!!!REHABILITATING POST-SOCIALIST DERELICTION: THE ROLE OF CREATIVE ECONOMY IN TRANSFORMING MODERN BUDAPEST A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE DEGREE OF M.ARCH 2014 BY DAN LIU WELSH SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE !!

!

2

ABSTRACT !This study investigates the concept of creative economy as an agent in revitalising architec-

tural dereliction and obsolete urban voids in Budapest. As a post-socialist Central European

capital, Budapest is also endowed with rich Austro-Hungarian architectural heritage and diverse

history. Its transition from socialism to a free market economy is paralleled by social and cultural

restructuring, and these changes are revealed through the lens of architectural observation.

An in depth analysis creativity-led urban renewal is achieved by examining four selected

case studies. The examples are not all-inclusive, but they rather intend to bear representative ca-

pacity, as they magnify the interfering socio-economic factors that have been shaping Budapest

since the regime change in 1990.

As cities are simultaneously designed by planners from above and users from below, the

analysis employs two opposite approaches. One perspective focuses on the strategic moves im-

plemented by the authorities and offers understanding of the intentions behind the interven-

tions. The other approach looks at the endeavours of the inhabitants of the city and discovers

how the inventions of individuals expand into larger movements, eventually reshaping the

cityscape of Budapest. These investigations identify how talent and creativity have been mo-

bilised to improve urban quality and by doing so it sheds light on its potentials and limitations

in rehabilitating a post-socialist city.

!!

!

3

!

4

REHABILITATING POST-SOCIALIST DERELICTION: THE ROLE OF CREATIVE ECONOMY IN TRANSFORMING MODERN BUDAPEST !!!!!

Dan Liu

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of M.Arch 2014 Welsh School of Architecture, Cardiff University

5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT !I would like to thank my tutor Oriel Prizeman for her generous encouragement and guid-

ance. I am also grateful to Bence Turányi and Marcell Pátkai for their time and assistance. Fur-

thermore, I would like to show my gratitude to Atelier Pro Arts Gallery, Viktor Takács (Chief

Architect of District XI), Balázs Szűcs (Chief Architect of District IX) and Hajnalka Kalászi

(Chief Architect of District V) for providing valuable professional insight.

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS !

!!!!!!!!!!!

Word count: 10 990

A B S T R A C T 3

A C K N OWL E D G E M E N T 6

TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S 7

L I S T O F I L LU S T R AT I O N S 8

I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 1

Statement of Aim 12

Structure of Dissertation 12

Methodology 13

L I T E R AT U R E R EV I EW 1 4

PA RT I : I N T E RV E N T I O N 1 8

Filling Up of ‘National Pit’ 19

Theatricality Against Marginalization 25

PA RT I I : I N V E N T I O N 3 1

Migrating Revelry Within Ruins 32

Modern Nomadic Artists 39

C O N C LU S I O N 4 2

B I B L I O G R A P H Y 4 4

7

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS !!All illustrations belong to the author with the exception of the following: !Fig. 1: Key locations in Budapest Based on the image in Urban Development Concept: Summary (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, Bureau of the Chief Architect, 2003) !Fig. 2: Pier in Tallinn by Kavakava Fabián Cifuentes, ‘The Pier / Kavakava Architects’, ArchDaily (06 April 2013) <http://www.archdaily.-com/?p=349429> [Accessed 17 January 2014.] !Fig. 3: Japanese art of repairing broken pottery with gold lacquer Unknown author, ‘landscapearchitecture.tumblr.com’, Pinterest <http://www.pinterest.com/source/land-scapearchitecture.tumblr.com/> [accessed 17 January 2014] !Fig. 4: Map of Elisabeth Square from 1908 Attila Déry, Inner City - Leopold Town: District V. (Budapest: Terc, 2005), p. 80 !Fig. 5: Aerial view of the current Elisabeth Square Google Maps <https://maps.google.com> [accessed 21 December 2013] !Fig. 6: Car park in Elisabeth Square in 1996 Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 2010), p. 175 !Fig. 7: Disrupted foundation works (1998) Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 2010), p. 223 !Fig. 10: Reflection pool above the subterranean performance space Unknown Author, ‘Akvárium néven működik tovább a Gödör Klub eddigi otthona’, Twice.hu <http://twice.hu/hirek/akvarium-neven-mukodik-tovabb-a-godor-klub-eddigi-otthona> [accessed 16 December 2013] !Fig. 11: Map of District IX from 1896 (by József Homolka) Integrated Strategy for Urban Development for District IX, Budapest, Volume I (Budapest: Municipality of District IX of Budapest, Ferencváros: Bureau Of The Chief Architect, 2009), p. 15 !Fig. 12: Bank of Danube in southern Budapest around 1970 Unknown Author, ‘1970’s Boráros Square’, Ilyen is volt Budapest <http://www.ilyenisvoltbudapest.hu/ilyen-is-volt/kilencedik-kerulet-ferencvaros/item/boraros-ter-1970-1975-9-kerulet-2?category_id=9> [accessed 28 December 2013] !Fig. 13: Bird’s eye view of the original master plan Courtesy of the Municipality of District IX. !Fig. 14: Millennium City Centre with inner Budapest behind Courtesy of the Municipality of District IX. !

8

Fig. 19: Inner city street corner around 1960 Unknown Author, ‘1960s, Köztársaság Square’, Ilyen is volt Budapest <http://www.ilyenisvoltbu-dapest.hu/ilyen-is-volt/nyolcadik-kerulet-jozsefvaros/item/eszperanto?category_id=8> [accessed 13 November 2013] !Fig. 20: Unattended downtown blocks from 1950 Unknown Author, ‘1950, Fiumei Street’, Ilyen is volt Budapest <http://www.ilyenisvoltbudapest.hu/ilyen-is-volt/nyolcadik-kerulet-jozsefvaros/item/1950-fiumei-ut?category_id=8> [accessed 13 November 2013] !Fig. 22: The internal courtyard of Szimpla Clare Foran, ‘What will happen to Budapest’s ‘Ruin Pubs’ once all the ruin is removed?’, The Atlantic Cities (4 February 2013) <http://www.theatlanticcities.com/arts-and-lifestyle/2013/02/what-will-hap- pen-budapests-ruin-pubs-if-all-ruin-removed/4579/> [accessed 3 November 2013] !Fig. 24: Anker’t, a ‘minimalist ruin pub’ Unknown Author, ‘Gombold újra! Central Europe’, Designterminal <http://www.designterminal.hu/gomboldujra/en/programok.html> [accessed 27 December 2013] !Fig. 25: Anker’t, a ‘minimalist ruin pub’ Katalin Tóth, ‘Architectural and Graphic Image of Anker’t’, HG.HU - Design Meets Life (14 September 2012) <http://hg.hu/cikkek/design/14742-az-ankert-grafikai-es-epiteszeti-arculata> [accessed 27 De-cember 2013]!

9

! 10

Fig. 1: Key locations in Budapest 1: Elisabeth Square, 2: National The-atre, 3: Szimpla Garden, 4: Partizán Gallery

INTRODUCTION !THIS dissertation stems from a deep interest in the transformation of indeterminate archi-

tectural and urban voids in Budapest within the scope of the last two decades reflecting a transi-

tion from socialism to free market economy. Even though the changes are observed from the

perspective of architectural interventions, this paper also touches upon emotional and cultural

factors that contribute to the recent metamorphoses. Budapest is a synthesis of post-socialist

reality and extensive Austro-Hungarian architectural heritage. By reintegrating with the glob-

alised world it also shares a common quest in seeking regional identity against the unifying ef-

fects of consumerism. Closely related to the discussions involving urban rehabilitation, the con-

cept of a creativity based economy comes into focus. Culture, talent and art become tools in

remedying post-industrial and post-socialist dereliction.

As a product of critical selection, a few representative case studies have been chosen in Bu-

dapest. By their in depth study the major underlying socio-economic and political forces are

identified and discussed. The relationship between the changes in cityscape and the way people

use the city have been examined to highlight the duality that a city is simultaneously de-

signed by planners from above and citizens as users, from below. This form of explo-

ration could be paralleled to an act of excavation as it moves from present to the past. It

embraces the notion that excavation could be regarded as a reversed process of design,

serving as foundation for future trajectories of progress.

INTRODUCTION

Statement of Aim

This dissertation explores the potentials of a creativity, talent and culture based economy

and their impact on the post-socialist or post-industrial urban voids in Budapest. By carefully

selecting and classifying case studies in Budapest, the key historical, cultural and socio-economic

factors generating the transformation of each urban space are identified. The discussions firstly

shed light on how post-socialist authority employs creativity in the major interventions and

shows how urban changes influence the life of urban inhabitants. Secondly, the capacity of ‘bot-

tom-up’ movements are evaluated by understanding the potential of individual creative endeav-

ours expanding into larger tendencies, and how they can ultimately change the image of the city.

The synthesis of the discoveries reveals the nature and limitations of creative-led rehabilitation

in a post-socialist urban and social context.

!Structure of Dissertation

The dissertation begins with a review of the existing literature on the matter of urban re-

generation, with special focus on the role of creative economy and talent played in the develop-

ment of cities. This section gives a broad understanding about the specific circumstances of Bu-

dapest opposed to the Western world. Apart from socio-economic factors, artistic and emotion-

al components of rehabilitation have also been considered.

