it would first be necessary toenable men to comprehend the social nature of theirvalues and behaviour. Male violence is the result ofconcepts of power inculcated in men as part of theirgender socialisation, which demand that they control anddominate. Men's gender socialisation, then, and notviolence and power, would be the starting point forreflection and analysis. This would lay the foundationsfor a deeper understanding of violence and itsrelationship to gender and thus pave the way forproposals to reduce violence.

The women's gender course run by CANTERA consisted ofthree workshops spaced through the calendar year to allowparticipants to put into practice the changes proposed ateach workshop. The same would apply to men. It wasrecognised that men and women needed separate spaces towork through the issues from their own perspective, butthat it was important also to facilitate a mixed forum fordiscussion and drawing up agendas for change. Bothcourses in 1995 consisted of three workshops, in March,June and September, and culminating in the mixed oneday encounter, 'Forging Just Relationships' in November.This model is still in use today.

The planning of the course on masculinity and populareducation began, in 1995, with the definition of the mainareas to be covered in each workshop and in the mixedencounter, and the definition of each one's generalobjective. Together these would form the main objectivesof the course. Although planning was the responsibilityof the three-man team, women could contribute ideas.Preparation and implementation of the mixed encounterwere the joint responsibility of all the CANTERA staffinvolved in running both gender courses.

Current course objectives and structure

The course has been modified each year on the basis ofevaluations. By 1999 the course consisted of fourworkshops, each one lasting three and a half days,including the mixed workshop which had initially been aone-day encounter. By 1999 the objectives were defined

as follows:

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Workshop 1. Male identities

Objective: Taking men's own reality and gendercondition as a starting point, reflect upon the socialconstruction of male identities, 'male superiority' andmethods men use to exercise power

Workshop 2. Gender, power and violence

Objective: Based on the analysis of the roots of men'sviolence, its effects on them, their families and societyand its relation to the current socio-economic crisis inNicaragua, articulate proposals to reduce intrafamilyviolence

Workshop 3. Unlearning machismo: The methodology ofgender work with men

Objective: Articulate methodological proposals andguidelines for gender work with men in order tocontribute to and consolidate their processes oftransformation

Workshop 4. Forging just relationships

Objective: Offer a space for men and women to cometogether to share the reflections and lessons learnedthroughout the year and to deepen their analysis ofissues of common interest such as: gender identities,power, violence, methodology, sexuality,communication and gender equity.

Development of the workshops

Although the structure of the course and the mainobjectives have varied little, each year new discoverieshave been made and new methods and techniquesinvented or old ones modified. Strict emphasis has beenput on the systematic improvement of the methodology,learning from past mistakes and successes.

In the first year of the course, more time was probablyspent planping each workshop than on running it. Ingeneral, however, for each day of training a day had to bededicated to planning.

The workshops

The descriptions below are an attempt to show thegeneral internal logic of each workshop and giveexamples of some of the methods and techniques thathave been used over the years.


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Workshop 1: Male identities

Motivations and expectations

The first workshop in the masculinity and populareducation course focuses on the social construction ofmale identities. For many of the men who take part it istheir first formal contact with the issue of gender andmasculinity. Many are apprehensive. Individualmotivations taking part in the course vary. Some menturn up out of a personal desire to change, because theyrecognise the negative effects of machismo. Others areemployed by organisations and have been sent(sometimes, initially, against their will) to get somegender training. All are curious to some degree.

It is important therefore to allow men to express theirexpectations of the workshop and of the course as awhole. A simple exercise is to write their expectations on aslip of paper, to be synthesised by the co-ordinating team.

Breaking the ice

The ice can be quickly broken with an introductoryexercise that requires active participation, permitspersonal introductions and develops the first majortheme of the workshop. One such exercise is to divide themen into four or five groups of six to eight men. Eachgroup receives a collection of materials: old newspapers,plastic bags, pieces of wire, balloons, masking tape, magicmarkers, crepe paper, twigs and branches, sheets of paper,cardboard of different colours, and so on. After a briefround of personal introductions in the group, theparticipants have to construct a male figure with thematerials they have been given, incorporating all thecharacteristics they can think of as typically masculine.The groups are told that at the end of the exercise thefacilitating team will decide which is the best model,based on three criteria: height, stability and physicalbeauty. The result is often a ferocious contest and agraphic representation of each group's vision ofstereotypical male characteristics. This generates enoughinformation to start a debate on where thesecharacteristics come from and to analyse the levels of cooperation and competition shown during the exercise.

Male identity and discrimination

Much of the ground covered in this workshop is similarto that of the first encounter on masculinity in 1994. It

entails analysis of and reflection on the mechanisms thatsociety uses to inculcate values, attitudes and behaviourthat are considered masculine. Quite often the techniquesdeveloped are also used at this point to facilitate analysisof the role of the family, the education system, theChurch and mass media in inculcating these attitudes,values, and behaviour, and the systemic relation betweenthese social institutions.


This first workshop also aims to get men to examine thediscriminatory practices they have developed and thatthey use on a daily basis. The analysis is not limited togender discrimination, however, as it is important tounravel the relationship between this and other types ofdiscrimination such as racial, intergenerational andsexual. The exercise described below is often used in thisworkshop to enable men to look at their own prejudicesand stereotypes and recognise the discrimination they useagainst other people.

Rebuilding the world

There is room for six people in an atomic shelter. Withina few moments a powerful bomb will explode and beforethat happens six people must be safely inside. However,there are ten candidates for inclusion in the shelter. Yourtask is to choose the six who in your opinion should beallowed in. These six people will be responsible forrebuilding the world after the bomb.

Study carefully the characteristics of the 10 candidatesand choose the six that you think should be allowed intothe shelter, explaining why.

1. Police officer with a gun2. 16-year-old mentally retarded girl3. Olympic athlete, 19 years old, homosexual4. Female jazz singer, 21 years old5. Black female protestant pastor, 50 years old6. Campesina, pregnant for the first time7. Philosopher, 70-year-old grandfather8. Biochemist (male) 35 years old, in a wheelchair9. Chinese communist (male), specialist in medical

sciences10. 'Retired' prostitute, 40-year-old woman

The exercise has several phases. First the participantsmake their individual selection. Then they form smallgroups which must agree on the six people who will beallowed into the shelter. In the plenary session thatfollows, each group reports the selection they have madeand the criteria used. Meanwhile, the co-ordinators noteon a whiteboarGi the number of times that each candidateis selected, so that at the end of the exercise they cancalculate which six people have been chosen. Time is setaside to discuss the issues that emerge.

The exercise is designed to force participants to act ontheir own prejudices and stereotypes and external forcesthat make some people more 'dispensable' than others. Ingeneral, women candidates are usually chosen because oftheir reproductive role (pregnant campesina and jazzsinger) while men are chosen for their intelligence andscientific knowledge (biochemist and Chinesecommunist). Most groups look for a balance between

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practical usefulness (skills, capacity to work, and so on)and universal human values (culture, spirituality). Mostreject the armed police officer, almost always assumingthat this person is a man. Invariably, the black protestantpastor is rejected, 'not because she's black' but because ofher age and the Olympic athlete, young and strong andtherefore highly valued, is selected 'despite the fact that heis homosexual'. Analysis of the language used oftenreveals previously unrecognised values that lead todiscrimination.

For some groups it is important to take three men andthree women, for others four women and two men(studs) are sufficient. However, in selecting the people toreconstruct the world, many groups fall into the trap ofselecting men and women on the basis of existing genderroles, identities, expectations and prohibitions. Womenare seen first and foremost as child-bearers, house-keepersand guarantors of love, affection and sex for men. Menare seen as the intelligent, creative protagonists of a newworld, where strength and intelligence are needed forreconstruction. Although some men argue that theycould not choose women for their intelligence andscientific knowledge because there are none on the list,others insist that a person's knowledge, intelligence, valueand usefulness should not be measured only by academiceducation. The campesina has knowledge that may well beof more use than that of the biochemist, who could usehis scientific knowledge to create another bomb and blowthe world up again. There is no correct solution, but thepresentation of these 10 stereotypical characters enablesmen to recognise and question their own discriminatorypractices.

The circle of discrimination

The exercise above is immediately followed by a secondcalled 'The circle of discrimination'. In silence, men forma circle and listen to a list of possible motives fordiscrimination (being fat, poor, black, skinny, young, old,foreign, protestant, son of a single mother and so on). Onrecalling moments in their lives when they have beendiscriminated against, for example for being fat, they areinvited to walk slowly into the centre of the circle. If twoor more meet in the middle, they look at each otherbefore turning around to look at the rest of the group inthe outer circle. They then return to their places in thecircle. The possible motives for discrimination are endlessand their inclusion by the co-ordinator depends partly onthe composition of the group. However, once the coordinator runs out of ideas, the men are invited toremember moments of discrimination in their own livesand to state the motive. Other members of the group whohave also experienced that type of discrimination walkinto the circle. The exercise ends when no one hasanything else to say.

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The exercise complements the previous one, which ifcarried out on its own risks making men feel they are 'thebaddies' . Guilt immobilises and it is important to enablemen to take responsibility for their own actions and notbrood on their sense of shame. The 'circle ofdiscrimination' enables men to see the unjust anddiscriminatory character of society and understand thesense of superiority that certain groups feel aboutthemselves, and the rejection and hate that this generatestowards people and groups considered inferior orthreatening. It also leads to the recognition thatdiscrimination works on different levels. It can, forexample, manifest itself in everyday occurrences thatpermeate cultural practices. It can also becomeinstitutionalised in laws, constitutions and socialinstitutions deliberately designed to exclude somemembers of society.

When 'The circle of discrimination' is carried out in agroup where both men and women are present, it is quitecommon for both to recall similar types ofdiscrimination. Both men and women can experiencediscrimination for the colour of their skin or for being fat.However, when the co-ordinator invites 'all those whohave been discriminated against for being women', themiddle of the circle is invariably invaded. Few womenstay in the outer ring. When the same invitation isextended to men, few if any walk into the centre of thecircle. The lesson is graphic and striking: women aredoubly discriminated against because of their gender.

Discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation

A source of discrimination that is of particular, andsometimes morbid, interest to participants in the firstworkshop is sexual orientation. If men are to change, therecognition and processing of homophobia is essential.Many men who start to reflect on their own masculinityharbour fears that if they begin to change they will beaccused of being homosexual. Others have internalisedprejudices against homosexuals based on ignorance,stereotypes and often fear that lead them to participate insystematic discrimination against and degradation ofhomosexljals. This is a common 'sport' of manyheterosexual men in Nicaragua. Many men, of course,experience both dimensions of homophobia. Althoughmale sexuality will be dealt with in greater depth later onin the course, this is a good moment to discuss some of thequestions about homosexuality. Is it an illness? Is itcurable? Is it passed on genetically? Can you catch it? Is it asin? Is it a sexual deviation? What causes homosexuality?What do I do if my son turns out to be gay?

The analysis of feature films has proved to be an effectiveway to get men to debate this issue respectfully andseriously. Films such as Philadelphia, Strawberry and


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Chocolate, In and Out, The Object ofMy Affection enablemen to approach the issue of homosexuality whilekeeping a safe, unthreatening distance. Philadelphia alsopermits reflection on discrimination against people livingwith HIV/AIDS, gay and straight. Strawberry and Chocolatehas a political and cultural backdrop familiar toNicaraguans and portrays the development of a friendshipbetween two Cubans of differing political ideologies andsexual preferences, breaking down stereotypes and offeringnew possibilities of friendship between men.

Discussion about sexual preferences demands that the coordinating team be in solidarity with gays, lesbians andbisexuals and that they have previously worked on theirown homophobic feelings and tendencies. It also requirespreparation of questions to stimulate debate andchallenge participants' ingrained prejudices. Participantsare eased into expressing their feelings and relating thecontent of the films to the Nicaraguan context.Discriminatory practices against homosexuals areidentified, questioned and ultimately condemned bymany participants. As ignorance, prejudice and fear arereplaced with facts, the seeds of solidarity with gays,lesbians, bisexuals and transvestites are sown.

Proposals for change

After four days of intense sharing and learning about maleidentities, men set themselves tasks before heading home.At the end of every workshop, the participants draw upproposals for change. There is no set formula. In the lightof the analysis, reflections and debates generated in theworkshop, each man is asked to examine himself, hisfamily relations and work situation and decide where hischange process must begin. Some men pledge to take morepart in domestic chores, give more time to their partnerand children, and monitor the way they behave in thefamily. Others promise greater solidarity with gays andlesbians, the reproduction of workshops with other men atwork, and say that they will share what they have learnedwith friends and neighbours. Many say they want to studythe issues further; after every workshop appropriate readingmaterial is proVided.

Workshop 2: Gender, power and violence

Integrating new participants

The second workshop is normally carried out two to threemonths after the first and centres on the relationshipbetween gender and male violence. It aims to analyse theroots of violence in men and its effects on them, theirfamilies and society. Also covered is the analysis of therelationship between violence and Nicaragua's socioeconomic crisis.


