Policy Sciences 14 (1982) i79 193 179 Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam - Printed in the Netherlands

Membership in Voluntary Neighborhood Associations and Urban Revitalization* C H A V A N A C H M I A S and J. J O H N P A L E N University of t~'Tsconsin-Milwaukee, P.O. Box 413, Milwaukee, Wl53201, U.S.A. and l."irgina Common- wealth Universitr

A B S T R A C T

This study examines patterns of membership in neighborhood associations in a revitalized neighborhood in a large midwestern city. The neighborhood is ethnically heterogenous and working class. The research assesses the extent of participation in local associations, its effect on revitalization, and differences between old-timers and newcomers.

It was found that affiliation with neighborhood associations is wide spread both among old-timers and newcomers. However, young and affluent newcomers are particularly active. Moreover, whereas old-timers tend to be over-represented in traditional established associations, newcomers are more likely to join avant-garde and activist associations. Finally, membership accounts for residents' perception of their neighborhood and the extent to which they are involved in the revitalization process.

The 1970s were a decade in which professionals, academics, and the media described

urban areas in apocalyptic terms. The lexicon was one ranging from the "urban crisis"

through "ungovernable city" to "death of the city." Cities in general and inner city residential ne ighborhoods in particular were forecast to be doomed to inevitable

physical decline and increasing social and political anarchy (Hauser, 1975; Sternlieb, 1971).

Now the more common litany is that the crisis is over, and there is serious possibility of an urban renaissance (Allman, 1978). The "back to the city" and "gentrification" movements are now focuses of media attention. That the "back to the city" label is a

misnomer it is more a stay in the city phenomenon - and the term "gentrification" is equally inaccurate, seem to matter little.

* This research was performed under grant RO MH 3526-01, N1MH, Center for Work and Mental Health.

0032 2687:82,,0000-0000,,$02.75/�9 1982 Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company

180

While the major population flow remains from city toward periphery, it has become

increasingly evident that urban regeneration is a growing phenomenon and not just another catchy phrase. Moreover, with about half of all revitalization occurring in the last half decade, the potential of the movement is yet to be developed. Indeed, regeneration of old neighborhoods stands the "holy writ" of the filter-down theory (Downs, 1970) and the Burgess (1925) propositions on their head. Old property filters up rather than down. Equally important, current regeneration is not a direct or an unintended consequence of government policies or funding. It is not dependent on or financially beholden to any governmental program.

Although the ideas of restoration and revitalization have caught on, little systematic research is available to academic and policy makers (Clay, 1979; Laska and Spain, 1980). We are only beginning to clearly distinguish between areas undergoing upper- middle-class gentrification and those working-class areas experiencing incumbent upgrading. We also know little about the characteristics of those residents likely to participate in the shaping of their own futures through voluntary neighborhood groups and associations. In gentrifying areas, it is assumed that neighborhood associa- tions play an important role in revitalization and that such associations are not representative of the neighborhood as a whole, but rather of the in-moving upper- middle-class gentrifier (Clay, 1979). What is the case in working-class neighborhoods? Do newcomers in such areas differ substantially from old-timers in the amount and character of voluntary participation? This paper examines the extent, types and consequences of participation in a revitalizing working-class neighborhood.

Models of Neighborhood Decline

Neighborhood regeneration cannot be properly understood without recalling that for over half a century inner city residential neighborhoods have followed a general pattern of decline. The decline followed the patterns posited by Burgess (1925). The fundamental proposition in this model is that inner city neighborhoods decline as lower-class newcomers "push" more affluent residents into peripheral areas (Hoyt, 1939). The classical ecological model views neighborhood transition in terms of "push-pull," "invasion-succession," or "filter-down" processes. Once a neighborhood begins to decline, it goes through a"life cycle" series of downward steps culminating in

economic and social disinvestment. This model has had profound policy consequences for cities. It has guided the

decisions of realtors, real estate appraisers, developers, and lending agencies (McMi- chael, 1951; Bradford, 1979). Probably the most familiar real estate version of such neighborhood decline is the Downs (1970) "five-tier" model. In the 1970s his model was promoted to semi-official status by being promulgated by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (Cohen, 1979). Such models when taken to the extreme (and in real estate practice, the extreme version has been used rather than its more moderate academic cousin with its various caveats) imply that there is noreal

181

hope for inner city neighborhoods. Regardless of government policies, local associa-

tions and the residents' behavior, inner city neighborhoods would inevitably decline. Internal neighborhood regeneration is all but impossible.