Following the Literature Review, the paper is divided into two antithetical parts: Interven-

tion and Invention. The evolution of urban spaces in Budapest is classified into these two subsets

according to the underlying social factors. Intervention describes top down strategic moves ini-

tiated by the state or local municipalities, and analyses how the idea of utilising creative econo-

my and ‘high culture’ has been exploited by the authorities. It also discusses the intentions be-

hind these public developments, touching upon themes such as post-industrial regeneration,

neighbourhood revitalisation, diversity and national liberalism. The case studies offer insight to

the grand economic and political forces that determine the fate of a city.

While the projects examined in Intervention have larger physical and economic scale, In-

vention observes urban changes of human scale. The case studies observed are results of the en-

deavour of the users of the city. It gets into contact with the living sphere of individual inhabi-

tants, entrepreneurs and artists, as it analyses the effects of the transition to post-socialist market

economy on the manifestation of creative outputs as well as on the transformation of cityscape.

It deals with concepts such as subculture, individualism, reinvention of identity, nostalgia,

memory and coping with transience.

12

INTRODUCTION

Methodology

The study draws upon a wide reading of urban theories summarising the aspects of the im-

pact of creative economy on contemporary cities. Using existing theories as a departure, the ma-

jority of insight is derived from the individual case studies in Budapest. Despite the diversity of

selected case studies in their scale and characteristics, they all share the common feature of being

either controversial in their process or outcome (sometimes involving political scandal in back-

ground) or have recognisable impact on the life of the city. Whether it is a grass-roots move-

ment or a national grand project, they are all deeply rooted in the manifold history of Budapest

and embrace a future of uncertainty. They also concern multiple strata and segments of society.

The relevant data is obtained from existing literature, official publications, newspaper arti-

cles and interviews, completed by the author’s individual observations, subjective perceptions

and photographs. The two main parts have some differences in data collection method. For In-

tervention, information is primarily gathered by accessing official sources and consulting authori-

ties. For Invention the approach requires a more personal approach, with utilising more up-to-

date but less ‘official’ resources, as existing literature on the subjects is very scarce.

13

LITERATURE REVIEW !THE discussions involving creativity-led post-socialist rehabilitation first necessitates out-

lining the two main themes on which it is based. One is the phenomenon of creative economy,

which is not only relevant to the post-socialist cities but also concerns the rest of the Western

Capitalist world, as both realms experience a transition from the industrial to a post-industrial

paradigm. Creativity and cultural revival is also interwoven with the idea of reuse and rehabilita-

tion in this dissertation. In the second part, the inherent values in the act of salvaging and repair

are reviewed. As a means to connect art with economy, it allows us to understand the impor-

tance of historical layers in the life of the city.

RISE OF A NEW ECONOMY

As a part of understanding creative economy it is important to identify where it comes

from, who it is related to and how it influences urbanism. Innovation has always been present as

one of the most prominent factors propelling the progress of history. It is not the existence of

creativity that is unprecedented, but the role it plays in the modern economy and how the atti-

tude towards it has fundamentally changed in the last few decades.

During the Socialist era, a rigid socio-political framework was set by a highly regulative

bureaucracy designated to keep production, movement and also ideas in control; therefore, in-

dividual efforts were less necessary in terms of economic contribution. With the introduction of

LITERATURE REVIEW

a competitive free market environment, even before regime change, creativity has been increas-

ingly valued.  The socio-cultural aspects of post-socialism are examined by Zoltán Kovács  and 1 2

György Enyedi  most in depth. Following the regime change in 1989-90, the centrally planned 3

economies of state socialism disintegrated into smaller, more flexible units. With a boom in ser-

vice sector, such as tourism, financial and business services, the importance of so-called ‘soft lo-

cation factors’ emerged, which regarded culture, creativity and innovation as key components.  4

While in case of Hungary creative freedom is linked to the emergence of Capitalism and the

liberation from the Soviet Union, there has also been a paradigm shift in the non-Socialist coun-

tries. Whilst the Soviet era was indeed dominated by mass industrialisation, in the West, it also

had its counterpart. A large proportion of the population used to find employment within the

so called ‘Fordist’ type of manufacturing model. However, the contemporary consumerist life-

style requires more than standardised commodities, and the growing impact of creativity has to

do with the altered consumption culture and lifestyle.

Richard Florida has extensively explored the phenomenon of creativity in the modern soci-

ety. He invented the term ‘Creative Class’ and argues that creativity is not only a tool in the

realm of market competition but it also penetrates everyday life: ‘Firms and organisations value

it for the results that it can produce and individuals value it as a route to self expression and job

satisfaction. Bottom line: As creativity becomes more valued, the Creative Class grows.’  The 5

new economic model gives rise to a social strata or class that primarily engages with innovative

activity. Creative Class is defined as people whose economic function is to create new ideas, new

technology and/or new content, and for whom every aspect and manifestation of creativity -

technological, cultural and economic - is interlinked and inseparable.  Such an emerging strata 6

of creative professionals has been observed by other theorists, such as Daniel Bell  , John 7

Howkins  and Peter Drucker,  who named them ‘knowledge workers’. 8 9

15

After 1968 Hungary gradually moved away from the Stalinist model of redistributive economy and the rigid 1

insistence on egalitarianism was replaced by a more liberalised, multi-sectored approach in its economy, which consisted of the state, co-operatives and private small-scale enterprises. This New Economic Mechanism, also referred to as ‘goulash communism’ offered a larger degree of freedom and personal opportunities. Zoltán Kovács, ‘Ghettoization or gentrification? Post-socialist scenarios for Budapest’ in Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Vol. 13, Issue 1 (1998) p. 67

Ibid.2

György Enyedi, ’The Cultural Economy of the Cities’, in Földrajzi Értesítő 51, No. 1-2 (2002), pp 19-293

Sako Musterd, Marco Bontje, Caroline Chapain, Zoltán Kovács and Alan Murie, Accommodating Creative 4

Knowledge: A Literature Review From A European Perspective (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 2007) p. 2

Richard Florida, The Rise of The Creative Class (New York: Basic Books, 2002), p. 675

Ibid, p. 86

Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic Books, 1973)7

John Howkins, Creative Economy (New York: The Penguin Press, 2001)8

Peter Drucker, Post-Capitalist Society (New York: Harper Business, 1993)9

LITERATURE REVIEW

The increased creative and cultural activity plays an important role in the transition from a

post-industrial to a service-based city. The book Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma writ-

ten by Baumol and Bowen in 1966 could be regarded as the first ‘classic’ work on cultural econ-

omy.  Another expert in the issue of creativity related to urbanism is Charles Landry, regarding 10

innovation as one of the main resources of a city. Creative economy has an even greater signifi-

cance today, as it is exclaimed by Nesta’s publication A Manifesto for the Creative Economy.  11

One sphere of cultural economy is the traditionally conceived cultural industry, such as

education, fine art or tourism). The other component is the production of cultural commodities.

Those creations have greater symbolic and emotional value than practicality. This phenomenon

is not new, as fashionable items have always been produced, however, it has been growing signif-

icantly within the economy of the contemporary cities. According to Enyedi, cultural economy

can furthermore increase the competitiveness of the city by attracting either highly skilled and

talented people (enriching the Creative Class) or more developed industries.  12

Regarding the effect of cultural capacities on urban gentrification, there have been divided

views. While some scholars, such as Roberts and Sykes regard gentrification more as a matter of

economic and physical matter and that it relates to financial and technical solutions,  others see 13

it as a product of the shift from an industrial to a post-industrial society, which entails the

growth of an expanded middle class and their social relations, cultural tastes, and consumption

practices.  The relationship between cultural industry and gentrification has been extensively 14

studied by Neil Smith, Chris Hamnett and David Ley.

MERITS OF REPARATION

As the impact of culture has been increasing in the development of the cities, the percep-

tion of culture and art itself has been changing simultaneously. Sharon Zukin offers an in depth

analysis of art and artist-led gentrification, reflecting on the culture of the post-industrial cities.