In five years of running the course on masculinity andpopular education, most of the men who take part in thefirst workshop also take part in the second. On average,about 60 per cent of the participants take part in thethree or four workshops that make up the course, anindicator that they accept the need to nurture processesof reflection and change. The theme of this secondworkshop attracts new participants, so the number ofmen who take part is greater than for the first one, oftenby up to SO participants.

To get the ball rolling and integrate the new participants,those who took part in the first workshop are invited totalk about their successes in implementing the changesthey proposed at the end of the first workshop and theobstacles they faced. It often turns out that other familymembers, friends and neighbours have been making funof them, but most men find that their efforts to changeare applauded by the people closest to them: theirpartners, mothers and children. When two or more menfrom the same community or workplace have taken part,it is usually easier to put the changes into practicebecause they can support each other.

Children 5 games

To unravel how violence is incorporated into traditionalmale identity a good starting point is men's ownchildhood and the games they used to play. Lists oftypical boys' games are drawn up in a brainstormingexercise and comments shared on their content ofcompetition, aggression and violence. Each group thenchooses a game and plays it, while the other groups lookon. The onlookers share their observations on the use ofviolence by the players, and analyse the use of power. Theplayers are also asked to share their feelings. The winnersare usually satisfied with their performance anddemonstrate unbridled triumphalism. The losers aredown-hearted, often angry because they have beenridiculed and humiliated.

In the 1999 course, four young men were enthusiasticallyportraying a very physical game that consists of two men,perched on the~shouldersof the other two, aiming toknock each other off the shoulders of his team mate or tofloor both of them. After a couple of minutes of pushingand shoving, the game suddenly shifted up a gear and thelevel of physical contact became uncomfortable.Perceiving that the 'game' was no longer an act, one of theworkshop co-ordinators stepped in, separated the twoteams and stopped the game. In the ensuing analysis, allfour, when asked by the co-ordinator, denied that theyhad crossed the line from simulation to reality. At this, theco-ordinator asked the rest of the group if anyone else feltthat if he had not stepped in, the four men would haveended up with black eyes and bruises. Everyone agreed

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that they too had felt that the two teams were fighting forreal. When pushed a little further, one of the young menwho had been playing explained that when they rehearsedthe game, all had agreed that his team would lose.However as the game went on, and without making anyconscious decision, he found himself going against thatagreement and fighting to win, a strategy not understoodby the other team but to which they reactedspontaneously. Even in the simulation, the desire not tolose took precedence. The rest of the group, when askedwhy no one except the co-ordinator had stepped in tostop the violence responded, simply and unequivocally,that they were enjoying it. Violence between men, theysaid, is a spectator sport, as epitomised in boxing14 andwrestling, and is a frequent occurrence on the streets, inbars and at baseball matches. No one steps in to stop thefighting. Rather, the spectacle is encouraged withcheering.

Types of violence

A second exercise is meant to enable men to discover thedifferent types of violence in Nicaraguan society, whoperpetrates it and who is usually at the receiving end.Each participant is given a sheet of paper and asked todraw the violence that he has used against other peopleduring his life and the violence that he has received fromothers. No prior definition of violence is imposed andmen are told that they will not have to stand up in frontof the whole group and 'confess' the violence they haveused. Similarly, no one is forced to include in his drawingthings that he is not ready or willing to share. Thedrawings, they are told, will form the basis for sharingand debate in small groups. Reminded that the more theyput into the workshop, the more they will get out of it,the participants are generally remarkably honest andoften include chilling experiences of violence perpetratedand suffered. The extended discussions in small groupsenable men to share experiences and insights aboutviolence. For many participants it is the first time theyhave been able to enter into this intimate type ofcommunication with other men. In the plenary session,groups report back on the types of violence unearthedthrough their drawings and discussions and some men, ifthey wish to, share experiences of the Violence they have

given and received.

The causes and consequences of violence

The definition of types of violence (physical,psychological, sexual, economic, interpersonal,institutional, and so on) and of the most frequentrecipients of violence paves the way for analysing thecauses of violence and the consequences for women,children and men. Often, women from the NationalNetwork of Women against Violence (NNMV) are invitedto give a talk on the effects of violence on women's and

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children's lives, and the initiatives that women are takingto address the problem.

Proposals to reduce violence

By the end of the second workshop, participants havecombined an objective analysis of violence and its causesand consequences in families and society with hardhitting subjective reflections that enable each man torecognise the presence of violence in his own life andpersonal relationships. The final step, as in the firstworkshop, is to make proposals for change. This task istaken seriously and applied to all spheres and dimensionsof life. Some men vow to stop using physical violence;others realise that their insistence on controlling theirpartner is psychological violence; others decide to startwith the non-violent education of their children. As wellas discovering the devastating effects that their violencehas on women and children, the participants have alsodiscovered that 'violence also impoverishes men's lives'.They are also opening up to the possibility of developingmore human relationships with other people.

Workshop 3: Unlearning machismo

The third workshop focuses on two main areas: men's ownchange processes and the issues that must be addressed toenable their strengthening; and the methodological toolsneeded to carry out training with other men. The logic ofthe third workshop is that if men wish to reproduce thetraining activities with other men effectively, they mustovercome, as thoroughly as possible, the prejudices andfears that inhibit their own change processes.

Male sexualitYt power and homophobia

The third workshop has become recognised as the mostappropriate place to delve into male sexuality. In thiscontext, the power of homophobia cannot be playeddown, as it is one of the main obstacles to men's capaCityto change. The social stigma associated withhomosexuality is so great that when accused of beinghomosexual, even the most strong-willed and committedmen succumb to pressure not to change.

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The starting point, however, is the participants' ownsexuality: the perceptions and practices they havedeveloped as part of their masculinity and which have tobe questioned. The ways in which many men exercisetheir sexuality are related to the use of power andviolence analysed in the previous workshop. Women areseen as objects, a source of sexual pleasure for men andoften their needs and rights are neglected and violated.

.. At the time of reVising this document in early 2001 the only currentNicaraguan world champions in any sport are Rosendo Alverez andAdonis Rivas, both boxers.


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A fisherman's tale

In the workshop in 1999, one participant did a thumb-nailsketch of a man who had been a neighbour when he was a

child.

He was a fisherman, from the Atlantic Coast ofNicaragua, where I'm from, and I knew him personally.He hailed from a family of fisher-people but somehowmanaged to go to school and even to university. But hedropped out and decided to go back to fishing. In hisyouth he was a heavy drinker, promiscuous, had loadsof women and often went with prostitutes. Heconstantly changed one woman for another.

When he moved out of his family home he got marriedto a woman who already had a three-year-old daughterwith a previous partner. In his private life he began todevelop very strange behaviour. As well as drinking alot, and partying all the time, he began to force hiswife to have sex with other men, while he looked on.This abusive behaviour became public knowledge andshe ended up having two children, to different fathers,neither of whom was the fisherman. The way hetreated her was brutal and now, for example, at 40years old she has no teeth left. He knocked them all outwith his fists. He has tortured her consistently andsystematically. He's a big bloke and he beats her up somuch that she has had to be hospitalised on severaloccasions. The police have even had to intervene tohold him back and control him. But whenever she getsout of hospital the first thing she does is go to thepolice station to get him out of jail saying that she hasnot pressed any charges. Once he smashed her overthe head with a chair and she had to get 20 stitches.

As well as the daughter she had before marrying him,and the two daughters she had with the other men,they had two more daughters and a son together: five

Flfst sexual experiences

A useful exercise to begin to unravel male sexuality andits relationship to the social construction of masculinityis through a journey back in time. Men are asked toremember their first sexual experience and how they feltat the time. The issues are discussed in small groups.Many participants discover that they have been pushedinto haVing sex at an early age (11, 12 or 13 years),without any sexual education about what was happening.Frequently, sexual initiation is taken care of by fathers,older brothers, cousins, and so on who take the youngsterto a brothel. In the small group discussion, men, often forthe first time, express the fears and anxieties they felt atthe time of their first sexual experience, and which for


daughters and a son in all. He announced publicly thathe was not prepared to support his daughters, becausewhen they grew up they would become other men'sproperty and source of pleasure. He even boasted thathe would be the first man to sleep with them and hekept his word. He raped four of his daughters beforethey reached the age of 12 or 13 and the sexual abusecontinued until one by one they all left home. His wifemanaged to get her first daughter shipped away toCosta Rica.

It is impossible to imagine the suffering these childrenendured, or the atmosphere of terror that must haveexisted in that house. It must have been like hell onearth.

I don't know how his wife reacted. She can't haveapproved. A mother can't consent to the sexual abuseof her children. But she was probably so terrified andeconomically dependent on him that she had no placeto go. She had no paid work and hadn't received anyeducation. She stills lives with him. None of hisdaughters, nor his son, went to school. When theyreached school age, during the revolution, he refusedto let them go, saying they were only going to betaught communism and that they'd be better off asilliterate idiots. When his son was nine or 10 years old,he took him out fishing and forced him to do a man'sjob. At 14 years old the son ran away from home.

Today this man lives in total isolation from the rest ofthe neighbourhood. No one even wants to talk tohim. He's even built a huge 15-foot high wall aroundhis house, symbolic of his own desire to live apartfrom everyone else. He's cut himself off and nobodyreally gives a damn about him. Who knows what kindof image he has of himself. (CANTERA 1999: 46)

years have been smothered beneath a fa~ade ofmachismo. They also discover that the experience hasdistorted their v'ision of male sexuality and thedevelopment of their own sexual identity. Men, to beconsidered men, must have sex with women (lots ofwomen) and as often as possible. Virility is measured bythe quantity of sexual conquests and not by their quality.Male sexuality is predominantly genital; penetration andorgasm are requisites of every sexual encounter. Affection,tenderness and even love are women's domain.

Men's vision of women's sexuality

Based on the analysis of their first sexual experiences,men recognise that their vision of women is as passive,

et

sexual objects that exist for their pleasure. There is alsorecognition that women are divided into two basiccategories: 'sluts and saints'. The latter are women liketheir mothers and wives; women who, in a spirit of selfsacrifice, abnegation and unconditional love, care fortheir every need; women who are innocent, pure andfaithful. The former are 'the other women': lovers,mistresses and prostitutes who exist for sexual pleasureand those who appear in the pornographic magazinesand films that are, for many men, their only access tosexual 'education'. In one workshop in 1998, one of theparticipants, reflecting on this dichotomy, said: 'We aretaught to defend the dignity and sexual honour of thefemale members of our families, our mothers, sisters, anddaughters, but that the women of the family next doorare fresh meat.' This phrase clearly reveals the doublestandards in sexual mores and lays bare the egocentric,androcentric and hypocritical character of traditionalmasculinity. Moreover, the perception of women as 'freshmeat' invariably leads to sexual irresponsibility andsexual promiscuity among men that has frighteningimplications for the spread of HIV/AIDS and othersexually transmitted diseases. It also leads to thesystematic sexual abuse of women and children by menwho see their own sexual satisfaction as a right.

Masculinity and obligatory heterosexuality

Central to the paradigm of male sexuality described aboveis the concept of 'obligatory heterosexuality'. Any otherexpression of sexual identity is viewed as inferior orimmoral, and anathema. Homosexual and bisexual menare ostracised and ridiculed and are often subject tophysical violence. Homophobic attitudes and practices(both the hatred projected at homosexuals and the fear ofbeing accused of homosexuality) are pivotal inmaintaining sexual practices that lead to domination andcontrol of women. In this workshop, the emphasis ondismantling myths related to male sexuality does not aimonly to promote greater solidarity with gays, lesbians,bisexuals and transvestites; it also deconstructs their ownprejudices and fears about sexuality that will enableparticipants to deal with the homophobia that will bedirected at them when they begin to change their ownways of thinking, feeling and behaving.

Methodology and techniques

Apart from facilitating processes of reflection and changefor the participants, a major concern of the course onmasculinity and popular education is to equip them torun similar training sessions with other men in theirworkplaces and communities. Each workshop has spaceto reflect on the methodology and techniques and theeducational model being used. The second half of thethird workshop, however, aims to strengthen theparticipants' understanding of the theory and practice of

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popular education and its application to work onmasculinity and gender.

Men who come from the same organisation orgeographical area, or who share a thematic interest, formgroups to plan a training activity that they intend toimplement with other men. They must decide the topic ofthe activity, how long it will be, the characteristics of theprospective participants, sub-themes, objectives, methods,techniques, and so on. The groups decide what kind ofactivity they are going to prepare: a workshop, seminar,talk, exchange, debate. Usually, before embarking on thisexercise, the co-ordinators facilitate a series of exercises torefresh participants' memory of the basic principles ofpopular education. Many of the participants have alreadybegun to run training sessions with other men and havetheir own experiences to draw on.

Once the group work is under way members of the coordinating team circulate among them to give support tothe planning and to facilitate debate. Once the activitieshave been designed - this can take up to a full day - aplenary session is held. Each group demonstrates to theothers the activity it has put together and invitescomment. The co-ordinators also provoke debate andsystematically prepare a synthesis of the issues covered, tobe presented once all of the groups have had a chance toshare their work.