The urban "community tradition" approach has been somewhat more optimistic. The focus on the neighborhood as a community has intellectual roots in Tonnies'

(1887) discussion of the shift f rom gemeinschaft to gesellschaft. The much cited version of this process is Wirth's (1938: 12) thesis:

The distinctive features of the urban mode of life have often been described sociologically as consisting of the substitute of secondary for primary contacts, the weakening of bonds of kinship, and the declining social significance of the family, the disappearance of the neighborhood and the undermining of the traditional bonds of social solidarity.

This view of the unattached urbanite, free but without local neighborhood ties, has been referred to by critics as the "community lost" hypothesis (Hunter, 1978; Wellman and Leighton, 1979).

Not all students of the city agree with this scenario. A number of communi ty case

studies such as those conducted by Whyte (1942), Gans (1962), Liebow (1967), and

Suttles (1968) suggest the persistence of friendship, kinship and associational life in the neighborhood. These studies focused on homogeneous ethnic or racial neighbor-

hoods, and their findings are important precisely because they are exceptions. Such

neighborhoods have been characterized as "defended neighborhoods" attempting to

ward off internal and external changes (Suttles, 1972). These neighborhood associa-

tions frequently have turf protection as their primary function. Generally, they are

viewed as remnants of the past, rather than designs for the future. Whether there is a sense of community in ethnically or racially heterogeneous and non-gentrifying

neighborhoods remains an unanswered question. By centering on the neighborhood's associational life, this question can be more sytematically examined.

To what extent does the image of the unattached urbanite correspond with reality?

More specifically, is there likely to be a greater associational life in neighborhoods

undergoing revitalization? Who joins neighborhood associations? Who does not? Do

attitudes and goals for the neighborhood differ between joiners and non-joiners? Are old-timers more willing to participate in activities to meet threats to the neighbor-

hood? Are newcomers joiners, and long-time residents "boycotters" of associations? Earlier studies of associational life reported that the younger, better educated and

more affluent residents tend to join associations (Axelrod, 1956). Zimmer (1955)

found that newcomers to the community have lower rates of participation. However, more recent studies specifically addressing the associational life in revitalizing neigh-

borhoods report that middle-class newcomers are more involved than older residents. In fact, neighborhood associations are often discussed as if composed entirely of middle-class renovators (Stephens, Sayre, and Grooms, 1981). These resettlers lobby

through their associations for increased city services: better police protection, street lighting, house code enforcement, and garbage collection (Davidson, 1980). Represen-

182

tatives of these associations find themselves frequently in conflict with old-time

residents. The attitudes of the incumbent residents are viewed as a major neighbor- hood problem (Auger, 1979). Even in otherwise successful cases of neighborhood

revitalization, there is often conflict between newcomers and long-time residents

(Schoenberg and Rosenbaum, 1980). This conflict is expressed with the neighborhood

association as the major representative and protagonist for the economic upgrading

interests of the newcomers.

Study Site, Methods and Data

Unlike previous research, the present study examines patterns of associational life in a

revitalized neighborhood whose characteristics are not commonly associated with

gentrification (Bradley, 1977; Gale, 1977). Riverwest is an ethnically heterogeneous,

working-class, revitalized neighborhood in Milwaukee. It does not have a major

advantage in terms of location. The neighborhood is bounded on two sides by the

Milwaukee River and on the west and north by low income minority neighborhoods

with deteriorating housing inventories. The area does not have a housing stock likely

to attract those interested in gentrification. The community was developed at the turn of the century as a working-class neighborhood of modest houses and duplexes. The

majority of the housing units are of frame construction with narrow 25 and 30 foot

lots. The area is not of architectural or historical strength. To city planners and realtors, Riverwest did not appear to be a prime candidate for revitalization. It was

written off over a decade ago by city planning officials as an area of inevitable filtering

down and deterioration. Nor was the neighborhood a candidate for regentrification. Riverwest with its older, modest, working-class homes, with its history and population

mix has great communali ty with the majority of central city neighborhoods in the

midwest and the northeast. Riverwest has a wide variety of voluntary neighborhood associations (Brill, Mea-

dows, Witzling, 1978): ethnic, youth, food cooperatives, and several economic associ- ations. The Polish Falcons, the most notable ethnic association, is a fraternal organi-