In the diverse contemporary society apart from the ‘high culture’ there is also legitimacy for sub-

culture. As pointed out by Simpson:

In a mass society, the artist may serve a totemic role, critical of the banalities of regulated life, rais-ing the possibility of charismatic individuality, of iconoclastic self-affirmation in a marketplace deserted of gods.  15

16

György Enyedi, ‘The Cultural Economy of the Cities’, in Földrajzi Értesítő 51, No. 1-2 (2002), p. 2110

Nesta is the UK’s innovation foundation that provides investments that mobilise research, networks and skills. 11

Hasan Bakhshi, Ian Hargreaves and Juan Mateos-Garcia, A Manifesto for the Creative Economy (London: Nesta Operating Company, 2013)

György Enyedi, ‘The Cultural Economy of the Cities’, in Földrajzi Értesítő 51, No. 1-2 (2002), pp 21-2312

Roberts, Peter and Hugh Sykes, Urban Regeneration: A Handbook (London: SAGE Publications, 2000)13

Chris Hamnett, ‘Gentrification, Postindustrialism and Industrial and Occupational Restructuring in Global 14

Cities’ in A Companion To The City, ed. by Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (Blackwell Publishers, 2003), p 333

Charles Simpson, SoHo: The Artist in the City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 815

LITERATURE REVIEW

Also, to create the necessary creative milieu, the city needs to have local character, as some

theorists regard ‘the impact of culture-led regeneration is clearly closely tied up to a localised

sense of place.’  The act of reuse is related to establishing authenticity, which is vital in differen16 -

tiating one place from another in a world highly connected with telecommunication. As the

Berkeley sociologist Manuel Castells has noted, ‘the power of identity has become a defining

feature of the insecure, constantly changing postmodern world.’  17

The act of salvaging broken architectural fabric can greatly contribute to the regionalist

character of the place, especially in reaction against the unifying mechanism of modernity.  In 18

the example of the temporary project in Tallinn, Estonia called simply the Pier, the dysfunction-

al infrastructural facility is given a new layer of intervention. By covering the crumbling pier in

timber boarding it could serve informal public uses, and it also enables a sense of tactile continu-

ity with the past. The aim of the installation is to encourage temporary uses and bring out the

beauty of the decaying place before its official reuse.  19

Another example showing the aesthetic values involved in the act of repairing is the Ja-

panese practice of kintsukuroi, the art of mending broken pottery with gold lacquer to under-

stand that the piece is more beautiful for having been broken.  As the golden veins follow the 20

cracks, they ‘decorate’ the original object, also giving it a unique personality. In fact, the desire to

seek qualities of such poetic purity propelled the research, however, unlike a singular object,

such clarity of thinking in an urban situation is less straightforward and more multifaceted.

17

Miles, Steven and Ronan Paddison, ‘The Rise and Rise of Culture-led Urban Regeneration’ in Urban Studies 16

Vol. 42, No. 5/6 (SAGE, 2005), p. 836

Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity: The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, Volume I (Ox17 -ford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997)

Liane Lefaivre and Alexander Tzonis, Architecture of Regionalism in the Age of Globalisation: Peaks and Val18 -leys in the Flat World (Oxon: Routledge, 2012), p. 199

Fabián Cifuentes, ‘The Pier / Kavakava Architects’, ArchDaily (06 April 2013) <http://www.archdaily.com/?19

p=349429> [Accessed 17 January 2014]

Patricia Frick (ed.), The Aesthetics of Mended Japanese Ceramics (Münster, Museum für Lackkunst, 2008)20

Fig. 2: Pier in Tallinn by Kavakava Fig. 3: Japanese art of repairing broken pottery with gold lacquer

PART I : INTERVENTION !THE city of Budapest is a place conquered and reconquered throughout history. Since the

first days of the Roman settlers, the city has constantly been facing foreign invasions. Walking

around the city today, there are tremendous traces left of the bygone ruling strata. As the sooth-

ing Turkish baths tell us about the luxurious lifestyle of the Ottoman governors, the grandiose

Andrássy Avenue is a legacy to the passion for horse riding in the Austrian aristocracy. As

Sharon Zukin puts it, ‘the look and feel of cities reflect decisions about what - and who - should

be visible and what should not, on concepts of order and disorder, and on uses of aesthetic pow-

er.’  The contribution of each dominant class demonstrates various aspirations and the marks 21

left by the authorities make up the plurality of the cityscape of Budapest.

The legacy of Socialism - the last layer - is still visible, but it is gradually overlapped by a

new paradigm of social and cultural life triggered by the regime change two decades ago. By par-

ticipating in the global economy, Budapest is set for new uses and users. Reintegration with the

world, consolidation of national identity and rediscovery of locality became the aspiration of a

new generation who has different upbringing and ideals. In order to shed light on the dominant

class of the post-socialist city, we have to observe the urban interventions of free Budapest as

they also point out how the city is addressing the issue of accommodating creative economy,

culture and innovation.

! Sharon Zukin, The Cultures of Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1995), p. 721

PART I: INTERVENTION

Filling Up of ‘National Pit’

IN the very heart of Budapest, the small yet vibrant public space adjacent to the ever-

crammed Deák Square transport junction is a prime example of how a static urban void can be

upgraded into a public hub that revolutionises the revival of the inner city. During the Socialist

era the area was used as a car park and coach station utilising its pivotal location as crossroad of

both major surface and underground transportation arteries. Even though the space was dedi-

cated to a valid function, it could be said that regarding its essential position, the place was used

significantly under its potential. The journey from Socialist infrastructural establishment to the

widely enjoyed urban attraction, however, is paved with a great deal of financial and political

difficulties. The final product ended up completely different from the original proposals of the

post-socialist government and the background story of the project gives some insight about the

complex nature of contemporary urban development in Budapest.

The area is located in Elisabeth Square in central city, and it historically marked a milestone

in the northward expansion of the City of Pest.  In the 18th century the area of the current 22

Elisabeth Square was just outside the city walls of Pest and it was occupied by a graveyard.  In 23

the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy era the economy of Pest rapidly grew and by the end of the

century the graveyard of Elisabeth Square became replaced by a peasant market selling animal

goods. The growing density within the walls of the City of Pest has made its road system impos-

sible to handle the crowd. Supported by a royal decree, a new urban plan was implemented to

regulate the development north to the City. The new master plan prescribed multi storey build-

ings for the plots surrounding the new market square and these plots were swiftly purchased by

wealthy entrepreneurs.  The merchants and citizens within the walls of Pest were initially op24 -

posed to the external developments; despite the growing discomfort, they were keen on preserv-

ing their commercial significance. However, selling land around the new marketplace meant

vital income for the municipality which at the time was lacking funding. The consequent urban

expansion eventually lead to the formation of Leopold Town (Lipótváros), now a prestigious

inner city civic quartier inheriting its original urban grain.

During the 19th century the eastern part of Elisabeth Square became occupied by build-

ings, which left it a smaller urban space. It also meant that the Square became secluded from the

Inner Boulevard. The issue of resultant problematic urban connections were addressed by vari-

ous urban planners in the early 20th century who considered the removal of those building

19

The unification of the royal capital of Buda (western side of Danube) and the merchant town of Pest (eastern 22

side of Danube) in 1873 resulted in Budapest.

The areas around the city walls used to be inhabited by immigrant workers of various ethnicity and religion. 23

Every community, such as Turks, Jews or Protestants, had their own churches and graveyards. This explains the regular pattern by which various churches today (Jewish Synagogue, Calvinist Church at Kálvin Square) are dot-ted along the Inner Boulevard, which roughly follows the outline of the old city wall.

Attila Déry, Inner City - Leopold Town: District V. (Budapest: Terc, 2005), p. 7924

PART I: INTERVENTION

blocks and to return to the previous, more generous square. Eventually the ongoing dilemma was

resolved by WWII and the buildings were demolished in the 1960 due to the heavy damages

they suffered during the wars." The area became an open space again, and during Socialism it 25

was operated under state control as a coach station and car park.

KAFKAESQUE PROGRESSION

After the regime change in 1990, as a celebration of the regained national freedom, the

obsolete endeavour of reconstructing the National Theatre came into focus again." There were 26

several options for the site of the Theatre and Elisabeth Square became the optimal choice. The

National Theatre, as a project funded by the State of Hungary, bore national importance and

enjoyed priority in urban planning decisions. When the new theatre building was proposed in

the eastern part of Elisabeth Square at the place of the car park, the opinion of the urban plan-

ning authorities on the effects of the new building on the urban context was treated secondarily.

The government carried on with the design of the Theatre, without realising that the proposed

figure-ground relationship had existed before and proven to be unsuccessful.

Before the National Theatre could make any permanent mark on the cityscape, the con-

struction came to a sudden halt at a fundamental stage. As a result of change of government in

1998, the project was suspended and amended, as the new administration had different plans

with what they now considered as ‘their’ National Theatre. Eventually the new national land-

mark was moved to its current location by the Danube and what remained in the heart of the

downtown was a gaping crater: a messy construction site with a huge rectangular concrete pit in

the centre, which was intended to be the underground car park and foundation work. Suddenly

the proposed architectural volume is replaced by an awkward urban void.

!20

! Attila Déry, Inner City - Leopold Town: District V. (Budapest: Terc, 2005), p. 8025

! Since the beginning of the 19th century the National Theatre (both as building and institution) represented 26

national liberty and identity. Against the dominance of Austrians and German language, the Theatre was a sym-bol of the legitimacy of Hungarian literature and culture in the 1820-30s. Since the demolition of the original National Theatre building in 1913, there was no permanent building of such function. Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 2010), p. 312

Fig. 4: Map of Elisabeth Square from 1908 Fig. 5: Aerial view of Elisabeth Square

PART I: INTERVENTION

The outcome of the political struggle, nevertheless, was that Elisabeth Square as a space was

saved again. The abandoned National Theatre project became a subject of public ridicule and

the sarcastic nickname of ‘National Pit’ got stuck to it forever. In an attempt not to hide this

unorthodox past, but to rather celebrate it in an ironic way, the cultural centre that later occu-

pied derelict construction site was given the name Gödör (which means pit in Hungarian). Thus

Gödör became a symbol for lack of political cooperation and a reminder of administrational

inefficiency. At the same time, Gödör was also a metaphor for triumph of creating something

meaningful in a context of incompleteness and absurdity.  27

To cover up the scar in the heart of the capital, a creative solution was sought and architects

were invited to propose a design concept that accommodates a cultural centre and urban park

taking over the existing topographical conditions. The purpose was to combine the Pit, the rest

of Elisabeth Square and the nearby Deák Square into a homogenous urban entity. None of the

received competition entries provided a resolved scheme, so the municipality carried on with a

combined design that included a convention centre and a corresponding underground car

park.  The most prominent feature of the completed building is the subterranean exhibition 28

and performance space that is covered with a glass roof with a reflection pool above. As sunlight

hits the main hall through the shallow body of water, the entire space is rendered in rippling

refractions. During warm Hungarian summer evenings people casually sitting around the pool

can rest their eyes on the water coloured by the lights of the concerts underneath. The underwa-

ter hall is accessible through a series of descending terraces and these steps give place to an alfres-

co cafeteria where people remain visually connected to the surrounding city, but cut off from the

noise and hassle of the roads.