Workshop 4: Forging just relationships

The third workshop ends with an evaluation and abrainstorming exercise on the issues to be included in thefourth and final workshop of the course. (In the thirdworkshop of their course, the women carry out the sameexercise.) When the men and women in CANTERA cometogether to plan the fourth and final workshop of eachgender course, a basic agenda has already been set, basedon women's and men's specific interests. Over the yearsthese have included issues such as male and femalegender identities (masculinity and femininity), genderroles and sexual division of labour, violence and power,sexuality¥interpersonal communication, communicationwithin the family, non-violent rearing of children.

As the courses are run separately, men and women arecurious to discover what has been going on in the othercourse. Initially, in 1995, the first and only formal contactbetween men and women was in the one-day encounterat the very end of the process. By 1996, the men's andthe women's courses were being held on the same datesand in the same training centre, but still without formalcontact until the fourth workshop. By 1998, aware thatthis was creating anxieties in some men and women, itwas decided to include in each workshop a mixed


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reflection session of about one hour, where women andmen discussed together an issue of common interest (forexample, they would watch and reflect on a short theatrepiece on violence). This helps to calm anxieties anddissipate fears, preparing the ground for a much morefluid exchange between men and women when theymeet in the final workshop of the courses.

Coming together

The workshop on 'Forging just relationships' is a place formen and women to reflect on the issues that they havebeen working on separately throughout the year. To getthe ball rolling and reduce anxiety, a typical exercise isthe creation of 'murals'. Using large sheets of paper andsplit into groups, men are asked collectively to make acollage of images and phrases that encapsulate theirimage of women and how they would like women to be.Women do the same, creating images of men. Groups ofmen and women then join together and debate begins.This exercise is provocative. Not only does it enable theidentification of stereotypes, but it also shows how farmen and women have moved in relation to thesestereotypes of themselves and of the other.

Bringing the two courses together means that up to 80men and women are present. To avoid lengthy andrepetitious plenary sessions, it is often necessary to work insub-groups or to draw lots between the groups to see whichones will present the results of their work. Those who arenot chosen can complement the presentations if they havediscussed aspects that were not covered by the selectedgroups. Sometimes it is necessary to form same-sex groups,at other times it is better to have mixed groups, or to bringmen and women together once they have had a chance todiscuss the issues in a same-sex group.

Gender and 'adultism'

When violence and power are discussed in this mixedworkshop the focus is usually on internal family relationsand how to avoid, reduce and eliminate discriminationand violence. Gender analysis is complemented by agenerational analysis as 'adultism' (systematicdiscrimination against children, adolescents and youngpeople) is recognised as a major problem within families.Adults, male and female, generally disregard the rights ofyounger family members. These concepts and practicesare passed from generation to generation. 'Childrenshould be seen and not heard.' By the end of theworkshop most participants have rejected corporalpunishment. There is a hunger for non-violentalternatives and for communication methods andtechniques that are not based on the control anddomination of others. Men, in particular, discover thatthey never really learn to listen because women andchildren are considered inferior. Individual styles of


interpersonal communication are stripped down andquestioned and the concept of communication isanalysed from a gender and a generational perspective.Next, demands are made: women tell men what theyneed from them to improve relationships in the family,and men tell the women what they need to do the same.The same is done between men and women of differentage groups. Dialogue is opened up and many - womenin particular - say afterwards that it is the first time thatthey have been able to talk about these issues with men.

On a number of occasions within the context of theanalysis of interpersonal communications between menand women, course participants and facilitators havereferred to the well-known book Men are from Mars,

Women are From Venus by John Grey, which postulatesthat the differences between women and men are so greatthat they could originate form different planets. Thisopens up discussion on the dynamics of interpersonalrelations between genders and enables the participants tograsp the scale of the differences in the socialisationprocesses that men and women go through and whichdefine gender identities. In reality, of course, men are notfrom Mars and women are not from Venus; and it is onplanet Earth that gender violence in all its manifestationshas to be eradicated and just human relations forged.

Sexuality

Sexuality is also dealt with in the fourth and finalworkshop. It is important for men and women to discussthe issues with each other and articulate demands. Thefirst step is to form mixed groups to discuss humansexuality, including the development of their ownsexuality and how they currently live it in relation totheir specific gender identities. Bringing in an expert orexternal contributors can provoke further debate andanalysis, and videos or feature films may also be used forthis purpose.

In 1999, four people of different ages, sexual orientationsand backgrounds were asked to take part in a panel onhuman sexuality. They included a 50-year-old workingclass woman frop Managua who arrived with her 25year-old son. Together they shared their testimonies: sheof the discovery that her son was gay and all the angst,agony and soul searching that had entailed before shewas able to accept him unconditionally; he of theloneliness of living for so many years 'in the closet', thepain of being ridiculed and ostracised and the long butliberating process of self-acceptance and coming out.Roberto, a young self-professed bisexual and alga, ayoung militant lesbian, also shared the agonies and joysof coming out and answered the course participants'questions, doubts, fears and criticisms with honesty,dignity, pride and solid, up-to-date information. Their

message was clear and simple: life in all its forms anddiversity enriches us: let us not be afraid any more.

Seriousness and celebration

'Forging just relationships' is a space for serious work, butit also takes on an air of celebration. This is achievedpartly by including a 'cultural night' on the penultimateevening, where women and men can share their artistictalents: music, poetry, dance, and so on. It is also present,however, in the spirit of companionship that isgenerated. As the final workshop comes to an end andproposals for change are articulated and consensusreached, the final atmosphere is ambiguous. There is acollective feeling of pride at completing both courses andof satisfaction with the achievements, but also a sadnessthat it is the final workshop. There is also a sense oftrepidation. All the participants know and appreciate thattheir participation in the courses offers them newpossibilities as human beings. But they are also realisticabout the scale of the challenges facing them in theirpersonal, family and professional lives and in the task oftransforming deeply-ingrained attitudes, values andconduct in other men and women.

Thematic workshops on sexuality andcommunication

In 1996 two thematic workshops were run for the menwho had taken part in the course in 1995. The first, onmasculinity and sexuality, responded to men's particularinterest in male sexuality and enabled them to discoverin their own lives the link between power and sexuality.The second was on communication and masculinity, andaimed to enable the participants to discover how maleattitudes and values affect their ability to communicateand the quality of their relations with women, childrenand other men. Both workshops depended heavily onmen's willingness to share intimate experiences and theirsincerity in analysis and drawing up an agenda forchange. They also used techniques from popular theatreto enable men to enter into a different type ofcommunication with and appreciation of their ownbodies.

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Lack of resources prevented CANTERA running thesethematic workshops in subsequent years, but many of theissues addressed and the methods and techniquesdeveloped were later adapted and included in the course.This was made possible by increasing the number of daysallocated to each workshop, from two days in 1995 tothree and a half by 1999.

Systematisation of the course on masculinity

Systematisation is understood as 'an attempt to bringorder to, reflect on, interpret and make sense of practice'(Kane 2001:20). In 1994, recognising the novel characterof gender work with men, CANTERA decided to adopt asystematic approach to its work on gender andmasculinity, with the aim of developing methodologiesthat could be reproduced easily by other men. As part ofthis effort, the 23 workshops that had been carried outbetween 1994 and 1999 were written up and published asbooklets. They have been distributed widely in Nicaraguaand other parts of Latin America. Preparing each bookletreqUired the taping of reflections and debates that tookplace in the workshops (once the participants hadgranted permission), as well as the preservation of graphiCand written materials the men produced. Later the tapesand other materials were transcribed, edited and writtenup. The end product, however, is more than just achronological report on the workshops. Themethodological and theoretical frameworks are clearlyexpressed and expanded so as to make the contentaccessible, interesting and educational for others (menand women) who did not take part. The booklets haveserved an important role in raising awareness on genderand masculinity.

Another important element in CANTERA's efforts todevelop appropriate methodologies for gender awarenessraising and training with men was the systematisation ofthe courses run between September 1994 and December1997. This process proVided a series of theoretical andmethodological insights that are synthesised in section 6of this document.


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5. Measuring impact and developing themethodology

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evaluation and systematisation of training courses formen on gender.

The study would cover all the workshops fromSeptember 1994 to September 1997. This meant that the250 men from all parts of Nicaragua (and a few fromother countries) who had taken part in 11 workshopsand three one-day encounters (two of them mixed),would be the subjects of the study. In practice, forlogistical reasons it was possible to include only 140: ofthe others, some had changed job or moved house,some had left tge country and many lived in isolatedregions of Nicaragua, which made it difficult to includethem).

Developing instruments for the study

The immediate problem was the lack of baselineinformation on the participants' attitudes, values andbehaviour before the courses. It was decided to use fourinstruments to measure the changes: separatequestionnaires for men and women, course reunions, andconsultations with women.

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Design of the study

Objectives and methodology

In general terms, the study aimed to discover whatchanges had taken place and to what degree. It alsoaimed to validate and strengthen the methodology ofpopular education in generating change in men. Thestudy would elaborate a set of indicators to facilitate the

Towards A New Masculinity: A studyto measure the impact of thecourses on masculinity and populareducation 1994--97

By 1997 ",,:orksho~ an~ course evaluations indicatedchanges m men s attitudes, values and behaviour,within the family unit in particular. The

experimental and pioneering character of the work andthe interest of funding organisations encouragedCANTERA to measure these changes. It was decided, in1998, to undertake an in-depth study to measure theimpact of the courses since their beginning in 1994.


Men's questionnaire

The questionnaire for men had seven sections. The firsttwo dealt with general information (number ofworkshops attended, area of residence, age, profession,educational achievement, sexual preference and conjugalstatus) and motive for participating. Section 3, entitled'What are we like now?' aimed to gather data on men'sconcepts, attitudes, values and behaviour in the yearimmediately after participation in the course. Its 118questions aimed to find out about the following:

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would be of benefit to other men, because the results ofthe study would help to improve the courses.

The fifth section of the questionnaire had two parts. Thefirst focused on a self-evaluation of the major changesexperienced as a result of the course and put 14 generalquestions about attitudes, values and behaviour. It aimedfor a subjective appreciation, to be contrasted later withthe changes quantified by processing sections 3 and 4.These questions were also used in the questionnaire forwomen (see below).

The next section asked the same questions, but referred tothe 12 months immediately before the respondent tookpart in the workshops. This created a baseline: changecould be measured by comparing the answers 'before' and'after' participation in the workshops.

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Men's concepts/perception of themselvesConsumption of alcohol, cigarettes and other drugsParticipation in domestic activities in the homeDecision making within the conjugal relationshipUse of violence in the conjugal relationshipSexual relationsCommunication and relations at workCommunication and relations in the communityThe multiplication of educational activities with othermen.

'Subjective approximation' aims to measure the details ofparticular changes achieved, whereas 'subjectiveappreciation' seeks to visualise general trends in changetaking place. For example, in sections three and four anindividual may register information that reveals that inthe year before taking part in the course he slapped hispartner on more than 10 occasions whereas in the yearafter the course this had been reduced to between oneand five occasions. This is a subjective approximation ofhow he himself quantifies his use of that type of violence.In section 5 of the questionnaire when asked 'Do youconsider that your participation in the workshops onmasculinity has made you less violent?', his response (no,a little, a lot, significantly) reflects his subjectiveappreciation of the overall trend of his efforts to becomeless violent.

Participants filled in the questionnaire anonymously andthe 'before' and 'after' sections were designed to reducethe risk of the respondent comparing his own answers ineach section. For example, section 3 had a question onthe consumption of alcohol in the 12 months followingparticipation in the course. To have asked the samequestion immediately with reference to the 12 monthsafter the course would have considerably increased therisk of the respondent exaggerating, consciously orunconsciously, the change achieved. Some men may havewanted to impress, or may have been unwilling to becompletely truthful. Asking the same question in twodifferent sections which referred to two different periodsof time meant that the participant would reach therepeated question after having answered more than 100others. To cross reference his own answers he would havehad constantly to flick back and refer to the answersgiven in section 3, a cumbersome and time-consumingtask.

Cross-referencing sections 3 and 4 would generate asubjective approximation of the changes that the menhad been able to put into practice. It would be the nearestthe study could get to measuring change. The coveringletter sent out with the questionnaire asked respondentsto be honest and reminded them that their answers

The second part of section 5 solicited the participants'view of the relevance and importance of workshops'content and the methodology used.

Sections 6 and 7 focused respectively on the elementsthat had helped and hindered their efforts to put changeinto practice and gave the participants the opportunity tosuggest ways of improving CANTERA's gender awarenessraising and training with men.

Most of the questions were multiple-choice, to makeanswering and analysis easier. The questionnaire had atotal of 312 questions and the results of piloting showedthat partiJ:ipants would need from one hour to one hourand a half to fill it in. Many men reported afterwards thatit took even longer.