zation sponsoring cultural and recreational activities. Few of the youth-based associa-

tions are of the "counter-culture" or avant-garde type. They were established by the young newcomers, many of whom were involved in the social protest movement of the 1960s. The most successful youth-based association is the Food Cooperative (Co-op). It is the leading purveyor of organic and natural foods in Milwaukee and is viewed in the neighborhood as a viable alternative for local economic development. The Co-op is

a community institution involved in outreach activities such as providing free food delivery service to elderly residents, organizing a women's association, and mobilizing community residents to oppose city plans believed to have adverse effects on River- west. The First Hub Credit Union is an economic institution committed to the revitalization of the community. It was founded with the purpose of providing the neighborhood with a financial institution after the bank and the savings and loan

183

associations left the area. It recycles local savings for neighborhood reinvestment in

housing rehabilitation efforts.

Two associations that are particularly concerned with community organizing and

development are the Block Clubs and the East Side Housing Action Coalition (ESHAC). ESHAC is a broad based neighborhood association of homeowners and

renters, active in resolving local issues such as closing rowdy taverns and organizing block clubs. It has played a crucial role in organizing and supporting economic

development activities; for example, by training underemployed residents in home

repair skills of homes of low-income home owners. There are about six block clubs in

Riverwest, most of which have been in existence for about four years. Their goal is to tighten community bonds. The clubs deal with broad based social problems of the

neighborhood but also with specific issues such as absentee landlords and crime

prevention.

Methods

Data for this study were gathered as part of a larger project designed to examine the

nature, processes and extent of urban regeneration and revitalization in older,

working-class neighborhoods. Respondents were randomly selected after stratifica- tion by census tract. Initially, 785 respondents were included in the sample. The

response rate was 70%. Telephone interviews were conducted by professional inter-

viewers from the Wisconsin Survey Research Laboratory, using a pre-tested struc-

tured interview schedule that included mostly fixed-alternative questions.

Major Scales

Six scales (X4 - )(9) were constructed by factor analyzing the questionnaire items with the principal component method. Items included in the scales have loadings equal or

greater than 0.40. The factor matrix was subjected to the varimax orthogonal rotation

technique. Scale items were weighted by the factor scores. (1) Willingness to Act - X4. An eight-item scale measuring willingness to get

involved in neighborhood activities such as signing petitions, attending meet-

ings, and writing letters to meet threats to the neighborhood.

(2) Neighborhood SolidariO': Interpersonal Relations - X s. A five-item scale measuring the amount of consensus regarding interpersonal contacts in the

neighborhood. (3) Neighborhood Solidario,: Conservatism - Xo. A four-item scale measuring the

amount of consensus regarding the role of the church, police and youth. (4) Evaluation o f Local Association - XT. A composite measure of items in which

respondents were asked to rate various aspects of the associations. (5) Evaluation o f Cultural Life in Riverwest - X 8. A composite measure of items in

which respondents were asked to rate various aspects of cultural life.

184

(6) "'Feeling at Home" in Riverwest - Xg. A composite scale pertaining to the reasons for choosing Riverwest as a place to live (such as friends, location,

nature of neighborhood).

(7) Pride in Communio, - X~0. A single item in which residents were asked to state their degree of pride in the neighborhood.

(8) Perceived Improvement - XI~. A single item measuring the respondents' per-

ceived improvement in Riverwest in the last two years. (9) Home hnprovement - X~. The extent to which respondents have made

improvements in their homes in the last two years.

Findings

Table I presents the frequency of membership in maj or neighborhood associations for

newcomers and old-timers. It is observed that membership is most predominant among old-timers except for the Food Co-op which has a membership of over 44%

among newcomers and less than 25% among old-timers. Among both groups, how- ever, the Food Co-op has the highest Membership after which come the Block Clubs

and the East Side Housing Coalition (ESHAC). The high membership in the Food Co-op among both groups is to be expected. In order to take advantage of discounts

offered by the store, residents have to join as members. Yet, despite its high visibility

and the central role it plays in neighborhood revitalization, ESHAC has a relatively

small membership (5.3%) among newcomers. It is plausible that membership would be

higher for the young and affluent newcomer. To examine this question, rates of

membership controlling for income and age are reported in Table 2. In addition, political orientation was introduced as a control factor. Only the three associations

with the highest membership - ESHAC, Block Club, and the Food Coop - are analyzed.