Spatially, what makes National Pit work is that it contains an extensive cultural venue

without a protruding architectural volume above the ground. However, it should not be forgot-

ten that the spatial relationship could not exist if there was not the leftover pit that desperately

21

Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 27

2010), p. 318

Zsófia Mészáros, The ‘National Pit’ Is Being Filled Up, Index (11 August 2000) <http://index.hu/belfold/28

ngodor> [accessed 16 December 2013]

Fig. 7: Interrupted foundation works (1998)Fig. 6: Car park in Elisabeth Square in 1996

PART I: INTERVENTION

needed to be filled. If it was not for this political battlefield and the clash of the newly formed

ambitious post-socialist governments, Elisabeth Square perhaps would have a different use now.

In fact, it is questionable whether the square would attract such a diverse array of visitors if

solemn tragedies were performed in the same premise. Therefore, the evolution of Pit also exem-

plifies the non-linearity of urban development, and the potential hidden in failed attempts.

!The building finished in 2002, however, this was not the end of the story, but only a ‘tem-

porary’ stage. Ten years later, as the central government realised the significant role that Pit (offi-

cially called Elisabeth Square Convention Centre) plays in Budapest, time has arrived for its

expansion. Legally, the ownership of the plot remained with the State, but since the site is locat-

ed in District V, any further development falls under the jurisdiction of the district municipality.

The plans imposed by the State included an increase in commercial activities, more underground

convention halls and more overground architectural volumes. These proposals were strongly

opposed by the District V urban planners, who think the new scheme would reduce the area of

green spaces causing excessive urban density. Inner city open spaces became a more vital issue

now that people started to migrate into downtown. What makes the situation even more com-

plex is that the ownership of Elisabeth Square is shared between the City of Budapest as well as 22

Fig. 8: Diagrammatic Nolli section across Elisabeth Square (illustration by the author, not to scale)

Fig. 9: Division of ownership in Elisabeth Square Grey: State of Hungary Yellow: Municipality of Budapest Red: Territory of District VI. White: Administered by District V. (Source: Municipality of District V., illustration by the author)

PART I: INTERVENTION

the State of Hungary. Similar scenarios of complexity have also been observed by Feldman, a

scholar studying the waterfront regeneration in Tallinn:

Western concepts used to explain urban revitalisation have limited applicability to the post-social-ist cities, among others due to fragmented and unstable institutional context, fiscal and organisa-tional weakness of city governments, the lack of partnerships and cooperation among stakeholders, and the continued pivotal role of the central state in urban planning.  29

These observations all fit the Pit, but the incessant disagreement between the State and the

District is part of the torrential political climate that is not only a product of the post-socialist

era. The evolution of Elisabeth Square has always been dictated by the struggles of varying polit

ical visions and financial interests ever since its birth in the eighteenth century.

UNFORESEEABLE INHABITATION

There is a mysterious fact about Pit that after its opening in 2002, the place was dead for a

long time. A few years later, unpredictably, the cultural venue became an urban attractor and

since then it has 150 thousand visitors annually, and it hosts six festivals.  Pit grew beyond a 30

simple entertainment venue: it gave birth to an urban phenomenon. The place hosts a festive

atmosphere throughout the whole summer and brings together a great mix of demography: not

only cultural savvy visitors who came to enjoy contemporary dance performances but people

with a glass of wine after work seeking relaxation.

Even though the venue is owned by the government, it is not occupied by an official insti-

tution. After the completion of the cultural venue, there was no prescribed brief regarding its

operation. The place became widely accessible, and the popularity is a result of gradual realisa-

23

Merje Feldman, ‘Urban Waterfront Regeneration and Local Governance in Tallinn’ in Europe-Asia Studies, 29

Volume 52, Issue 5 (2000), pp 829-850

András Kiss, ‘The Pit and What Is Beside and Behind It’, Metropol (08 July 2011) <http://www.metropol.hu/30

cikk/753268-a-godor-meg-ami-mellette-es-mogotte-van> [accessed 16 December 2013]

Fig. 10: Reflection pool above the subterranean performance space

PART I: INTERVENTION

tion of the public of the freedom the place offers. In fact, the majority of people use the sur-

rounding spaces, the park and the benches by the pools and not the venue itself. As the signifi-

cance of Pit grew, it attracted further urban uses: it is used by skateboarders, markets and occa-

sionally the square becomes an epicentre for public demonstrations. With time the place em-

braced programmes that address community issues concerning ethnic minorities, human rights

and the homeless. It intends to be a ‘home’ for everyone in a shared city, as the Roma gypsies,

homosexuals and immigrants are rarely concerned by the mainstream, now they are going to be

the ones who these ‘alternative’ programmes are about.  31

SUMMARY

National Pit as an urban phenomenon is not a result of sober and purposeful design, but

maybe that is to what it owes its success. The unforeseeable administrational chaos actually gave

opportunity for the grass-roots endeavours to experiment during this ‘permanent transitional

period’.  It is exactly this integrated eco-system that allows all forms of creativity to take root 32

and flourish. It reinforces the notion by Richard Florida that what creative people seek in places

is ‘an openness to diversity of all kinds, and above all else the opportunity to validate their iden-

tities as creative people.’  33

What is also demonstrated by the National Pit example is that in a post-socialist city it

takes time for the public to understand urban freedom and truly to inhabit the city. As pointed

out by the Chief Architect of District V, the nature of private-public social thresholds have shift-

ed since the change of regime. While people used to travel to each other’s homes for social occa-

sions, it is now more acceptable and preferred to meet in public venues. During Socialist times

large scale outdoor gatherings were not typical (or may even be regarded with suspicion), but

now the public has become quickly accustomed to the ‘Western’ liberated lifestyle. However, it

might not be as swift for all the political stakeholders to fully grasp the concept of free and pub-

lic-centred urban design after the long rigid decades of Socialism.

!

24

Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 31

2010), p. 319

András Kiss, ‘The Pit and What Is Beside and Behind It’, Metropol (08 July 2011) <http://www.metropol.hu/32

cikk/753268-a-godor-meg-ami-mellette-es-mogotte-van> [accessed 16 December 2013]

Richard Florida, The Rise of The Creative Class (New York: Basic Books, 2002), p. 21833

PART I: INTERVENTION

Theatricality Against Marginalization

THE interrupted project of the National Theatre which could not be accomplished in the

centre of the capital was eventually built in southern Budapest on the bank of the Danube. The

area giving home to the National Theatre and some other cultural institutions this time is not a

valuable inner city plot but a derelict brown-field territory in the highly deprived District IX.

The site is a kilometre long narrow strip stretching along the eastern side of the Danube. It was

previously used as a heavy duty railway station, but industrial and military functions started to

move out from the area starting from a century ago. The district has some valuable historical

architectural fabric closer to the centre, but it is more the industrial heritage that dominates the

characteristics of the area. During Socialism the living conditions in the district steadily de-

clined, as the industrial activities gradually diminished. By the time of the regime change the

prestige District IX became one of the lowest in the capital. The municipality of District IX

formed after 1990 had to confront a whole array of difficulties without the necessary experience

or resources." 34

Plans for rehabilitating this transitional zone first appeared in 1981 when the Socialist Bu-

dapest came up with the idea of hosting a World Exhibition together with Vienna." Having the 35

slogan ‘Bridges to Future’, the Expo 1996 aimed to reintegrate Hungary to Europe across the

Iron Curtain. After the regime change in 1990, due to political disagreements and clashes of

interests, the exhibition was eventually cancelled. Also, the financial situation of the country

could not afford such public expenditure." This is when the ruins of a failed Socialist propa36 -

!25

! Integrated Strategy for Urban Development for District IX, Budapest, Volume I (Budapest: Municipality of 34

District IX of Budapest, Ferencváros: Bureau Of The Chief Architect, 2009), p. 18

! The Expo aimed to emulate the success of the Millennium Exhibition held in 1896, which in line with the oth35 -er great European cities like Paris of London, it managed to demonstrate the industrial progress and urban development of the Austro-Hungarian Budapest. Ilona Kiss, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 2010), p. 69

! Ibid. pp. 70-7536

Fig. 12: Bank of Danube around 1970Fig. 11: Map of District IX from 1896

PART I: INTERVENTION

ganda project gave its place to the construction of the post-socialist symbol of national cultural

unity, the National Theatre.