One hundred and thirty-five questionnaires were sent outto men in 17 local government areas in Nicaragua and fiveto men in Costa Rica, El Salvador and Guatemala. Toguarantee anonymity, participants were supplied with ablank envelope in which to return the questionnaire toCANTERA. The length of the questionnaire was a risk but,80 per cent (112) of the questionnaires sent out werereturned. This was the first result of the study: an indicatorof men's continuing interest.


Only 6 per cent of those who filled in the questionnairedeclared themselves to be exclusively attracted to othermen." Given that in the United States an estimated 10per cent of the adult male population is believed to beexclusively homosexual (Fermlndez de Quero 1996: 174)

and that gay organisations barely exist in Nicaragua,16 onemight have expected the course to attract a higherproportion of gay men. There are four possibleexplanations:

and academic levels were generally much higher than thenational average. Also, taking into account the extremelyhigh unemployment rate, the number who had steadyjobs was unusually high. This is because most of the menwho took part in the workshops were in some way linkedto community development organisations and processes(as NGO staff, members of youth groups, farming cooperatives, and so on), many of which try to includegender in their work. The study divided men into threecategories:

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Women5 questionnaire

A shorter questionnaire was sent to women to gain asubjective appreciation about how the men hadchanged. This was compared with the men's version.This questionnaire consisted of the 14 questions insection 5 of the men's questionnaire and focused on themain changes experienced as a result of attending thecourse. The women - partners, mothers, daughters,sisters and colleagues of the participants - were asked tofocus on one man they knew who had taken part in thecourse, and to relate the changes they had witnessed inhim. The questionnaire was filled in by 45 women fromdifferent communities, NGOs and communityorganisations.

Course reunions

The second method of data collection was to hold a seriesof reunions with men who had participated in theworkshops between 1994 and 1997. The reunions aimedto enable the men to share their original motivation fortaking part in the course and the changes that they hadbeen able to make in their own daily lives. They alsoaimed to enable men to say which elements (internal andexternal) had helped and hindered their change processes.Focusing more on qualitative change, the reunions werealso an important space for men to come together andreinforce their commitment to change and gender equity.Meeting others who had taken part in the course indifferent years helped kindle enthusiasm. Sixty-one mentook part in four reunions, two of which were held inManagua and two in semi-rural areas of the country.

Consultations with women

Women were also consulted through meetings designedto enable them to share their experiences. In some casesseveral attempts had to be made to bring women togetherand many women, for a variety of reasons, did not feelvery motivated to participate. Most of the women hadnever taken part in any gender awareness-raising activityand the invitation to participate in the consultations wassomewhat threatening. Culturally it went against thegrain for women openly to discuss intimate aspects oftheir relationships, especially in the absence of theirpartners. Those who did take part, however, were openand sincere, discovering similarities and even giving eachother advice on dealing with specific difficult situations.In general, the changes that their men had made, nomatter how small, were much appreciated.

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Highly-educated adults living with an establishedpartner who at the time of the course on masculinitywere working for or were linked to NGOs orcommunity-based organisations. Most of these livedin urban areas.A smaller group of young men and adolescents,mostly single and with lower levels of education, butmany studying. Many of these, too were linked toNGOs and community-based organisations, but notnecessarily as employees.A significantly smaller group of men from rural areas,mostly agricultural workers with lower levels ofeducation, and with partners.

Men who have accepted themselves as gay havealready worked through important changes in theirmasculinity and their response to the traditionalparadigm of hegemonic masculinity. For the majoritythis implies reflecting on their own sense of identityand recreating it. Thus the opportunities offered bythe courses on masculinity do not correspond to aspecific nee~ of this group of men.Gay men who are still 'in the closet' fear being 'outed'or obliged to share their experiences of masculinity.NGOs and community associations are permeated anddominated by heterosexual attitudes and values which

Characteristics of the participants and majorchanges achieved

Analysis of the 112 questionnaires returned cast someunexpected light on the participants. Their average age


" All statistics in this section, unless otherwise noted, are taken from theimpact study Hacia una Nueva Masculinidad, carried out by CANTERA in1998 and published in 1999.

" The absence of gay organisations is partly due to changes made to thePenal Code in 1992 that criminalised 'sodomy', and which have beenwidely interpreted as anti-gay legislation. Although there is nosystematic repression of gays and lesbians, the legislation has had aserious impact on the gay community's capaCity to organise.

are unattractive to openly gay men. Homophobicpractices and attitudes marginalise gays, who aretherefore under-represented in these organisations.

• Some men may not have told the truth about theirsexual preference.

Half of the men who took part in the study wereemployed directly by NGOs or community-basedorganisations. This meant that they were much morelikely to hear about the courses.

Most of the men participated in the course because theirorganisation sent them. That, however, does not seem tohave affected their willingness to take part. Seventy-eightper cent of these men said they put up no resistance. Ofthe 20 men who said they had resisted going, only onesaid he had put up considerable resistance. In the fiveyears that the courses have been running, only once havemen actually walked out. This happened in 1997, whenthe expectations of men from a government agencyclashed with the content and methods of the course.They had expected that the workshop would adopt amore traditional vertical style of education and proVidethem with theoretical information on gender andmasculinity and thus were unwilling to enter into thedynamic of the course. Unaccustomed to a methodologythat encourages critical reflection, and unaware that theirown values and behaviour would be the focus of thatreflection, they decided to leave on the second day. Animportant lesson is that men must be willing to exposethemselves, their values and behaviour to criticism.

Other motivating factors registered, especially amongyoung men, were curiosity, and dissatisfaction with theprevailing model of masculinity.

Major changes achieved: comparative analysis ofmen's and women's views

The 14 questions about general changes (subjectiveappreciation) put to men and women covered the follOWingareas: self-perception, use of violence, consumption ofalcohol and cigarettes, sexual responsibility, conjugalresponsibility, quality of conjugal relationship, paternalresponsibility, participation in domestic activities, quality ofhuman relations in the work place, discrimination,solidarity with women, solidarity with gays and lesbiansand the quality of human relations in the community. Thequestions sought to discover if any significant changes hadresulted from participation in the course on masculinity.

The men unanimously affirmed that the courses hadserved as a catalyst for change in their lives and this wasconfirmed by the women. Men and women tended toagree that there had been:

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• Changes in the way that men perceive the meaning oftheir maleness

• Greater participation in domestic chores• Greater solidarity towards women• Improved relations in the work place• Reduction in discriminatory practices.

In some categories, women observed greater change thanthe men themselves claimed:

• Paternal responsibility• Solidarity with gays and lesbians• Improved relations within the community.

In other areas the men felt there had been greater changethan was observed by the women:

• Less use of violence• Sexual responsibility• Improved relations with partner• Greater conjugal responsibility.

Men put much more emphasis than women on changesachieved in the family unit, especially in theirrelationship with their partner. This is partly becausemore than 60 per cent of the women who filled in thequestionnaire were not related to the men they observedand therefore did not share their liVing space. This madeit more difficult for them to give reliable information onmen's behaviour in the family.

In-depth analysis and measurement ofchanges registered in attitudes, values andbehaviour

Sections 3 and 4 of the men's questionnaire focused onfive different areas of men's interaction in society:personal, conjugal, family, work and community.

Personal change

The most profound changes reported by men were intheir capas:ity to be self-critical about ways of being menin society, and their ability to be patient with otherpeople. Many said they had significantly improved theircommunication skills with women, children and, to aslightly lesser degree, with other men. This claim wasborne out by women's observation of improved relationsin the community.

Despite small improvements in the ability to expressfeelings and emotions, less than half the men said thatthey could do so with ease or relative ease afterparticipating in the workshops.


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Less than half of the men declared themselves to besignificantly or fairly in solidarity with gays and lesbiansafter the course. Men from Managua expressed greatersolidarity than men from other parts of the country, whoalso found it more difficult than Managuans todemonstrate affection and tenderness.

The courses were important spaces for the men todevelop a capacity to value themselves and demonstrateaffection and tenderness. They also contributed to minorreductions in the consumption of alcohol and cigarettes.

Participants' age plays a particular role in changes. Youngmen aged 15-24 demonstrated spectacular increases in theability to value themselves, be patient with others, showaffection and tenderness and improve theircommunication skills. It should be remembered thatyoung men are still in the process of defining theiridentity. More than half of this age group said that theyoften felt lonely, much more than other age groups.

Men with partners were less likely to feel lonely thanothers, and declared themselves to have developed agreater capacity to be patient with other people. Theircapacity to be self-critical rose significantly, compared toother categories of men.

Changes registered by men in conjugal relationships

Decision making

Married men or men in common-law relationshipsshowed a greater disposition to take into account theirpartner's needs, opinions and interests and a tendencytowards joint decision making in areas such as homeadministration, to have sex (or not) and even aboutwhich channel to watch on television. Resistance wasobserved, however, to sharing decisions about their ownautonomy and the 'right' to take decisions about theirown lives (health, education, social mobility and so on)without consulting their partners.

Use of violence

The study Confites en el Infierno was the first rigorousattempt to generate quantitative and qualitativeinformation on conjugal violence against women in thecity of Le6n. Of the women interviewed in the study, 60per cent reported that they had been subjected to violence(physical, sexual or psychological) at least once in theirlifetime. The most common type of violence reported wasconjugal violence, accounting for 75 per cent of cases. Ofthe women who had been married or had a partner at leastonce in their lives, 52 per cent had been subjected toconjugal violence (Ellsberg et a11998: 45).


The methods and findings of that study informed thedesign of the study on the impact of the masculinitycourses. Its co-ordinator, Mary Ellsberg, helpedconceptualise the CANTERA study, particularly withregard to violence. The definition of two major categoriesof violence, physical and psychological, and of 12 types ofviolence to be measured, were based on those in Confites

en el Infierno. This ensured that the information generatedwould reflect women's experiences of violence and thesignificance they give to particular acts of violence. It alsoreduced the risk of imposing men's perspective.

Of the 112 men who returned the questionnaire, 54.5 percent reported having used physical or psychologicalviolence at least once against a present or former partner, afigure that roughly corresponds to the findings of Confites

en el Infierno. Put another way, 61 women had beenexposed to violence from their partner or boyfriend atleast once before, during or after his participation in thecourse on masculinity.

The theory that physical and psychological violence oftengo together, although there can be psychological withoutphysical violence, was supported by the respondents'answers. Almost half of the 61 men said they had usedboth types of violence, while the others admitted only tothe use of psychological violence. Only one man reportedusing physical without psychological violence.

Course participants are atypical of the male population ofNicaragua, and most are involved in human developmentwith a commitment to social justice. It might besupposed, therefore, that the percentage of Nicaraguanmen who use violence against their partners must besignificantly higher. Another study carried out by theInter-American Development Bank and FIDEG inManagua put the percentage of women who have beensubjected to physical violence (not necessarily from theirpartner) as high as 70 per cent (Morrison et aI1997).

Measuring and quantifying reductions in violent behaviour

To measure reductions in the use of violence, 39 menwho said they h~d used violence against their partnerboth before and after the course were selected for deeperanalysis. Two main categories were used: physicalviolence and psychological/emotional violence.

Seven types of psychological/emotional violence wereincluded in the questionnaire:

• Humiliation of partner• Denial of permission to visit friends and/or family• Control of people who visit her at home• Insistence on always knOWing where she is and with

whom

• Shouting at her or offending her in public• Failure to give her money for the housekeeping• Threatening to punch her.

Five types of physical violence were listed:

• Pushing and shoving• Blows with fist or other objects

• Slaps• Throwing objects at her• Use, or threatened use, of knives or guns.

The questionnaire asked not only whether men had usedeach type of violence, but also how frequently they haddone so in the 12 months before the course and in the 12months after. Frequency was divided into four categories:10 times or more, 5-10 times, 1-5 times and never. Thismade it possible to quantify the changes in theparticipants' use of psychological and physical violence.

Reductions in the use of psychological/emotional and physicalviolence

In the case of psychological/emotional violence, themaximum number of positive answers (admissions tohaving used specific acts of Violence) is 273 (39 menmultiplied by the seven types of violence). In the yearprior to the workshops the 39 men together registered142 positive answers; in the year following the workshopsthese had fallen to 91. This fall of 51 represents anaggregate reduction of 36 per cent in the possible numberof times that the 39 men could admit to the use ofspecific types of psychological/emotional violence. It doesnot take into account the frequency nor the intensitywith which the types of violence were used. Althoughthese answers suggest an overall reduction in the actualnumber of violent acts perpetrated, this is impossible toascertain since one of the categories '10 times or more' intheory allowed specific acts of violence to be perpetratedan infinite number of times.

It is interesting, therefore, to take into account thefrequency with which the 39 men admitted to usingspecific types of psychological/emotional violence.Broadly, admission to the use of specific types of violenceused with a frequency of '10 times or more' dropped by85 per cent, and those used with a frequency of 'between5 and 10 times' by 73 per cent. Those types used with afrequency of 'between one and five times' rose by 8 percent and those who answered 'never' by 40 per cent.Table 1 shows how these reductions were spread amongthe seven types of violence. The tendency to reduce thefrequency in use of violence is clear, especially the fall inpercentages of positive answers for '10 times or more'.Indeed, four types of violence (denying permission tovisit friends and/or family, shouting at the woman or

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offending her in public, failing to give her money forhousekeeping and threatening to punch her) that hadbeen reported with a frequency of 10 times or more priorto the workshops were not registered with this frequencyin the year after participation in the workshops. However,all seven types of violence, although reported as lessfrequent, are still being perpetrated after participation inthe workshops.