Membership for old-timers remains virtually unchanged. For newcomers, however,

TABLE 1

Membership in Neighborhood Associations: Old-Timers vs Newcomers

Newcomers Old-Timers

Associations Members Non-members Members Non-members

East Side Housing 5.3% 94.7% Coalition (ESHAC)

A Block Club 18.6 81.4 The First Hub Credit 1.8 98.2

Union The Polish Falcons 100.0 The Food Co-op 44.2 55.8

(114) 13.2% 86.8% (434)

(112) 20.2 79.8 (436) (109) 4.6 95.4 (433)

(114) 10.1 89.9 (430) (112) 24.5 75.5 (436)

TABLE2

Membership in Neighborhood Associations: Old-Timers vs. Newcomers by Income, Age, and Political Orientation*

Demographic characteristics Associat ions Newcomers Old-timers

Income: GT $15,000 ESHAC 10.5 (6) 11.8 (25) Block Club 26.0 (15) 23.2 (49) The Food Coop 44.8 (26) 26.5 (56)

Age: 26 31 ESHAC 25.0 (28) 13.0 (17) Block Club 25.5 (29) 12.6 (16) The Food Coop 60.1 (68) 34.1 (44)

Political orientation: ESHAC 9.8 (9) 12.9 (41) center..'liberal Block Club 33.1 (29) 17.0 (54)

The Food Coop 52.9 (47) 42.5 (134)

* Percentages refer to members only.

185

membership in associations increases considerably: almost 11% of newcomers in the

high income group belong to ESHAC (compared with 5.3% in Table 1). Similarly,

26% of this group belong to a block club. Among newcomers, 26 31 years old, 25%

belong to ES HAC, almost 26% to block clubs and 60% to the Food Co-op, and among

newcomers with a liberal orientation, almost 10% belong to ESHAC, 33% to Block

Clubs, and 53% to the Food Co-op. Taken together, the findings suggest significant

differences in the patterns of involvement of newcomers and old-timers in neighbor-

hood associations. The relatively higher level of membership of old-timers (as

observed in Table 1) confirms earlier studies in which old-timers were found to

dominate neighborhood associations (Zimmer, 1955). Whereas old-timers tend to be

overrepresented in traditional established associations, newcomers are more likely to

j oin associations (like the Food Coop) which are more readily identified as avant-garde

or as those closely associated with the "recent changes" taking place in the neighbor-

hood. For newcomers, income, age, and political orientation play a major role in

determining membership. This is especially evident in the case of ES HAC, perhaps the

most central community association in Riverwest. The rate of membership among

affluent or liberal newcomers is more than double the average rate of membership for

this group (5.3%), and it is five times as high for younger newcomers.

Table 3 presents the distributions for members and non-members among newco-

mers and old-timers for the entire sample by income, occupation, race, and political

orientation. Among members, a distinction is made between residents who belong to at

least one association and those who belong to two or more. Overall, the proportion of non-members among old-timers is slightly higher (50.8%) than among newcomers

(45.4%). However, more old-timers (23.2%) are members of two or more associations

than newcomers (16%). Among old-timers, the proportion of non-members does not

vary by income, occupation, or political orientation. However, non-members are

186

more p redominan t among blacks than among white residents. For newcomers, mem-

bership in associations vary by background characteristics: 45% of the affluent

newcomers are members of at least one associat ion, and 21% are affiliated with two or

more. Similarly, 48% of all liberal newcomers and 50% of those who are professionals

or managers are members of at least one association.

It is evident f rom the findings presented so far that membersh ip in ne ighborhood

associat ions in Riverwest is considerable. But is such involvement significant for the

revi tal izat ion process in the communi ty? Does aff i l iat ion with a certain associat ion or

a number of associat ions have an effect on the degree of pride in the communi ty , on

perceived improvemen t in the ne ighborhood over the last few years, on the extent to

which residents have a sense of belonging, and on the willingness to act to meet threats

to the ne ighborhood? These questions are examined in Table 4 which is a matr ix of

p roduc t -momen t coefficients among revi tal izat ion variables and membership in

ne ighborhood associations. In addi t ion, we have included a measure of the actual

par t ic ipa t ion of residents in the revi ta l izat ion process: the extent to which they have

made improvement in their home. The coefficients are presented for old-t imers and

newcomers separately.