The strategy for the rehabilitation of the transitional zones is to extend the tourism-inten-

sive zones out of the historical core of Budapest and place them into the less economically com-

petitive areas. It also provides incentive for the private sector to upgrade the large expanses of

post-industrial land. District IX, as a territory with some cultural assets only close to the city

centre (Corvinus University or Museum of Applied Arts) has to rely on its main natural asset,

which is the Danube. The strongest connection to the inner city areas is best achieved along the

bank of the river. These factors determined the strategic location of the new cultural institutions

of national significance.

The National Theatre, Palace of Art (a contemporary art museum and concert hall) and an

unbuilt congress centre are positioned at the southern end of the riverside strip (furthest from

the city centre), playing the role of a ‘magnet’ to attract private investors to ‘fill the gap’ in-be-

tween. The area is given the name Millennium City Centre and the development is based on a

public private partnership scheme. The Municipality works in a close relationship with the in-

vestors, and agreements concerning the developments also include conditions pertaining to the

adjacent public realm. This way the public spaces surrounding the residential and office blocks

are also constructed, maintained and controlled by the developers.  37

The urban development strategy in southern Budapest has clear similarities with the ‘Bil-

bao model’ and the new cultural institutions by the Danube are burdened with responsibilities

and expectations far beyond their own function:

Almost two decades earlier, the opening of the Beauborg museum in Paris marked the advent of museums that owe their identity less to permanent collections than to visceral impact. […] Ever since [it] opened in 1977 not only do museum buildings need to stand the test of adequate reposi-tories of art, but they are also expected to act as catalytic agents of urban transformation.  38

26

Integrated Strategy for Urban Development for District IX, Budapest, Volume I (Budapest: Municipality of 37

District IX of Budapest: Bureau Of The Chief Architect, 2009), p. 171

Kurt W. Forster, Frank O. Gehry: Guggenheim Bilbao Museoa (London: Edition Axel Menges, 1998), p. 938

Fig. 13: Bird’s eye view of the original master plan Fig. 14: Millennium City Centre with inner city behind

PART I: INTERVENTION

Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao is also located in a marginal location,

‘scored by traffic and trade arteries, criss-crossed by major sight lines, but lacking in any clear

manifestation of character.’  While the Guggenheim provided Bilbao with a major tourist at39 -

tractor, Millennium City Centre cannot compete with the historical assets of inner Budapest

(unlike Guggenheim, no visitor travels to Budapest just to see the National Theatre). Therefore

instead of relying on a large amount of visitors to generate income, its business plan specialises in

so called ‘conference tourism’. Benefiting from the proximity of the Danube, the aspiration is to

produce a delightful and highly prestigious civic quarter, and is mostly envisaged as catering for

cultural and business visitors.

MULTIDIMENSIONAL DISCONNECTIONS

On closer inspection of the sectional relationship of the Danube, the Millennium City Cen-

tre and the inner urban areas, it is clear that the river, which is meant to be a major factor in the

environmental quality of the area is not actually easily accessible. In fact, there are multiple

boundaries - real and implied - that cut off the urban territories from the river. The most prom-

inent is the suburban railways that run parallel to Danube. This spacial disconnection has even

been noted in the urban development publication of the Municipality it is noted that it is ab-

surd that the Danube and its riverside walkway are physically fenced off from visitors of the cul-

tural institutions and the users of the new establishments.  By focusing on longitudinal connec40 -

tivity and linkage to the city it also created a cross sectional boundary that isolates the rest of the

district from the Danube.

27

Fig. 15: Plan of Millennium City Centre: 1. National Theatre, 2. Palace of Art, 3. Congress Centre (unbuilt) (illustration by the author)

Fig. 16: Diagrammatic section through the Millennium City Centre (illustration by author)

Kurt W. Forster, Frank O. Gehry: Guggenheim Bilbao Museoa (London: Edition Axel Menges, 1998), p. 939

Integrated Strategy for Urban Development for District IX, Budapest, Volume I (Budapest: Municipality of 40

District IX of Budapest: Bureau Of The Chief Architect, 2009), p. 38

PART I: INTERVENTION

The solution for the spatial marginalisation reveals aspects of temporal disconnection with-

in the urban planning. Access to the Danube can be reinstated by means of a future project in-

volving a new underground line that would replace the current suburban railway running on the

surface. However, in contrast to Bilbao, which constructed a whole array of infrastructural es-

tablishments as a part of its revitalisation plan, Budapest could not afford such dramatic im-

provement within a unified timeframe. The struggling financial capacity of the city mismatch

the magnitude of the proposed interventions and the tedious pace of infrastructural construc-

tions has resulted in a never-ending series of unfinished projects. Temporary solutions to create a

better riverside environment, to bridge the current spatial deficiencies between the two phases of

development, are abandoned. It has been deemed unnecessary to use public money to engage in

a project that would only serve the city for a relatively short amount of time.

Without resolving the physical realm of the architectural interventions, it creates difficult

conditions for establishing emotional connections. As one of the most significant contemporary

public developments of Budapest, its visceral impact remains comparatively negligible. As stated

by Charles Jencks, success of a postmodern intervention not only has to command ‘critical ap-

proval’ but also be enjoyed by the general public.  Unlike Bilbao, the place hardly engages the 41

media, nor has it been embraced by the general public in a way that such a cataclysmic interven-

tion would be expected to do. If we are to gauge the merit of an urban icon by its reflection in

popular culture, then the reaction exerted by the recipient public is neither admiration nor re-

vulsion but rather indifference, showing emotional disconnection. The National Theatre, as the

centrepiece of the regeneration project, also bears the burden of accomplishing a century long

mission to construct a collective identity and a symbol of regional separatism. As argued by

Liane Lefaivre and Tzonis Alexander, in the newly disintegrated post-Cold War states the idea

of a ‘nationalist style’ to express identity is still relevant, although it has diminishing significance

against the true priority of the state, which is the economic revival.  With its eclectic style emu42 -

28

Charles Jencks, What is Postmodernism? (London: Academy Editions, 1984)41

Liane Lefaivre and Alexander Tzonis, Architecture of Regionalism in the Age of Globalisation: Peaks and Val42 -leys in the Flat World (Oxon: Routledge, 2012), p. 199

Fig. 17: The green strip leading to the National Theatre at some places becomes an unpleasant narrow passageway stuck between the residen-tial buildings and the suburban railway.

Fig. 18: The opening up of the green strip into a public park in front of the Theatre

PART I: INTERVENTION

lating art nouveau and classicism, (which used to give natural identity to Hungarian architecture

a century ago) the building carries a statement that is disconnected with the spirit of our era.

CATACLYSMIC MONEY

The reason for the community and social disconnections between the new strip of devel-

opment and the rest of District IX is not due to lack of intervention, but more deriving from the

cataclysmic measure of investment and the resultant high status estates that does not correspond

to the economic context of the area. As stated by Jane Jacobs:

Cataclysmic money pours into an area in concentrated form, producing drastic changes. As an obverse of this behaviour, cataclysmic money sends relatively few trickles into localities not related to cataclysm. […] [T]hey behave like manifestation of malevolent climates beyond the control of man - affording either searing droughts or torrential, eroding floods.  43

The new urban developments along the Danube carry a mission of urban gentrification and

cultural rehabilitation, but the resultant public and private synergy is limited to an ‘elitist’ ap-

proach. The programmatic contents of the new constructions attract creative capital in a way

that it has to fit within a pre-conceptualised framework. Such scheme, however, entail the dan-

ger of being ‘over-designed’ and excessively restrictive in terms of use and diversity of activities.

As interpreted by Neil Smith:

Privatisation and and escalating investment have opened up a potential reservoir of new residences the continuation of gentrification is also dependent on the equally rapid emergence of a more dif-ferentiated class structure than existed prior to 1989, and in particular the expansion of a middle and upper middle class whose income make them the potential source of gentrifiers.  44

A number of theorists have also argued that the globalised post-socialist cities are charac-

terised by a new and distinctive class structure. According to John Friedmann and Goetz Wolff:

The primary social fact about world city formation is the polarisation of its social class divisions. Transnational elites are the dominant class in the world city and the city is arranged to suit their lifestyles and occupational necessities.  45

In a social sense, Millennium City Centre is not a product of the urban reality of District

IX, but an elitist arm reaching from the inner bourgeois Budapest to extend the frontier of

commercialisation into a post-industrial territory. The radical nature of the urban intervention

could be best described as an alien tissue that is not able to create an integrated eco-system with

the rest of the urban organism. The problems of marginalisation have not been resolved, but

rather spatially postponed, as on a whole the area still lacks the interwoven worlds of life and

work that makes the place truly engaging. As put by Sarah Wigglesworth, who urges for an end

to paternalistic approach when it comes to making meaningful places:

29

Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (London: Pimlico, 2000), p. 30743

Neil Smith, The new urban frontier: gentrification and the revanchist city (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 17744

John Friedmann and Goetz Wolff, ‘World city formation: an agenda for research and action’ in International 45

Journal of Urban and Regional Research 6 (1982), p. 322

PART I: INTERVENTION

Clients, funds and the communities their work affects must share responsibility for what results. We believe the architect must be part of this, giving shape to the collective vision. Development is more than simply making money out of property, which is single-agenda activity that all too fre-quently creates a monoculture. Change needs to emerge from and be owned by the communities already in existence; it must be ‘joined-up’ to the mechanisms of improvement if it is to be rele-vant, long lasting and responsible  46

On the other hand, what Millennium City Centre achieves is that it relieves the inner city

areas from the influx of investors. Following Hungary’s full insertion into the global market Bu-

dapest, especially the valuable downtown has been the target of an escalating wave of redevel-

opment.  It spreads the flood of foreign capital in forms of investment in corporate headquar47 -

ters and branch offices to the transitional zones, decreasing the saturation of the downtown. By

locating the high prestige estates out of the inner zone of the city, the elitist pioneering gestures

might eventually permeate to the rest of the transitional zone.