As might have been expected, admission of using physicalviolence was less common than for psychological/emotional violence. The maximum number of positiveanswers (admissions to the use of specific types ofphysical Violence) that could be registered totalled 195(39 men multiplied by five types of Violence). Comparingthe 48 positive answers registered in the year before theworkshops to the 21 in the year follOWing the workshops,this difference (27 less) represents an aggregate reductionof 56 per cent in the possible number of times that the 39men could admit to the use of specific types of physicalviolence.

As in the case of psychological/emotional violence, theanalysis reveals a tendency for the men to reduce thenumber of times that they actually carried out acts ofphysical violence. After the workshops there were noreports of the use of any type of physical violence with afrequency of '10 times or more' and admissions to the useof specific types of physical violence 'between five and 10times' had dropped by 80 per cent. Those used with afrequency of 'between one and five times' had alsodropped by 30 per cent and those who answered 'never'rose by 21 per cent. Table 2 shows how these reductionswere spread among the five types of physical violence.Again there was a clear tendency to use physical violenceless frequently. Indeed, the only type of violenceregistered after the workshops with a frequency ofbetween 'one and five times' is throwing objects at thewoman. The use or threatened use of knives or guns hasbeen eliminated.

In the 12 months after the course, the acts ofpsychological/emotional violence that continue to occurto a greater degree are humiliation and insistence onknowing where the woman is and who she is with. Thosewhich have been significantly reduced are shouting at oroffending her in public, and threats to punch. Pushingand shoving is the most common act of physicalviolence, while just one man reported having slapped hispartner in the year after the course.

The reduction in the number of positive answers(admissions to the use of specific types of violence) andthe tendency to use violence less frequently should beinterpreted in the context of the changes in the men's


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Table 1 Reductions registered in the use of psychological/emotional violenceActs of Humiliation Denying Controlling Insisting on Shouting at Failing to give Threatening

violence ""'" of partner permission to people who always her or her money to punch her

visit friends visit her at knowing offending for the

and/or family home where she her in public housekeeping

is and with

whom

Frequency Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After

0/0 0/0 % 0/0 0/0 0/0 % % 0/0 0/0 % % 0/0 0/0

Not applicable 3 10 3 3 8 5 3 3 3 5 3 3 5 5

No answer 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 5 0 0

10 times ormore 18 3 15 0 18 3 33 10 8 0 3 0 10 0

Between5 and 10 times 21 3 8 5 7 3 15 8 8 0 8 3 10 0

Between1 and 5 times 37 58 33 28 26 21 31 38 15 8 20 20 18 23

Never 21 26 41 64 41 68 18 41 66 87 61 69 57 72

Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

Notes:

a) 'Before' refers to the year immediately prior to participation in the course on masculinity and popular education.

b) 'After' refers to the year immediately after taking part in the course on masculinity and popular education.

c) Percentages are calculated based on the maximum number of positive answers (admitting the use of specific acts of violence) that

could be registered by the 39 men who used psychological/emotional violence both before and after their participation in the

training courses on masculinity which is a total of 273 (39 men multiplied by 7 types of violence).

Table 2 Reductions registered in the use of physical violenceActs of violence ""'" Pushing and Blows with fist Slaps Throwing things Use of or threat

shoving or other object at her to use knives or

quns

Frequency Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After

% % % 0/0 % % 0/0 % 0/0 0/0

Not applicable 5 3 5 3 3 3 3 3 5 3

No answer 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

10 times or more 10 0 3 0 5 0 5 0 5 0

Between 5 and 10times 10 0 8 0 3 0 3 5 3 0

Between 1 and 5times 18 28 12 7 15 3 17 10 5 0

Never 57 66 72 90 74 94 72 82 82 97

Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 • 100 100 100 100

Notes:

a) 'Before' refers to the year immediately prior to participation in the course on masculinity and popular education.

b) 'After' refers to the year immediately after taking part in the course on masculinity and popular education.

c) Percentages are calculated based on the maximum number of positive answers (admitting the use of specific acts of violence) that

could be registered by the 39 men who used physical violence both before and after their participation in the training courses on

masculinity which is a total of 195 (39 men by 5 types of violence).


attitudes, values and world view, and in the way theyconceive of their masculinity. The qualitative changesimply that reduction in violence is a result not only ofmen learning how to control themselves and create nonviolent options, but also of transformations in attitudesand values.

Sexual relations

Bearing in mind that a significant proportion of menwere not married or in common law relationships at thetime they filled in the questionnaire, the section onsexual relations was oriented towards sexual relationswith a 'steady sexual partner' and did not focusexclusively on marital relationships. The percentage of'no answers' was notably higher in this section than inthe one on personal changes. This is probably due to thenumber of men not in relationships, but also to theintimate nature of the questions.

The questions took in:

• Ability to achieve sexual satisfaction• Ability to give sexual satisfaction• Expression of affection and feelings• Sexual attitudes and behaviour with other women• Attitudes towards and discrimination against

homosexuals• Sexual education• Use of force (physical and psychological) to get sex• Extramarital sex (with women and men)• Use of condoms as a birth-control method• Use of condoms to prevent HIVjAIDS and other

sexually transmitted diseases.

Concern for the sexual pleasure of their partners roseslightly and more so than the men's own pleasure in sex.Men in steady relationships, men who work for NGOsand men from Managua, in particular, registered greatercapaCity than other men to both give and receive sexualpleasure after their participation in the course. They alsodemonstrated greater ability to express feelings andaffection towards their partners.

Significant change was detected in men's attitudes andbehaviour towards women. This was expressed in reducedlevels of sexual harassment at work and in thecommunity, and a change in men's perception of femalefriends as potential sexual conquests. Only 1 per cent ofthe men admitted to using wolf-whistles or sexuallyharassing women after the course (compared with 10 percent preViously) and men from Managua and men inrelationships declared that after the course they hadeliminated this type of behaviour.

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The minority of men (14 per cent) who admitted todiscriminating against gays and lesbians before theworkshops fell to a mere 1 per cent of the overall sampleafterwards. Men in relationships and men who work forNGOs had apparently overcome any tendency todiscriminate against homosexuals. However, only 27 percent of the latter claimed to have gay friends, makingthem and men from rural or semi-rural areas the twogroups with fewest gay friends, after the course. Incontrast, almost half of the men from Managua statedthat they had gays friends.

The number of men who actively look for sexualeducation rose from 36 per cent to 55 per cent,Managuans being more likely to seek out educationalmaterials. This may have more to do with opportunitiesand resources available than with willingness to do so.

Forty-one per cent of men in relationships admitted tohaving sex with other women. This fell slightly to 38 percent after the course. Few admitted to having sex withother men. The percentages of men who admitted usingpsychological and physical force to get sex fell from 23per cent to 13 per cent and 12 per cent to 9 per centrespectively. It is interesting to compare these figures withthe unpublished results of a survey carried out in Le6n onsexual abuse, by the same team that did Confites en elInfiemo. More than a quarter of the women interviewedand one-fifth of the men claimed that they had beensexually abused before the age of 18.

Before the workshops, only 24 per cent of the men saidthey used condoms with their partners as a contraceptivemethod and 13 per cent said they used them to preventHIVjAIDS or other sexually transmitted diseases. Thesefigures changed slightly to 26 per cent and 16 per centrespectively. The most significant change in condom usewas the doubling of the number of men who said thatthey always used condoms in their sexual relations with'other' women, from 10 per cent to 20 per cent of thetotal sample - still relatively low. This can be explainedpartly by the number of men who do not have partners,and who cJ;limed that they did not have sex with otherpeople. It also says more about how men see theirpartners than about any serious awareness of the dangersof unprotected sex. Condom use does not figure as aspecific theme in the course.

Changes in the family

In relation to children

Few men responded to the questions on how manychildren they have with their current and previouspartners and the amount of money and time they spend


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on their children. The response rate was so low that theinformation could not be considered statisticallytrustworthy and so had to be discarded. One possibleexplanation may be technical problems with the designof the questionnaire. In this section men had to respondby writing numbers, a shift from the rest of the survey,where they only had to put a cross in a box. It is alsopossible, however, that many men were unwilling toshare such information. Paternal irresponsibility iswidespread in Nicaragua and many men father childrenwhom they either fail to acknowledge or fail to takeresponsibility for.

In relation to domestic chores

As can be seen in Table 3, participation in domesticchores rose in terms of the number of men whoparticipated in specific chores and the frequency ofparticipation. Only with three chores, however, was therean increase of 10 per cent or more: washing dishes,preparing breakfast and cooking dinner. The domesticactivities that do register increases are mainly limited tocommon interest activities (cooking, cleaning, goingshopping, mopping the floor, sweeping the patio, and soon). Men's contribution to caring for or attending to theneeds of others (washing and ironing other familymembers' clothes) barely changed. It was minimal bothbefore and after the course.

Table 3. Participation in domestic chores

Similarly, the comparatively low numbers of men whoreport doing domestic chores three or more times a week(both before and after the course) imply that domestictasks continue to be considered women's work. It wouldappear that many men are prepared to help out now andagain when circumstances demand or when otheractivities and priorities permit. Few, however, changetheir ideas of domestic work and enter into real solidaritywith women, taking part in domestic chores to put theprinciple of gender equity into practice.

Changes in the work place

The analysis of changes in attitudes, values and behaviourfocused on the quality of respondents' relations withwomen and men at work. It also included the use ofsexist language and the topics of men's conversations. Ingeneral, the men seemed to be making conscious effortsto modify their ways of relating to women in theworkplace. The number of men who said they listened towomen's opinions in meetings and made efforts toinclude women in decision making increased. There wasalso a significant decrease in sexual harassment by menwho admitted to sexually harassing women (sexualinsinuations, wolf whistles, unauthorised physicalcontact) before the course. This is supported by theincrease in men's awareness of the sexist and degradingnature of misogynist jokes and remarks and their

Note: Figures represent percentage of all the men included in the study (1 12)

Chore Participation Participation Three times or Three times or Never before Never afterin chore before in chore after more a week more a week course course

the course the course before course after course (%) (%)

(%) (%) (%) (%)

Wash the dishes 55 71 17 25 22 7Go shopping 56 63 27 33 13 6Sweep the patio 54 59 12 21 15 11Make breakfast 44 54 "

, 18 29 19Cook dinner 42 52 8 12 29 21Iron own clothes 47 48 18 20 20 19Wash their own clothes 51 49 14 15 21 23Financial administration ofthe home 47 45 23 20 22 15Mop the floor 39 45 12 13 28 21Cook lunch 45 46 6 10 27 26Iron partner's clothes 12 15 3 2 39 36Wash partner's clothes " 14 3 3 38 36Wash children's clothes 12 14 3 3 29 28Iron children's clothes 10 12 4 0 34 32


declarations that they engage in these less than they didbefore. Many men also said they had developed a greatercapacity to talk to other men in their workplaces aboutissues related to masculinity and gender, and even toquestion sexist and discriminatory behaviour by othermen.

The number of men who claim that they never usedsexist language doubled after the course.

In men's conversations with women, topics such as sport,politics and social problems take precedence over topicsof a more personal and intimate nature. Many men stillfind it difficult to express feelings and to talk aboutpersonal problems with other men and with workcolleagues.

Changes in the community

The study revealed a relatively low level of participationby men in political parties and trades unions,traditionally dominated by men, both before and aftertheir participation in the courses. Indeed, slight decreaseswere detected that coincided with increases in theirparticipation in community associations andorganisations. This is probably related to a general senseof disillusionment with traditional party politics, butcould also be due to a growing dissatisfaction with thenature of traditional male participation in political partiesand trades unions and a search for alternatives. This issupported by the fact that young men (15-24 years)reported the lowest level of participation in politicalparties and the highest level of participation incommunity groups. The number of men linked to sometype of men's group doubled after the course and thosewho were beginning to take part in this type of groupwere young men, men from Managua and men who workfor NGOs. This implies that it is more difficult for menfrom rural areas or who are not linked to an organisationto participate in these types of groups.

Marked increases were detected in the participants'confidence in their capacity to conduct educationalactivities with men, and this was reflected in an increasein workshops and seminars they conducted with othermen. They also feel better equipped to influence the waythat other men think and act in the community.

The need for integrated strategies

The changes detected by this impact study are hearteningbut, at most, represent the efforts of a handful of mentaking the first steps towards modifying the patriarchalattitudes, values and behaviour that they have beenbrought up with. Caution must be taken, therefore, in

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making claims for profound and long-lasting changes.Both the internal and external pressures that men facenot to change are easily capable of reversing thetransformation processes described in this section. Ifanything, the study reveals the urgent need for thefurther development of methodologies for gender workwith men. Perhaps more important, if change in men isto be prolonged, strategies must be drawn up that takeinto account not only the 'unlearning of machismo' butalso the development of organisational and politicalproposals aimed at strengthening and sustaining thesechange processes. This process has already begun and isthe focus of the rest of this document.