A m o n g newcomers, membership in ne ighborhood associat ions is strongly asso-

ciated with positive att i tudes towards Riverwest. Newcomers who belong to at least

TABLE3

Members and Non-Members of Neighborhood Associations by Income, Occupation, Race and Political Orientation for

Newcomers and Old-Timers

Demographic characteristics

Newcomers Old-Timers

Members Non-members M e m b e r s Non-members I 2+ 0 1 2+ 0

Average 39.2 16.l 45.4 114 27.3 23.2 50.0 449

Income: LT $15,000 33.3 14.2 53.1 51 26.0 25.3 48.4 244 GT $15,000 45.0 21.0 34.3 58 30.4 24.0 45.1 213

Race: White 38.l 19.0 44.5 101 28.2 23.6 49.2 493 Black 56.6 - 44.3 9 11.4 28.5 61.0 27

Occupation: Professional and 50.2 6.0 44.2 46 27.0 20.2 52.0 149 managers Sales and clerical 45.4 15.3 40.6 25 35.1 20.3 45.4 107 Craft and laborers 30.1 17.1 53.1 28 25.4 22. l 53.2 193

Political orientation: Conservative 6.1 6.7 88.1 21 30.5 3.3 49.2 127 Center 38.7 24.2 38.0 37 21.5 22.1 57.3 176 Liberal 48.2 15.1 37.6 58 29.2 31.0 40.6 139

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one association value neighborhood solidarity as reflected in strong interpersonal

relationships in the neighborhood (rl5 = 0.38); they tend to have a general positive

evaluation of local community groups (rl7 = 0.44) and have a relatively non-

conservative outlook on community life (rt6 = -0.31): they wish for a less important

role of the church in the neighborhood, are for involvement of young people in

community affairs, and tend to resist strict police enforcement. A positive, small but

significant relationship exists between membership in associations and the degree of

pride in Riverwest (rl l0 = 0.17) and the perceived improvement in the neighborhood over the last year or two (r~ l~ = 0.18).

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dent is a member (X2) and the dependent variables are of about the same order of

magnitude. The only exception is the evaluation of the cultural life in Riverwest which

is correlated with X2 (r2s = 0.31) but not with X I. The third independent variable (X3)

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discussed.

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disposition of residents. One (X4) measures residents' willingness to act to meet threats to the neighborhood, and the other (X~2) the residents' account of improvements made

in their homes during the last two years. The two measures of membership show a rela-

tively strong relationship (ru = 0.30; r24 ~-- 0.34) with the predisposition to act on

behalf of the neighborhood. Similarly,membership in associations is positively cor-

related with improvements made by the residents in their homes (r t ~2 = 0.29; r2 ~2 =

0.19). The findings for old-timers are quite different: generally the coefficients for old-

timers are substantially lower. The relationship between the three associational mem-

bership variables with attitudes toward the neighborhood and with the predisposition

to act are about half the size of the comparable relationship among newcomers. Also,

the relationship with improvement made over the last two years among old-timers is

close to zero. The only exception to this general pattern is the relationship of the three

independent variables with the general evaluations of the neighborhood. Membership

in neighborhood associations has a substantial effect on the way old-timers feel about

their neighborhood. Thus, those who are affiliated with a neighborhood association

have a positive evaluation of cultural life in Riverwest (r I s = 0.28; r 2 s = 0.22); "feel at

home" in Riverwest (rl 9 ----- 0.25) and take pride in Riverwest as a place to live (r~ 10 =

0.25; r 2 ,0 = 0.25). Similarly, utilization of neighborhood associations has a positive

effect on the evaluation of cultural life ( r 3 8 ~ 0 . 2 5 ) and on the extent to which

respondents "feel at home" (1"3 9 = 0.19), or take pride in the neighborhood (r 3 t0 = 0.12).

The next question to be examined is the relative effect of membership in voluntary neighborhood associations on the evaluation by residents of their neighborhood.

Does membership have an independent effect on the likelihood that residents will get involved in the revitalization process? To assess this question, three dependent varia-

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190

bles - community pride, an evaluation of the extent of improvement in Riverwest over

the last two years, and home improvement made by the residents - were regressed on a

series of demographic characteristics and on the number of associations the resident is affiliated with. Included in the analysis in Table 5 are income, age, race, political

orientation, and the number of relatives the resident has in Riverwest.