!!

30

Sarah Wigglesworth, ‘Humility and Participation: Architect as Social Agent Provocateur’ in Regenerating Cul46 -ture and Society: Architecture, Art and Urban Style within the Global Politics of City-Branding, ed. by Jonathan Harris and Richard J. Williams (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011), p. 296

Neil Smith, The new urban frontier: gentrification and the revanchist city (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 17547

PART I I : INVENTION !AS observed by Charles Landry ‘the vitality of cities is often determined by unplanned,

slightly chaotic developments triggered by intuitive and spontaneous activities.’  Urban inter48 -

ventions merely provide a physical shell, as every individual adds, subtracts and alters its compo-

nents, as it becomes the ever changing backdrop of contemporary life. Against the ‘architecture

of identity’ that carries the mission of defining the character of city, there is also an ‘architecture

of moment’ that responds to the varying implemented conditions.

Triggered by the post-socialist economic restructuring, the society of a city such as Bu-

dapest consequently undergoes a process of paradigm shift. In a free market context creativity is

paired with greater liberty, but not without a simultaneous struggle for financial self-sustainabil-

ity. This has become crucial for the survival of talent-based economy. The energy that keeps the

city alive and activity happening, comes from inventive individuals and entrepreneurs who take

the initiative to exploit the possibilities of the architectural fabric around themselves. Urban

progress also emerges from within and below, manifested in subculture and grass roots endeav-

ours. Creativity is not treated in its conventional sense - merely as artistic self-expression - but

rather in terms of how individuals create meaning and identity within and beyond the physical

realm they live in and how imagination is generated in reaction to the changing conditions of

the city.

Charles Landry and Franco Bianchini, The Creative City (London: Demos, 1995), p.14.48

PART II: INVENTION

Migrating Revelry Within Ruins

WITH the economic recovery after the regime change in the 90s new constructions start-

ed to spring up throughout the city. The revitalisation of inner Budapest however, due to its

extensive size and dilapidation, took decades to happen and it is still an ongoing process. Apart

from the cataclysmic interventions, such as the public developments or high-tier private enter-

prises, there has been a grass roots force that slowly but steadily reshaped the image of the inner

city districts. Such unexpected and vivid uprising was spearheaded by Budapest’s District VII.

The area of District VII, or otherwise known as the Elizabeth Town, used to be a presti-

gious and vibrant area with its grandiose Austro-Hungarian Monarchy era architecture. It was

famous for its elegant shops, cafes and buzzing restaurants which were frequently visited by po-

ets and artists.  However, its former glory fell rapidly during the second half of the 20th centu49 -

ry, and it was gradually regarded as a deserted ghost town. The mournful history started during

the Second World War when thousands of Jews were forced to move into the area for deporta-

tion. (This is how it also became the ‘Jewish Quartier’.) The standard of living fell rapidly and

during the decades after the war the population of the district decreased as young or ‘higher sta-

tus’ people moved to the newly built Socialist housing blocks in the outskirts of the city.   De50 -

scribed by Beynon, the area was ‘the home of the very poorest of our people. Dregs of humanity

congregate there as the sediments of wine go to the bottom. It is the home of cut-throats and

brigands, pickpockets and beggars.’  Later the abandoned buildings were invaded by Romanian 51

immigrants which further harmed the reputation of the district.

32

The names of the streets also reflect their past use. Dohány utca (meaning Tobacco Street, or as it was origi49 -nally called: Tabakmacher Gasse) came from the tobacco makers’ shops; Dob utca (Drum Street) was named after a famous restaurant and pub called Three Drums.

After the 50’s the intellectuals and the upper class families either left on their own will or were deported to 50

rural areas for political reasons. As an effect of Communist transformations, Budapest became increasingly oc-cupied by the working class, which meant huge losses of urban intelligentsia. Zoltán Kovács, ‘Ghettoization or gentrification? Post-socialist scenarios for Budapest’ in Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Vol. 13, Issue 1 (1998), p. 66

Erdmann Doane Beynon, ‘Budapest: An Ecological Study’, in Geographical Review, Vol. 33 (1943), pp 25651

Fig. 19: Inner city street corner around 1960 Fig. 20: Unattended downtown blocks from 1950

PART II: INVENTION

For a long time the only attraction of the district was the Dohány Street Jewish Synagogue

on the Inner Boulevard which is the largest functioning synagogue in Europe. The rest of the

quarter did not show any significant sign of revival until 2001, when four university graduates

decided to convert a crumbling factory building into a drinking establishment.

LURE OF REINVENTION

The owners did not want to create another conventional high standard venue, they just

wanted it to be a meeting place for similar minded artists or students with low budget bohemian

lifestyle. Given the decaying but still aesthetic Austro-Hungarian era architecture and the evoca-

tive tiny courtyards, the intention was not to reconstruct the spaces but to appreciate the exist-

ing ruination as it is. The concept was simple, which gave the place the Hungarian name

‘Szimpla’. With its exposed raw brick walls still covered with wartime bullet holes, the owners

used the endless scars on the building for their advantage. Even the front facade, which distin-

guishes itself from its neighbours with its crudeness(which are not too highly maintained

either), is making a bold statement that this place has clearly no interest in restoring the building

to its original state and bring back the long-gone glory of the bourgeois era. The dark sense of

secrecy given by the entrance implies exclusivity and presence of subculture.

The interior is composed of a series of found spaces, as doorways crudely cut into the brick

partition walls suggest that the original organisation of rooms is entirely broken up. Even

though the structure is retained, the resultant building is a reinvention. As they find their way

from the dimly-lit hallway through the winding corridors to the open air courtyard, the new

labyrinthine sequence of rooms offers the visitors a sense of discovery with surprise at each turn.

The interior decoration is like a feverish junkyard with all sorts of found objects juxtaposed un-

derneath colourful lights. As described by an American visitor, ‘stepping into the “ruin pubs”  52

in Budapest's Seventh District can be a sensory overloading experience.’  Random objects like 53

old bicycles are suspended in the air or television sets mounted to the walls, which gives the

33

The name ‘ruin pub’ is the direct translation of the Hungarian term ‘romkocsma’.52

Marla Cimini, ‘Hip and hipper: The 'ruin pubs' of Budapest’, USA Today (25 September 2013) <http://www.us53 -atoday.com/story/dispatches/2013/09/25/budapest-ruin-pubs/2857137/> [accessed 2 November 2013]

Fig. 22: The internal courtyardFig. 21: Interior of Szimpla

PART II: INVENTION

place a uniquely whimsical atmosphere. Furniture making follows the same philosophy: some

seats are made out of bathtubs cut in half or even out of the remnants of a Trabant.  54

The interventions do not cover up the half-century long dereliction, but rather they em-

brace and celebrate it, and it is all done in an intuitive, ‘non-designed’ way. The outcome conveys

a sense of timelessness, as the decay is not frozen in time, but the building is allowed to mutate

and be embellished with new layers. It is authentic, not in the sense that it gives any idea how the

place used to feel like, but that it takes the patina and decaying metamorphosis as a source mate-

rial and relies on the ‘redemptive eye’ of the artists to turn junk into art.  55

Along with establishing the architectural frame, Szimpla also invents a new type of urban

venue that understands the lifestyle of the intellectual and progressive strata of contemporary

Budapest. There have always been cultural institutions, as well as an abundance of drinking es-

tablishments around in the city, however, the informal cross-section of the two has never been

implemented before. The idea of opening Szimpla was not based on a pre-existing brief, a con-

ventional client or clear precedents, nor was the initial aim to generate high profit. It aspired to

create an ‘artsy’ place in an economically self-sustainable way. As described by the founders, the

place is also meant to be a social experiment, a test if it is possible to support subculture in a fi-

nancially sustainable way: ‘Szimpla defines itself as a “cultural reception space”, indicating the

intention to embrace genres and performers off the mainstream, presenting them in an informal

atmosphere.’  Pluralistic activities such as screening of independent art house movies or hosting 56

organic producers’ markets did not exist during Socialism but they are not supported by the

Capitalist consumerism either. The phenomenon of ruin pubs is a result of mutual formation

that evolved together organically with its clientele.