The training manual El Significadode Ser HombreBy 1997, interest in gender work with men had increaseddramatically, not only in Nicaragua but also in other partsof Central America. Former course participants were keento undertake educational activities with other men butlacked confidence and methodological expertise.Motivated by their enthusiasm, and aware that only asmall percentage of men could take part in its masculinityworkshops, CANTERA decided to develop a trainingmanual to facilitate training with men at grassroots levelin different parts of the country.

The first step was to design, implement and evaluate aseries of educational activities with men in poorneighbourhoods of Managua and in semi-rural areas closeto the City. In co-ordination with the Men AgainstViolence Group in Managua workshops on maleidentities, violence and discrimination were carried out infive communities. The workshops (adapted from thecourses on masculinity and popular education) weresubjected to critical analysis. By 1999 the experience hadbeen systematised and was the basis for the trainingmanual El Signi{icado de Ser Hombre (The Meaning of

Maleness), a proposed methodology for gender trainingand awareness-raising with men. The manual consists of10 modules, each one with its specific theme, objectivesand step-9y-step guide for implementation.

In 1999 CANTERA, with the support of the IDB, pilotedthe manual in six communities in Nicaragua. Before thisstarted, a monitoring and evaluation system wasdeveloped, which aimed to:

• Detect technical weaknesses (content, focus,methodology, and so on) in the ten modules andpropose improvements

• Assess the validity of the educational model and theproposed methodology and their capaCity to generatechanges in men's attitudes, values and behaviour


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• Quantify actual changes in the participants• Assess the accessibility of the methodology proposed

in the manual.

In February 1999 a two-day training workshop was heldfor the 18 facilitators who would pilot the manual (threein each community) to familiarise them with its contentand focus and to strengthen specific training skills.Between March and July the manual was used, with eachof the six communities adapting the 10 modules to itsown specific needs. Most of the activities were supervisedby members of the CANTERA technical team. In May,half-way through the training, the 18 facilitators metwith the technical team to iron out difficulties, and thetechnical team met to analyse and synthesise theinformation from the supervision sessions. This led totechnical and methodological modifications and thesystematisation of proposals for the improvement of thesections on using the manual, as well as the content andfocus of the training modules themselves.

In September and October 1999 focus groups in twocommunities, with participants in the training and with

women, confirmed significant changes in the men'sattitudes, values and certain types of behaViour. Perhaps,however, the most important element of this process ofmonitoring and evaluation of the manual was thevalidation of the methodology as a means to generatecritical thinking about traditional hegemonic masculinity.Men's vision of themselves and of society's expectations ofmasculinity had been challenged and they had begun tothink about themselves and other people in a different way.

By the end of 1999 the results and findings of themonitoring, evaluation and validation of the trainingmanual had been consolidated in an extensive documentthat included a list of recommendations for changes to beincorporated into the manual. At the time of writing thisdocument CANTERA was still analysing theserecommendations to ensure that the second edition ofthe manual not only contributes positively to processes ofgender awareness-raising and training with men inNicaragua and other countries in Central America, butalso that its focus and content comply with CANTERA'svision of gender and masculinity.


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6. Problems and lessons

Parallel to the impact study and the elaboration ofthe training manual, CANTERA also put emphasison the systematisation of the courses on popular

education and masculinity. Systematisation differs fromevaluation in that it focuses not only on the assessmentof objectives but also on the critical analysis of theprocesses generated. It aims to involve practitioners in thecollective construction of theory, based on their ownpractice. The systematisation of CANTERA's masculinityand popular education courses was carried out within aCentral America regional framework and formed part ofALFOR]A'sl7 attempts to systematise its educationalprocesses. Many people, both men and women, took part:participants in the courses, CANTERA technical staff andlocal project activists, and staff members of otherALFOR]A centres. The theorisation that ensued enabledthe articulation of 'problems encountered' and 'lessonslearned', many of which are synthesised below.

ProblemsThe problems that men face when they begin todeconstruct their masculinity and think and actdifferently may be internal or external. Internally, many

men may fear being laughed at, ridiculed or ostracised byother men and also by women. Even when radicalchanges in attitudes and values have been internalised,changes in behaviour do not always appear immediatelyand they are rarely put into practice coherently andconsistently. Men's capacity to change is affected, notonly by their own determination, but also by externalfactors such as the company they keep and the attitudesof the people they live and work with. In some situations,therefore, men may be able to stand up for their newlydiscovered values and principles but in others this mayprove difficult, complicated and even dangerous.,For many men it is easier, for example, to mop the floor(inside the house where the neighbours cannot see them),or reduce their use of violence, than to change the waythey relate to other men in a public place such as a bar ora baseball or football stadium. This does not necessarilymean that men are being hypocritical. It simply reflectsthe amount of thought and effort reqUired for real,

" ALFORjA is a Central American popular education network that consistsof the following centres: CEASPA, Panama; CEP, Costa Rica; CANTERA,Nicaragua; CENCOPH, Honduras; SERJUS, Guatemala; FUNPROCOOP,El Salvador and IMDEC, Mexico.


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sustainable change. It is easier to change if other men inthe same workplace or community are embarking onsimilar processes of transformation.

Just as patriarchal society demeans women who do notconform to the gender norms assigned to them, manymen face constant pressure not to change. One ofpatriarchal society's most powerful deterrents againstchange is homophobia.

One way to strengthen men's commitment to change isto emphasise, not only the need for solidarity withwomen but also the urgency of promoting developmentfor men. Once men begin to realise that their lives can beimproved, it is easier to deal with, for example,homophobic remarks. Another important element is thesensitisation of men to gays, lesbians, bisexuals andtransvestites.

The three main obstacles to change mentioned by men inCANTERA's impact study were:

• Women in the workplace lack confidence in men'scapaCity to change

• Other people (mother, partner, father, children, and soon) give little support

• Lack of gender policies at work to promote andconsolidate changes.

Of these, two refer to the workplace, suggesting thatchange is easier in the family unit although even theremany men do not feel supported.

The lack of confidence that men detect in their femalecolleagues is related to doubts among the women aboutgender work with men. Some women believe that it is awaste of time and that men will never change. Othersfear that many men will learn how to modify theirdiscourse on gender relations and equity, but that farfrom improving their behaviour, will actually discovermore subtle ways of dominating. Many, however, areconvinced that if women's position is to change, so mustmen's and therefore welcome, with a mixture of hopeand reservation, work on gender issues with men. Mostwomen would agree that it is not their job to take on thetask of sensitising and training men on gender issues.

For many organisations the incorporation of gender intoinstitutional strategies and programmes still meansprioritising work with women by addressing thepracticalities of improving their liVing conditions: health,education, access to employment and credit, and so on.In a recent encounter between ICD development workersand their counterparts in Managua, one womandevelopment worker pointed out that most of the


ideological work being done on gender in the NicaraguanICD programme was being carried out by men with men.Women's organisations, although obViously not ignoringthe need for changes in concepts, attitudes and values,were focusing on the institutional strengthening ofwomen's organisations, the promotion of technicalcareers for women and the general improvement ofwomen's living conditions. The ensuing debate focusedon the different stages of development that women andmen are in as regards gender analysis and practice.Women are generally much more aware than men ofgender inequalities, rights and so on. The programmessupported by ICD in Nicaragua with women'sorganisations respond to the need of women'sorganisational and technical capacities, and thusguarantee their empowerment.

Organisations that have started to work on genderanalysis, or that aim to mainstream gender, must define(and often redefine) basic concepts about the work theyplan to do. In these processes, little emphasis has been puton the conceptualisation of masculinity and how it relatesto other elements of institutional strategy. Even withinorganisations that have begun to promote analysis ofmasculinity as an integral part of their developmentalaims and objectives, defining a gender policy and reachingconsensus has not been an easy task. This lack of claritycan be disconcerting for men who have been sent by theirworkplaces to receive training on masculinity and thenfind that institutional change is not taking place at thesame rate as their own personal change. It is frustrating,and a major deterrent for men who want to change.

lessonsMany lessons from CANTERA's work are obvious from thedescription of the content and focus of the courses thathas been the main thrust of this document. It seemsappropriate, however, to offer a set of recommendationsto men and women interested in starting awarenessraising and training programmes with men on genderand masculinity.

In relation to popular education

In CANTERA's work on gender and masculinity theeducational model has been of vital importance inmaking change possible. Popular education, asunderstood in Central America, is not the only modelthat may lead to change, but it does mean that the linkbetween change and methodology has been rigorouslyevaluated, systematised and validated. In the study Haciauna Nueva Masculinidad men said several elements relatedto the educational model were extremely important.These are elaborated below.

Men's own situation as a starting point

Experience teaches that men put up more resistance towork on gender if the starting point is a theory of genderand gender relations. Many men reported that in theirworkplaces they had attended various talks and seminarson gender, violence, and so on, mostly given by women.These provoked two reactions. The first was to ignore theinformation as irrelevant to men and their lives. Manymen quickly forgot most of the content. But theyremember a sense of being accused and blamed forgender inequalities. This puts them on the defensive,awakening fears that women's real agenda is not eqUitybut turning the tables - a fear, of course, nurtured andstrengthened in male circles.

Men respond better when their own experiences are takenas a starting point. This enables them to discover forthemselves the elements of their socialisation that haveinstilled in them macho attitudes, values and behaviour.A sense of individual and collective responsibility canemerge. Understanding the whys and wherefores of malegender identity opens up the possibility of change.

New spaces for reflection and analysis

In traditional male circles communication is limited tosuch topics as sport, politics and, of course, women. Formost men the gender course represents a new space tothink about issues that men rarely discuss. Men are gentlyeased into looking at themselves. It is at first anunnerving experience, but quite quickly most of the menwelcome and value it. They give themselves and eachother permission to share thoughts, feelings andexperiences on an intimate level and for many it is thefirst time in their lives that they have been able to do so.The content of their reflections and analysis are notabstract issues of gender theory but real experiences.Important in this analysis is the focus not only on theobjective analysis of lived experiences (the who? when?what? where? and why?) but also the subjective: thearticulation of feelings. Again, for many men it is the firsttime that they have been able to lower their defences andbe themselves, express fears, doubts and joys.

Using a variety of methods and techniques

Focus on personal history and lived experiences is not anexclusive element in CANTERA's work with men and itcould make the workshops too intense for most men. It istherefore important to include components that cancomplement and deepen analysis and proposals forchange. Watching and analysing feature films, forexample, has been a particularly useful method to deepenreflection and analysis on certain issues. For example, the

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New Zealand film Once Were Warriors, a graphic depictionof the effects of machismo (especially Violence) onwomen, children and men, enables the ideologicaldismantling of machismo. This method also equipsparticipants with the tools to analyse media coverage ofpower and violence and make links with the way thatpower and violence permeate their own lives.

Panels and debates on specific issues, with theparticipation of experts (men and women) has alsoproved to be an important method for developinganalysis and broadening knowledge, as has thedistribution of articles and publications on gender,masculinity, Violence, sexuality, and so on.

Popular education holds that learning should be fun. Theuse of dynamics and techniques that demand physicalmovement and that are enjoyable greatly enhances theatmosphere in a workshop. These can be short and simplegames to get people moving and build confidence andtrust, or more elaborate techniques that lead to thecritical analysis of a particular aspect of masculinity.

The collective articulation of proposals for change

Having analysed their own attitudes, values andbehaViour, the men are asked to think about what theycan change and how. There is no set recipe and it isimportant to give the participants a chance to startchange where they feel it can best be implemented andsustained. For some men this may mean greaterparticipation in domestic chores, for others a seriousattempt to stop using physical violence. They makeinformal contracts with each other, and this encouragesand motivates them to make the changes. If they arefrom the same community or workplace they can supporteach other's change processes. It is emphasised thatchange does not take place within the workshops but ineveryday life. The workshops are a privileged space,almost like a religious retreat, where men can step out ofthemselves for a time, take a critical look at themselves,and propose self-improvement.

Group work

Men open up quickly and easily when given theopportunity to reflect on their lives and values. The useof small groups for more intimate sharing and analysiswas highly rated by the men. However, the importance ofconfidentiality and the 'right to remain silent' must bestressed. Each individual must be allowed to set his ownlimits on how much he is willing to share. The degree ofopenness in the workshops is surprising, especially whenthe men are told that the more honest they are in theirsharing experiences the more they will get out of it.


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It helps to get men to agree to a set of basic rules for thesmooth running of the workshops. This can easily bedone as a brain-storming exercise, inviting men to makesuggestions for improving the workshop. Usually theypropose a mixture of practical things, such as no smokingand punctuality, and things more related to the ethos ofthe workshops, such as the right to pass, confidentiality,and listening to what other men say.