For both newcomers and old-timers, associational membership is the single most important factor accounting for the amount of pride they take in Riverwest as a place to live. It is slightly more significant among newcomers (13 = 0.25) than old-timers (/3 = 0.17). Among old-timers, age and the number of relatives in the community have also

an important and positive effect on the amount of pride. For newcomers, age and race

are both significant, with black residents less likely to take pride in the neighborhood. Whereas associational membership has no effect on the extent of home improvement

made over the last two years among old-timers, for newcomers there is a positive and

significant, though modes, effect (/3 = 0.11). Finally, for both old-timers and new- comers, membership in neighborhood associations has a direct effect on the perceived

improvement in Riverwest. For both groups though, race is the most important factor

in accounting for perceived improvement. Blacks are less likely to perceive improve-

ments in the neighborhood. Overall, it is clear from the regression results that membership in neighborhood associations is an important factor in the revitalization

process. It accounts not only for how residents feel about their neighborhood but also for their actual involvement in revitalization. Membership in associations is more

important than income, political orientation, age, or the number of relatives in the

neighborhood, variables which have been delineated as central in previous revitaliza-

tion studies.

Discussion

Neighborhood revitalization is becoming a major concern in developing urban poli-

cies. Although the major population flow remains from city toward periphery, "urban regeneration" is a growing phenomenon with its potential yet to be developed. Indeed,

public officials, representatives from private industries and community leaders are all paying more attention to revitalization which invariably means the survival and

improvement of neighborhoods the building blocks of cities.

Neighborhood voluntary associations are closely tied to the process of urban revi- talization, and have stabilized themselves as a potent social and political force. Whether they rise to fight freeways and displacement, or to reduce the burden of local taxation, they are now recognized as a full partner in urban progress and play a major

role in controlling neighborhood transformation (Van Til, 1980). Despite their major role, the impact of voluntary associations on urban revitalization has not received much scholarly attention. This is partially due to the novelty of the revitalization movement and partly to the overemphasis given to government urban policies. This study examined the extent and effects of membership in voluntary neighborhood

191

associations in an older working-class neighborhood undergoing revitalization. It

showed that membership in local associations plays a major role in the residents'

perceptions of the neighborhood and the extent to which they are directly involved in the revitalization process.

In the early 1960s, Greer and Orleans (1962) urged students of urban politics to recognize that neighborhood associations are "parapolitical institutions." They

argued that community participation consists of more than voting; that it is also

reflected in the representation of group interests in the political arena - a role which

the neighborhood association can and does perform (Sharp, 1981). The neighborhood

association is being examined against a backdrop of demands for community control (Altschuler, 1970) and is increasingly recognized as an urban interest group (Yates, 1977).

Neighborhood associations have three general functions in supporting revitaliza-

tion: (I) Through the neighborhood association, resideots can attempt to acquire as

much influence in the community as their free time, ability, and inclination pei'mit them; (2) Members become more aware of how the revitalization process develops in

their neighborhood; the association informs its members on matters occurring in the

neighborhood and city which affect the revitalization process. Neighborhood associa- tions have been developing reinvestment programs, providing research on neighbor-

hood needs, negotiating with lending officials, and monitoring public programs. They

support neighborhood initiatives to improve the area, including landlord-tenant negotiations, and encouragement of private investment in neighborhoods threatened

by early redlining practices; (3) The neighborhood association offers a powerful

mechanism of social change; major neighborhood enterprises are often initiated outside the framework of local government and are aided by the neighborhood

association. In revitalized neighborhoods, very often the local associations have taken over many of the functions of initiating change and marshalling community support.

The findings of this study suggest that neighborhood associations should be

incorporated into the planning, development, and implementation of urban policies:

This activity goes beyond the traditional concepts of citizen involvement vis-/t-vis voting or reacting to the publicly initiated programs. Community and neighborhood groups bring experience essential to revitalization as do the public and private sector. Because reinvestment needs vary from neighborhood to neighborhood, neighborhood associations are able to identify which priority needs warrant action, be it multi-family, abandoned structures, commercial decline, speculation, or rehabilitation financing (Baroni, 1978: 18).

Reinvestment programs controlled by neighborhood associations can serve either as

alternatives to public and private ventures or complement such ventures. Obviously, local associations cannot sustain long-range revitalization efforts. Local partnership among neighborhoods, and between the public and the private sectors is essential for

revitalization efforts to succeed.

192

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