Despite its inconspicuous opening, the name of Szimpla spread rapidly via word of mouth

and soon it established itself as a popular cult place amongst the young generation.  Following 57

the incredibly quick success of Szimpla Garden, the pioneer of ruin pubs, a whole range of fol-

lowers quickly emerged, applying the similar formula of transforming buildings condemned for

destruction into avant-garde cultural hubs. The followers are not just copycats of the original

invention, but each new place has a different concept. Apart from financial rewards, the owners

are also lured by the excitement of reinvention. According to Walter Benjamin these people have

an important role in the life of the city: ‘The rag-picker is an heroic urban figure, akin even to

34

Trabant was one of the most ubiquitous type of car used east to the Iron Curtain. It was mass produced in 54

East Germany during the Cold War.

David Ley, ‘Artists, Aestheticisation and the Field of Gentrification’, in Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No 12. (No55 -vember 2003), p. 2542

‘What is Szimpla?’, Szimpla.hu <http://szimpla.hu/en/about-us> [accessed 2 Nov. 2013]56

According to Ábel Zsendovics, the owner of Szimpla, around 600 people found it within an hour after opening 57

and from then they had full house every night. Márton Dunai, ‘Rapid rise of Budapest's 'ruin bars' sparks conflicts’, Reuters (15 March 2013) <http://uk.reuters.-com/article/2013/03/15/uk-hungary-nightlife-idUKLNE92E00O20130315> [accessed 2 November 2013]

PART II: INVENTION

the historian for, in gathering the unwanted scraps of the modern city to reconfigure them in a

more useful form, he or she represents an allegory of “redemptive practice”’  The buildings of 58

District VII became canvases for the owners who use the opportunity of sustaining wine bars,

coffeehouses or beer gardens to redefine Budapest with their imagination, humour and irony.

PANELS AND RUINS

It would be a valid question to ask what enabled the spontaneous grass roots endeavour to

gain momentum and eventually to alter the cognitive map of inner city in the mind of the young

generation. Or why are they suddenly drawn to the decaying old town, that had not borne much

meaning for them before? A few decades ago, the same area had a repulsive effect on the resi-

dents and families would move to suburbs to the newly built social houses. Escaping from the

unbearable conditions of the old town, the extensive Socialist housing complexes gave refuge for

a large portion of the population of Budapest.  However, after many decades, especially follow59 -

ing the fall of Communism, these extensive state housing estates or ‘panels’ are themselves grad-

ually being regarded as technically outdated and symbolically related to a bygone regime.  Now 60

the driving forces seem to have reversed, as the current young generation, mostly grown up in

the standardised dwellings of the social houses are charged with a latent desire for rediscovering

lost identities in the city and to escape from the boredom of uniformity. An obsession with old

buildings with their mysteriously haunting emptiness charged with an inexplicable sense of col-

35

Graeme Gilloch, Myth and Metropolis: Walter Benjamin and the City (Oxford: Polity Press, 1996), p. 16558

During the phase of suburban growth around Budapest, the movement of middle-class families from down59 -town towards the periphery merged with an inward migration of landless proletarian from the provinces to the capital. It led to the rapid formation of large suburban districts or the so called ‘red outskirts’. Zoltán Kovács, ‘Ghettoization or gentrification? Post-socialist scenarios for Budapest’ in Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, Vol. 13, Issue 1 (1998), p. 64

The typical Socialist residential blocks were nicknamed ‘panels’ both because of their construction method 60

(they are made of prefabricated concrete panels) and because of their uninspiring slab-like forms

Fig. 23: Inside a ruin pub

PART II: INVENTION

lective nostalgia could be the reason why they are drawn back to reconquer the heart of the old

town once again. As Les Roberts explains it:

While, on the one hand, nostalgia has been critically aligned with a reactionary and counter-pro-gressive politics - one antithetical to Marx’s forward-looking poetry from the future - on the other, nostalgia has increasingly been seen as a constitutive element in the formation - rather than dissi-pation - of engaged radical political subjectivity: nostalgia is being explored today not simply as a strategic exercise, and ironic re-enchantment of the modern against itself, but as a necessary re-source for those who find their political and social aspirations obliterated by monolithic versions of modernity.  61

Transition from the egalitarian collectivism of the Socialist era to Capitalism which puts

individualism to much higher value, is certainly a liberation. However, the influx of commercial-

isation - with its multinational brands and the coveted, yet impersonal, lifestyle they entail - did

not resonate with the young generation either. In fact, the prevailing consumerist culture is per-

ceived by many as just another agent of the suppression of human spirit. As stated in Graña’s

book: ‘all of modern society was already sort of Bolshevism; just killing the human thing and

worshiping the mechanical thing.’  It is the response to the political and cultural reality that 62

drove the ‘heroic urban figures’ to seek the ‘human thing’.

TRANSIENCY OF OPPORTUNITIES

The phenomenon of ruin pubs brought with itself a renaissance of the Jewish Quartier and

other inner city neighbourhoods. The buildings that have been untouched for nearly half a cen-

tury now gained refreshed facades and the trendy shops and bakeries give the streets a renewed

dynamism. During nights, especially in summer, pavements are packed with tourists throughout

Europe. Budapest recently emerged as one of the top tourist destinations in Central Europe and

ruin pubs have become a must-see experience beside the other attractions.

However, the overwhelming popularity of ruin pubs is also a double-edged sword. It has

long term negative implications on itself by accelerating the gentrification of the area: as com-

mercial activity elevates the quartier, rising property prices force some of the ruin pubs to close

down. In some cases, after being removed because their plot is taken by a real-estate developer,

the pubs just emerge somewhere else, simply taking over another run-down courtyard. The pubs

which initially exploited the cheap rent of the abandoned inner city estates became ‘incubators’

of cultural and social life. However, now they are facing a threat attracted by their own success.

‘In the early 2000s, there was a clear antagonism between the developers and the ruin pubs,’ says

Alexandra Kowalski, a local resident and assistant professor at the Central European University

36

Les Roberts, ‘Regeneration, Mobility and Contested Space: Cultural Reflections on a City in Transition’ in 61

Regenerating Culture and Society: Architecture, Art and Urban Style within the Global Politics of City-Branding, ed. by Jonathan Harris and Richard J. Williams (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011), p. 313

Cesar Graña, Modernity and Its Discontents (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1967), p. 16962

PART II: INVENTION

who recently completed a study of historic preservation in the area." Some of the ruin pubs are 63

located in listed buildings, which means the architectural interventions cannot interfere with

the original building fabric. Also, the pubs do not utilise the building in the most efficient way,

as they only occupy the ground floor, leaving the upper levels in a state of aesthetic ruination. As

the economy of the city changes, their locations can become potentially prime inner-city plots,

where it is financially more viable to build office blocks or high-end apartments. In the last two

decades, a large number of buildings have been demolished to give place to new developments,

and this trend of gentrification ultimately shapes the neighbourhood in a way that it threatens

the coexistence of ruin pubs with the new Capitalistic developments.

Against the waves of gentrification, the owners had to take action. Civic organisations were

formed to fight against demolitions and their preservationist effort gained the support of the

pub owners. However, in the long run, the ‘parasitic’ nature of the ruin pubs can hardly compete

with the effects of the free market economy. As Titusz Badonics, working at one of the ruin

pubs, says unsentimentally: ‘We didn’t save the historical building on purpose, we just use it to

do something which looks great in these kind of buildings. We make something until it’s gone.’" 64

The owners are not equipped with a long term vision as they speculate the venues to be a 5-10

year period of the lifespan of the building." Even though Szimpla is not likely to vanish because 65

of the fame it established for itself, some from the following generations of ruin pubs might face

demolition. A simple underground movement is now being pushed into the mainstream and

even to global awareness, and ruin pubs have now become an inseparable element of the neigh-

bourhood as well as an essential part of its economy.

Even though there is an overriding interest in the preservation of the cultural identity,

which is of interest to all political factions, there is an immaterial elusiveness of these migrating

!37

! Clare Foran, ‘What will happen to Budapest’s ‘Ruin Pubs’ once all the ruin is removed?’, The Atlantic Cities (4 63

February 2013) <http://www.theatlanticcities.com/arts-and-lifestyle/2013/02/what-will-happen-budapests-ruin-pubs-if-all-ruin-removed/4579/> [accessed 3 November 2013]

! Ibid.64

! Katalin Tóth, ‘Architectural and Graphic Image of Anker’t’, HG.HU - Design Meets Life (14 September 2012) 65

<http://hg.hu/cikkek/design/14742-az-ankert-grafikai-es-epiteszeti-arculata> [accessed 27 December 2013]

Fig. 24-25: Anker’t, a ‘minimalist ruin pub’

PART II: INVENTION

pubs. The nomadic nature of these places for revelry bears a spatial and temporal transient iden-

tity about Budapest. It is a unique product of the functionally overlapping period between

Communism and Capitalism. As gentrification pushes the value of the area up, the ruin pubs

eventually need to match the outlook of the neighbouring higher standard venues. This conse-

quent evolution, even though it would make the spaces more sanitised and less gritty, might lack

the authenticity and the overlaid layers of history that made the ruin pub phenomenon so mem-

orable in the first place. The sense of identity is reinforced as much by a sense of time as well as

place - the opportunity is tangible and it is up to the authority to retain it.  As a long term 66

product, ruin pubs did not only set an architectural precedent but also established themselves as

an epicentre of creation of a new set of cultural and lifestyle preferences.