Sustainable change

CANTERA's educational model for awareness-raising andgender training with men focuses on the deconstructionof social attitudes, values and behaviour and the collectiveconstruction of alternative ways of expressing and livingmasculinities. In doing so, it emphasises not only rationalunderstanding, but also qualitative change in each man'svalues and attitudes and its subsequent internalisation. It

is not simply a question of equipping men withmechanisms and techniques for controlling dominanttendencies and violent outbreaks, but rather of facilitatinginternal transformations in their view of the world. Thisgreatly increases the possibility of sustainable change.

Solidarity with women and men's own 'genderagenda'

Solidarity with women and a commitment to theirdevelopment is a central component of the educationalmodel that CANTERA has developed to promote theprocesses of gender awareness raising and training withmen. These processes must have the improvement ofwomen's welfare, human rights and quality of life as aprincipal objective.

This does not mean, however, that this educationalmodel focuses exclusively on women's strategic andpractical gender needs. If substantial, sustainable changeis to be achieved, improvements in the quality of men'slives must also play a central role in the trainingprocesses. Men must take on board that they too havemuch to gain in terms of physical and mental health,interpersonal relationships with women, children andother men, and within themselves on a spiritual level. InCANTERA's courses men begin to talk for the first timeabout tenderness, sensitivity and the ability to expressfeelings as a human right to be sought after andcherished.

Solidarity with women and men's own 'gender agenda'are not contradictory and should be seen as mutuallyinterdependent and complementary. To focus on one tothe detriment of the other will inhibit the possibility ofchange based on the integral human development ofwomen and men.


Selecting participants

Self-motivation

Men need some self-motivati~ri if they are going to opentheir masculinity to scrutiny. They should not be forcedto take part in training programmes on gender andmasculinity. Policies that do not take into accountindividuals' specific needs and personal processes caninhibit the mainstreaming of gender in an institution.

Overcoming resistance

Popular education is easily adaptable to men from allsorts of backgrounds and experiences. As it demandsactive participation, some men may feel inhibited andeven uncomfortable with the methodology at thebeginning. Although it is important to try to involveeveryone as much as possible, it must also beremembered that different people participate in differentways. Some men will not feel comfortable speaking out inlarge plenary sessions or reporting back on groupdiscussions, but may come into their own in smallgroups. In general, in Nicaragua, few people resist populareducation methods and techniques. It is important,therefore, to know the specific needs, interests andpossibilities of the participants in relation to the proposedmethodology, and to remember the basic principle thatmen are unlikely to change if their perceptions andbeliefs are not challenged.

Popular education as a methodology

One of the myths about popular education is that it isdesigned to facilitate educational processes with poorpeople whose academic achievements are low. Populareducation is much more than that. It can be used with allsorts of people, whatever their background, academicachievements or professional standing. All theparticipants must understand that they will get out of theworkshops what they put into them: that they takeresponsibility for their individual and collective processesof reflection and change. To achieve this it is importantthat they undeffitand the methodological framework ofthe training. Reflections on methodology can be builtinto the training process to enable men to see the logicbetween stated objectives and the methods andtechniques used. This helps not only their ownunderstanding of change but also in their future workwith other men.

Characteristics of the participants

Each workshop brings together men whose socialconditions, life experiences, values and behaviour are

extremely varied: men of different ages, professions,geographical origins, marital status and academicachievements. This has been one of the strengths of thecourses. Young men often say how useful it is to be ableto exchange ideas and experiences with older men, andmen from Managua benefit a great deal from the presenceof campesinos. Despite their diversity they soon discoverwhat they have in common in the male gender identitythat society has imposed on them. This enables them todiscover that they share many problems and aspirations.

Work with adolescents and youth

In gender awareness-raising and training with adolescentsand young men, some specific elements should be takeninto account. First, adolescents and young men are still inthe process of self identification and although some oftheir attitudes and values will be firmly ingrained, theywill probably be questioning others. Many young menand adolescents take part in the course because they aredissatisfied with traditional masculinity. The workshopsoffer these men an opportunity not so much to changebut to look for alternatives. The methodology encouragesreflection on experiences. Most young men will not haveto delve very far into the past to discover how theirmasculinity has been constructed.

Selecting training facilitators

Preparation and commitment

The success of gender awareness-raising and trainingdeveloped in the popular education framework dependspartly on adequate preparation and the facilitators'commitment to popular education and gender eqUity.Facilitators should have a solid grasp of the theory andpractice of popular education and of gender andmasculinity. Ideally, they will have had the opportunityto challenge and change their own attitudes, values andbehaviour, either by participating in formal trainingprocesses, or through informal experiences that have ledthem to question and change the way they seethemselves as men, and the way they relate to womenand to other men. They should be making conscious andvisible efforts to implement these changes in their ownlives. They must practise what they preach. This does notmean that they have been totally sensitised to genderjustice, but that they maintain an openly critical attitudetowards their own values and behaviour.

Team work, planning and evaluation

It is recommended that training processes on genderawareness with men are run by a small team of two orthree men. One may have particular strengths in using

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popular education techniques to provoke and deependebate; another may have a deeper understanding of thetheory of gender and masculinity. Yet another may feelmore at home in a supportive role. No one has to beperfect and it will be hard to find one person who meetsall the requisites demanded of a good facilitator for thistype of training. That is why it is important to build ateam, and that means dedicating sufficient time toplanning and evaluation of the educational activities.Everyone in the team must understand the structure,aims and objectives of the proposed activity and theinternal logic linking these to the content andmethodology. In CANTERA, for each day of training oneday is set aside for planning.

Evaluation and systematisation is also important for thefacilitating team if they aim to improve their individualand collective skills and knowledge. It is particularlyimportant for first-time trainers in masculinity issues.

Characteristics of the facilitators

Facilitators need to be sensitive, flexible and creative.Men are riddled with doubts and fears and the coursesoften require them to deconstruct paradigms andprinciples that they and their fathers, grandfathers andgreat-grandfathers have lived by. Creativity and flexibilityare needed to push men as close to the edge as they arewilling to go and thus enable them to challenge theirattitudes and values. Sensitivity is needed in difficultsituations when debate becomes heated orconfrontational. Facilitators must have a deep respect forthe participants and acknowledge that everyone has hisown process to work through. They should resistjudgement. Some men will be harder to cope with thanothers and perhaps the facilitators will not actually likesome of the participants (and vice-versa). It is not alwayseasy to strike a balance between holding a professionaldistance and recognising that the facilitators' ownexperiences can contribute to the process of criticalanalysis and change. The golden rule is for the facilitatorto contribute his own experience only if it can helpdeepen th~ debate or proVide new insights. It should beoffered as fresh material and can therefore be kept onhold until there is a lull in the debate or men have runout of things to say. It can often serve as a catalyst forcreative and constructive conclusions.

The main taboos: sexuality and religion

Facilitators need to be sensitive to the participants'religious beliefs and to their fears, doubts, prejudices andstereotypes about human sexuality. Unconditionalsolidarity with gays, lesbians and bisexuals is of vitalimportance and facilitators must never allow homophobic


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or misogynist statements to go unchallenged. A goodtechnique is to throw back the comment to the rest of thegroup asking what they think, who disagrees, and so on.

The men who participate in CANTERA's course onmasculinity and popular education have various religiousbeliefs or none. The role of religion in constructingmasculinity and perpetuating patriarchal society must bedealt with, given the ]udaeo-Christian influence onNicaraguan culture. Indeed, even when it is not formallypart of the workshop design, participants' own interestsand needs often lead to debate on religion. Many men ofall ages and backgrounds will have strong religious beliefsand convictions and may use Biblical quotes to supporttraditional gender premises that uphold male superiority,not only as a natural phenomenon but also as asupernatural one. Facilitators must not ridicule or insultmen's beliefs even if they do not share them. As in thecase of sexuality, it is important to deal with religion in aspirit of respect.

If the group is diverse, the men are sure to have differentopinions on religion and will be more than willing toshare them. It is a mistake for the facilitator to enter intotit-for-tat arguments on religion with one or twoparticipants, as this risks isolating them within the groupand wastes time on things that will not be resolved in theworkshop. It is important, however, to challenge thedefence of male power and dominance, based on religiousdoctrines, while respecting each individual's religiousbeliefs. The authority and power invested in the coordinating team should not be used to impose aparticular vision or interpretation of religion.

Offering alternative religious views of the world, forexample passages from the Papal Vuh, the sacred book ofthe Mayan people, has proved to be an interesting way tobroaden debate and promote critical awareness. The aimis not necessarily to reach a consensus and the facilitatorsought to acknowledge the existence of different opinionsand interpretations. They can also offer theologicalreflections on interpreting the Bible (the danger ofquoting texts in isolation, for example) and the centralmessage of Christianity, either introducing new ideas not as infallible truths, but for further consideration - orsumming up ideas other participants have put forward.

It is also appropriate, when draWing conclusions ormaking a synthesis of the topics discussed, to refer to theoverall message of Christianity as one of social justice.

Managing change

Change can be expected to take place on three differentlevels: cognitive, affective and behavioural. On a


cognitive level, men who take part in popular educationprocesses will develop a greater capacity to be critical andself-critical, and will improve their analytical skills.Applying these skills to their own personal history andmale socialisation processes will enable them to acquire anew vision of masculinity as a social phenomenon ratherthan a natural condition, of what it means to be men. It

will open them up to changes in the way they thinkabout and use power in their relationships, especially inthe family. This presupposes changes in their vision ofwomen.

On an affective level, men are likely to begin to discovera new capacity to respect other people, women inparticular, and their sense of self-esteem may alsoincrease. Many, too, will begin to develop the ability toarticulate and express their feelings with greater freedomand without fear of being ridiculed.

On a behavioural level, men's actions will change astheir attitudes and values change. This may be expressedin many different ways, but is likely to include a greaterwillingness to share domestic chores, a reduction in theuse of violence to resolve conflict or impose their ownwill and a greater sense of solidarity with women andwith groups that suffer discrimination. Discriminatorypractices should also have been reduced considerably.

Implementing integrated educationalprocesses

Educational processes

Awareness-raising and gender training must beunderstood as educational processes. One-off activitiesmay have some effect, but men need time betweeneducational activities to put change into practice. Eachman will discover his own dynamic, because change isdifferent for each individual. Thus when CANTERA beganthe work in 1994, it decided to facilitate educationalprocesses that would lead to concrete changes in men'sattitudes, values and behaviour.

The internal logic of educational activities

In these processes, themes and topics must be dealt within a logical sequence. CANTERA's experience is based onmen being able to discover the difference between 'sex'and 'gender', with their own experience as a startingpoint for reflection and change. Once the social characterof male attitudes, values and behaviour has beenestablished and links made between these and men's ownways of living their masculinity, it is possible to developspecific topics: discrimination, violence, power,fatherhood, sexuality and so on.

CANTERA's work has given specific importance toviolence and its relation to gender and power, partlybecause family violence is alarmingly common inNicaragua, but also because it is central to men's sharedsense of identity. As the work has developed over theyears, the emphasis on sexuality and its relation to malepower and privilege has gradually been increased. Ingeneral, however, it would be a mistake to try to begineducational processes with men with the issue ofsexuality, given the fears, taboos, stereotypes andprejudices associated with it.

The systemic character of machismo

Perhaps the most important factor in structuring,planning and implementing educational processes withmen is the recognition of the systemic character ofmachismo as an oppressive ideology. Initiatives that aimto challenge and alter that system should also have asystematic approach. They cannot limit themselves toone or two elements of the system. In CANTERA's workwith men, priority is given to the personal and familyspheres, but this does not exclude other dimensions(work, community) and the proposal of changes in these.In processes that involve men from the same workplace,it may make sense to take that situation as a startingpoint. However, men need to discover the roots of theirattitudes, values and behaviour at work if they are tounderstand them and want to change them. This requiresemphasis on male socialisation processes, which need tobe covered early in the process. Changes in concepts,perceptions, attitudes and values, even when reflected onand analysed in relation to one particular sphere,represent universal internalised 'truths' that permeate andcondition men's behaviour in all spheres of life. Reappraising how women are treated at home and theunderlying ideology that perpetuates such treatment alsohas a far-reaching effect on the way men relate to womenat work and in the community, and it is not difficult forthem to apply it to other dimensions of their lives. Itmay, however, reqUire the identification of strategies andspecific mechanisms to implement and sustain change ineach sphere of life.

If recognising the connectedness of different spheres oflife is important, so too is awareness of the relationshipbetween different aspects of machismo. Violence cannotbe addressed if sexual violence is omitted, and this inturn cannot be understood if human sexuality andhomophobia are avoided. The concept and practice ofpower as a male attribute necessary for the dominationand control of women is central to traditionalmasculinity. The treatment of other issues must bedeveloped in the framework of this key concept. Thedesign of educational processes must enable thorough

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examination and criticism of the social construction ofmale power, its diverse manifestations and effects onwomen and men of all ages.

Gender equity and ideological positions

The promotion of gender awareness-raising with men isan issue of social justice and human development. Butnot all men working for the latter will be open andreceptive to a critical analysis of their masculinity. Theparadigm of dominant masculinity crosses ideologicalbarriers and many men who profess commitment to aleft-wing, socialist and even revolutionary vision ofsociety have failed to include gender analysis into theirclass and social analysis, even at a rational level. A classiccase in Nicaragua in recent years is that of Daniel Ortega,General Secretary of the FSLN (Sandinista Front forNational Liberation) and former Sandinista President ofNicaragua. Accused by his stepdaughter, ZoilamericaNarvaez, of haVing sexually abused her as a child andyoung woman, Ortega's parliamentary immunity and thesupport he has received from male politicians of allpersuaSions, have inhibited any legal action against him.

Machismo is not the exclusive property of conservative,right-wing men and many of these will be willing toexamine their own attitudes, values and behaViour. Allsorts of men have taken part in CANTERA's courses onmasculinity. Conspicuous by their absence, however, havebeen members of political parties, especially those inleadership positions. It would appear that, as yet, they areunwilling to reflect on male power.

Linking gender and masculinity to integratedcommunity development initiatives

It is to be expected, however, that men involved incommunity development will be more open to changeand many of them will be linked to left-Wingorganisations. Training programmes with men on genderand masculinity are more likely to succeed if they areconceived and implemented as an integral element of thedevelopmfnt strategies of NGOs and community-basedorganisations. Adolescents and youth, for example, mayalready be organised in associations, groups ormovements that reflect their interest in cultural activities,the environment or other aspects of development. Itwould be important to build on the organisation thatalready exists and make links between gender,masculinity and the issues that young people are alreadyaddressing.

Men changing men

CANTERA's experience of awareness-raising and gender


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training with men has opened up all-male spaces coordinated by men. Initially some men feel strange andawkward without women present, but the need for menonly spaces cannot be over-emphasised. The absence ofwomen enables men to express feelings and shareexperiences that they would find far more difficult todiscuss otherwise. This should be borne in mind whendeveloping training programmes. At some point,however, women and men must meet formally to shareand discuss their proposals for and commitment togender equity. Experience has shown, however, that usingmixed spaces to start gender awareness-raising andtraining with men can be frustrating andcounterproductive. Women, in general, tend to have a


much clearer vision than men do of the implications ofgender analysis for their own lives. They are also morearticulate in expressing their feelings, experiences andneeds. This can be intimidating for men and lead them togo on the defensive, or even worse, adopt an aggressiveposition. Sometimes, the presence of men can silencewomen, who may be unwilling or perhaps unable toshare their experiences with men. When this happens,there is a real danger that men will dominate theproceedings, analysing and reflecting in a superficial waywithout really getting to the core of the issues. An earlymixed encounter can sow conflict between men andwomen, even unintentionally, and such schisms arenotoriously difficult to heal.

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7. Suggestions for awareness-raising andgender training for men

The need for processes ofindividual and collective integratedhuman development

In CANTERA's work on gender and masculinity perhapsthe greatest achievement has been the systematicdevelopment and validation of a methodology that is

relatively easy to replicate and that facilitates change.However, the scope of the products - the course and thetraining manual - is limited, and provides little morethan an introduction. It does not cover in depth suchissues as human sexuality, use and abuse of drugs, orresponsible fatherhood, and only begins to touch oncommunication skills. However, the course and manualare the beginnings of change processes. There is a need tocontinue developing methodologies and strategies thatwill enable men to deepen their change processes andensure their sustainability.

The work of other organisations onmasculinity and gender inNicaraguaCANTERA is not the only organisation in Nicaragua thathas been working on issues of masculinity, gender and

violence. The feminist NGO Puntos de Encuentro hasincluded the issues in its programmes, especially in itswork with young people. In 1999, Puntos de Encuentroran a massive multimedia campaign aimed at men livingin areas most heavily affected by Hurricane Mitch, whichdevastated large areas of the country at the end of 1998.Based on studies of the effects of major natural disastersin other countries, the campaign on 'Violence againstwomen: a disaster that men CAN prevent' took as itsstarting point the premise that family violence rises inthe aftermath of such disasters. The campaign ran forseveral months and included television and radio spots,posters, leaflets, calendars, baseball caps and the runningof worksh,ops and seminars for men on violence.

Other NGOs in Nicaragua, such as CISAS and CIPRES,have also given priority to the training and awarenessraising among their male employees and participants intheir programmes and strategies. State organisations,including the Ministry of Health, the police and thearmy, with the support of international developmentorganisations such as the World Health Organisation, theUnited Nations Population Fund and the GermanInternational Co-operation CGTZ), have also run trainingprogrammes on gender awareness that include an analysisof masculinity and violence.


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Coordinated strategies for genderawareness-raising with men inNicaraguaPerhaps the common denominator, however, is theManagua-based MAVG. Its members have been crucialcontributors to the development and implementation ofthe programmes and initiative taken by CANTERA, Puntosde Encuentro and others over the years. Either as staffmembers, temporary consultants or volunteers, the MAVGmembers have been an important source of manpower forimplementing these programmes and helping to open upnew opportunities in other Central American countries. In1995 the MAVG organised the First National Encounter ofMen Against Violence, in which 100 men from all parts ofNicaragua took part and which received extensive mediacoverage. In 1999 the Second National Encounter tookplace and participation had to be limited to delegates fromdifferent parts of the country. There it was decided to raisethe profile of the group to enable the establishment of anational network of men against violence. In the finalmonths of 1999, the group embarked on a phase ofstrategic planning and in May 2000 held the first assemblyof the newly-formed Association of Men Against Violence(AMAV), which aimed to draw in men from all over thecountry and support their educational activities andorganisational initiatives. A seven-man managementcommittee was installed and an advisory committee hasbeen set up that includes prominent women and menfrom different walks of life with a variety of professional


skills and personal qualities. In July 2000 the AMAY,supported by ICD, CAFOD, SCIAF, Trocaire, Irish Aid andFamily Health International (FHI), began operating from anew office in Managua from which it is currentlydeveloping and implementing strategies for the trainingand awareness-raising among men on gender, masculinityand violence. In the near future, and as a follow-up to itscurrent work, it aims to design methodologies for trainingmen on other issues such as responsible fatherhood,human rights and sexuality. Following CANTERA'sexample, the implementation of training workshops andprocesses on these issues will be systematised and trainingmaterials produced.

Thanks to the efforts of CANTERA, Puntos de Encuentro,the MAVG and others, thousands of men in the pastseven years have had their basic ideas on masculinityseriously challenged. Many have embarked on processesof change. FOllow-up, however, has been difficult giventhe institutional mandates of these organisations andtheir large workloads. The AMAV aims to 'fill the gap' byoffering support and follow-up to men in all parts of thecountry, thus contributing to the consolidation andsustainability of their efforts to change their own livesand influence the way other men think and act. AMAValso intends to act as a catalyst for the creation of anational network of men against violence, encourage andassist the setting up and strengthening of local groups,and support national and local educational activities.

8. Conclusions

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In her documentary Macho about the MAVG in Managua,independent film-maker Lucinda Broadbent asks thequestion with which this paper began: who would have

believed that in a country like Nicaragua men would bequestioning traditional male values and behaviour andcommitting themselves to gender equity? It is tempting justto say that despite decades of poverty, social unrest, naturaldisasters and 'underdevelopment', innovative and inspiringinitiatives can and do take place in countries such asNicaragua. To do so, however, would be to simplify the issueand perhaps miss the point completely.

On account of its unique lO-year revolutionaryexperiment of the 1980s, some changes were instituted inNicaraguan culture that no amount of counterrevolutionary backlash could erase. Women gained acritical consciousness and achieved levels ofempowerment and autonomy that would in the 1990sevolve into a diverse and autonomous women'smovement described by Sofia Montenegro as 'anemergent political force'. (La COITiente 1997: 36). Men too,their perceptions of themselves and their values, werechanged by their participation in the revolution. For aminority the vision of social justice that motivated themto take up arms in the 1970s and 1980s eventually led tothe creation of the Men Against Violence Group and thework on gender and masculinity carried out byCANTERA, Puntos de Encuentro, and other NGOs.

It is all part of 'the process' and it can be no coincidencethat work on gender and masculinites began in Nicaraguaand not in El Salvador or Guatemala, where revolutionarymovements failed to come to power. That does not mean,however, that a revolution must gain (and lose) powerbefore men can unlearn machismo. In Nicaragua sociocultural circumstances converged, a historic opportunitypresented itself and was seized by a handful of men,spurred on by feminist colleagues and friends concernedwith the levels of male violence against women and eagerto prevent and eradicate it. Eight years later, internationaldevelopment agencies, international and national NGOsand community development organisations in Nicaraguaand elsewhere in Central America are in the process ofincorporating 'masculinity' into their developmentprogram~esand projects as part of their gender policies.Men's groups are beginning to appear in various parts ofNicaragua, in El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala andCosta Rica.

In the early 1990s, when gender, masculinity and violencewere first discussed by Nicaraguan feminists, serious doubtwas cast on the possibility of men taking gender seriously.Historically, feminist thought had perceived men asadversaries and the idea of building alliances with themwas anathema to many. To do so was to ask menvoluntarily to give up rights, privileges and power and thequestion was constantly asked: who in their right mind


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would be willing to do such a thing? Such an altruisticgesture seemed diametrically opposed to all that wasunderstood about the dominant, controlling andauthoritarian character of traditional masculinity.

It could be argued that it is premature to talk of significantchanges in men's attitudes, values and behaviour and thatthe results of CANTERA's work on gender and masculinityshould be taken with a pinch of salt. To do so, however,would be to ignore the individual and collective response ofhundreds of men in Nicaragua and other parts of CentralAmerica who have accepted the invitation to reflect ontheir masculinity and who have embarked on a journey ofself-discovery and change. In workshop and courseevaluations and during the systematisation of the courseson masculinity, many men said they were being inspired tochange. The following are typical examples:

'The course has strengthened my commitment to changethe way I behave towards others. I've become aware ofreality as it is and this in turn helps me to put myconvictions into practice on a day to day basis.'

'Now that we are aware of how things really are, it is ourduty at work, in the family and in society at large, torelate to others without imposing laws, but rather in ademocratic way.'

'To avoid the use of violence it is important first ofall torecognise the violence that we do use against women, inthe family and in society, however insignificant we mayconsider that violence to be. If we become aware that we

are violent, the desire to avoid it is a sure sign that thingsare going to be better and that we are going to live a moredignified life.'

'What I liked most (about the course) was that themajority of the men shared the same concern: a desire tochange our own depressing reality and improve the way werelate to women.'

'For the first time in one of the workshops I managed tograsp the link between theory, what we think and the ideaswe have, and practise. I'd never before considered myself tobe homophobic but I discovered during the course that I

was. But I also learned how to overcome it. On a personallevel the course helped me to improve certain attitudes I

had and overcome some fears that I couldn't shake offdespite the fact that I'd been taking part in the men'sgroup in Managua for two years! You really learn not justby talking and sharing ideas, but also by putting into

practice what you say.'

It must be acknowledged, however, that in most cases thechange processes initiated by men do not go beyond


limited, micro-realities: men's own individual identities,immediate family relations, workplaces and sometimesfriendships. Moreover, it is impossible in such a shorttime to guarantee that these change processes havematured and consolidated. Indeed, the changes that havebeen reported and observed are almost exclusively in theprivate, domestic sphere (which has been the focus of theeducation work) and there are no claims that this has hador will have any direct influence on men's behaviour andparticipation in public and political structures andinstitutions.

At best, hypothetically, it could be argued that individualchange processes that encourage men to question malestereotypes and socialisation processes will contribute, inthe future, to significant changes in men's concepts ofpower and its exercise in public and political spaces.Change may seep from the bottom up, as a 'critical mass'evolves and as some transformed individuals leave theirmark on the institutions in which they participate. Butthere is also a need to develop ways of promoting theparticipation of men in the analysis of male power inpublic, private and political organisations, and ofchanging power structures and power relations.

Some men in Nicaragua have taken the initiative and arequestioning their own assimilation of machista attitudes,values and behaviour. Given the vast gender inequity inall spheres of Nicaraguan life, and the systematicexclusion and exploitation of women, changes in ahandful of men must be seen, at most, as a starting point,a very small drop in an immense ocean. With all thedoubts and risks involved, men's concern with genderissues and their willingness to reflect and changerepresents a new opportunity and perhaps a new era inthe struggle for gender eqUity.

To minimise the risks and maximise the benefits for bothwomen and men, work on gender and masculinity mustcontinue to be developed in a pro-feminist frameworkthat defines gender equity as its ultimate goal. It is men,however, who must take the ultimate responsibility forpromoting and cemsolidating change processes inthemselves and in other men. In doing so they mustrecognise that critical input from women and women'sorganisations is not only desirable but indispensable. Tomaximise men's contribution to gender eqUity, it isimportant that initiatives on 'masculinity' take placewithin a broad framework of Gender and Developmentthat focuses on the integrated development of all womenand men and on improVing the quality of their lives andrelationships.

Paddy WelshManagua, January 2000 - April 2001

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men aren't from mars - progressiosequeira, alejandro ruiz, francisco alvarado, johnnyjimenez,...

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