The convergence of a large youth cohort, their movement into higher education, a spirit of dissent against the military-industrial complex, corporate capitalism, even the conventions of the bour-geois family - all were tendencies that elevated the prestige and the authority of an oppositional cultural competence for significant fractions of the youthful middle class.  67

Furthermore, as Chris Hamnett argues, gentrification is not simply a class or income phe-

nomenon but carries cultural dimensions. The particularity in taste and pastime preferences es-

sentially define the so-called ‘new middle class’, ‘who typically possess higher cultural capital

than economic capital and who share something of the artist’s antipathy towards commerce and

convention’  The legacy of the dynamic revival of District VII set up a precedence of cultural 68

demand that could pervade and activate the neighbouring districts, enabling the mould of gen-

trification to be re-cast in different urban contexts.

! !

38

For instance, in the cultural quarter of Temple Bar in Dublin, the city authority has given artists long-term leas66 -es in city owned property, which has been designated for artists’ use. Charles Landry, The Creative City (London: Earthscan, 2000), p. 125

David Ley, ‘Artists, Aestheticisation and the Field of Gentrification’, in Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No 12. (No67 -vember 2003), pp 2537-2540

Chris Hamnett, ‘Gentrification, Postindustrialism and Industrial and Occupational Restructuring in Global 68

Cities’ in A Companion To The City, ed. by Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (Blackwell Publishers, 2003), p. 334

PART II: INVENTION

Modern Nomadic Artists

THE collapse of the Socialist economy entailed the decline of industrial activities which

left numerous factory estates vacant throughout the capital. Due to their sturdy physical struc-

ture, factory buildings allow easy spatial transformation, thus serving as a fine basis for commer-

cial revitalisation. As observed in the previous chapter, economically active areas, such as the

inner city enjoy significant advantage in attracting businesses, whereas industrial estates far from

downtown take a longer time to recover. Therefore it is generally safe to assert that the factors

determining post-socialist transitional economy are dependent both on the quality of the archi-

tectural fabric as well as their distance from active economic hubs. The following investigation

will look at the potentials of creative economy in challenging these preconceptions and see how

‘soft’ factors can go beyond the physical qualities of a place.

Despite its peripheral location, PP Business Centre, a typical post-industrial complex with

mixed transitional uses, has an interesting story of recovery. The business park is located in

north-western Budapest, tucked beside a high-way radiating from the city. The extensive indus-

trial plant resembles an self-standing settlement with its network of internal streets and mini

squares surrounded by a high perimeter wall. The original textile factory was founded in 1908

and functioned until 1990. After its conversion the 40000 m2 complex is used as warehouses,

office or wholesale retail spaces.

As an effect of the 2008 financial crisis and the entailing recession, the majority of the ten-

ants could not afford the spaces any longer, and the complex was left in desolation. The business

park complex is run by a real-estate management company, and as an attempt to bring life into

the economically stagnating properties, a campaign was implemented that was not only targeted

towards the potential clientele, but also invited artists. The strategy involves the principles of

Corporal Social Responsibility (CSR) into the company profile by supporting artists and other

39

Fig. 26: The interior of an artist’s studio

PART II: INVENTION

creators who were struggling to find appropriate working spaces. The temporarily vacant units

are given for the use of artists or theatre groups and in exchange they either pay highly reduced

rents or simply offer a piece of work in exchange. For musicians or theatre groups especially, such

vast flexible spaces are ideal for rehearsals, as noise issues and time constraints are negligible in a

factory plant far from residential areas. The name Partizán Galéria (Partisan Gallery) refers to

the fact that the artists do not have permanent places, but their studios have to migrate in case

their space is being rented out. This kind of nomadism might sound inconvenient for the occu-

pants, however, as they have minimal equipment, one empty space is just as fine as another.

TALENT INCUBATOR

While conventional commercial art galleries and studio spaces sell expensive artworks, as

they rely heavily on revenue, the idea here is to create an inspiring environment for a community

of artists where they can help and encourage each other’s work. In terms of income the rent paid

by the artists is minimal and merely cover the maintenance costs. Having this mutualistic and

reward based business model, the commercial and consumerist factor is being replaced by the

sole focus on creation itself. As argued by Bourdieu, the artist’s lifestyle is a ‘site of resistance for

youth from bourgeois values’ as they have higher levels of cultural capital opposed to economic

capital.  The notion of creative merit over money has also been observed by Florida who states: 69

Creative people no longer define themselves mainly by the amount of money they make or their position in a financially delineated status order. While money may be looked upon as a marker of achievement, it is not the whole story. There are many reasons for the emphasis on merit. Creative Class people are ambitious and want to move up based on their abilities and effort. Creative peo-ple have always been motivated by the respect of their peers.  70

As a transitional activity, art does not bring profit but does not harm the building either. In

exchange for the effort of publicity and recruitment of artists, the reward for the management

team is the popularity of the Partizán Gallery. Because of the peripheral location of the factory

complex, there is a need for a different type of competitive advantage. In the era of advanced

telecommunication tools, online social media has become vital for the creative industry. All the

creative output produced by the artists working in Partizán Gallery - which now include paint-

ings, video clips, installations - are all incorporated in the online profile of the estate. Therefore,

it helps determine the preconception of place which by trying to gain a place on the cognitive

map of the public. As Marcell Pátkai, the manager of the estate explains: ‘It does matter that we

have more than 4000 people who follow our updates.’

By increasing PR intensity and enhancing corporal image it managed to use the cultural

value generated by the artists to change the way potential clients and start-up companies inter-

pret the creative capacity of the remote industrial complex. The invention of a local ‘culture’ be-

came a pioneering tool for recolonisation. As explained by Sharon Zukin, ‘culture suggests the

40

Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 5569

Richard Florida, The Rise of The Creative Class (New York: Basic Books, 2002), p. 7870

PART II: INVENTION

coherence and consistency of a brand name product. Like any commodity, ‘cultural’ landscape

has the possibility of generating other commodities.’  Even though it is not possible to prove 71

the correlation, with the presence of artists, the economic performance of PP Centre shows pos-

itive trends. The artists also contribute to the generation of an internal economy by keeping the

local art suppliers and catering businesses alive. This ‘pioneering’ power of artistic behaviour has

also been observed by David Ley:

Artists, however, are very special members of the middle class for they stretch its imagination, its desires, even its practices, beyond its norms and conventions. The artistic lifestyle, like the creative art-work, deliberately presses the borders of conventional middle-class life, while at the same time representing its advancing, colonising arm.  72

According to Charles Landry, branding can play an important role in turning weaknesses

into strength. By pointing out the example of Huddersfield, where utilising its cheap rent and

low cost of living attracted poets and eventually turned the declining city into Britain’s capital of

poetry.  In a sense the business model of PP Centre could be regarded as an economic minia73 -

ture of a city where the same chain reaction effect could be implemented. The presence of artists

and other cultural producers can used to ‘incubate’ economic activation, break cycles of decline

and development positive urban branding which has become increasingly vital for regeneration

in the digital age.

41

Sharon Zukin, The Cultures of Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1995), p. 1271

David Ley, ‘Artists, Aestheticisation and the Field of Gentrification’, in Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No 12. (No72 -vember 2003), p. 2533

Charles Landry and Franco Bianchini, The Creative City (London: Demos, 1995), p.47.73

CONCLUSION !THE event of regime change was a self-conscious turning point for Budapest, after which

clear political initiatives could be observed that address the issue of regeneration of the dilapi-

dated post-socialist city. Even though the two cases studied in the Intervention are largely differ-

ent in terms of location, scale and character, they are linked together by the same political agen-

da, the National Theatre. The cases also show the unpredictable nature of post-socialist urban

planning and how the public responds to the changing cityscape.

In case of Budapest, the National Theatre is also related to the newly regained indepen-

dence, therefore the Theatre project also constitutes as an emblem marking the difference be-

tween the new Budapest from the Socialist Budapest. The regime change also resulted in an in-

flux of foreign investments and in the case of Millennium City Centre, the project is a synthesis

of a national symbol, a Bilbao-inspired grand cultural investment and a master-plan that has to

cater for the large scale commercial developments. However, there has to be an interconnected

eco-system established with the exiting urban and social context for the interventions to be ef-

fective. Similar observations have been made by Stevenson, who points out that cultural plan-

ning has become concerned with ‘intervening and achieving outcomes that relate to a concep-

tion of culture as a civilising process that is not dynamic, flexible and situational, but linear and

linked to a set of clearly defined political and governmental objectives’  74

Deborah Stevenson, ‘Civic Gold Rush: Cultural planning and the politics of the Third Way’, in International 74

Journal of Cultural Policy No. 10 (2004), p. 125

Comparing the two intervention projects by evaluating the role they play in the public life,

ironically, the ‘failed’ project of National Pit turned out to be more a success. As for some the Pit

symbolises the triumph of creating something meaningful out of an absurd and imperfect reali-

ty, it could be regarded as an epitome or miniature journey of post-socialist urban progress. It

also exemplifies the non-linearity of developments and the fact that there is always an inherent

potential in the previously failed projects. However, the solutions are not always foreseeable, and

to explore the opportunities, the power of creativity and imagination is required. The urban spa-

ces are often transformed organically by the public behaviour, therefore it is important for the

authorities to understand the changes in social preferences and enable the capacity of the spon-

taneity of the users to contribute to the formulation of place-making.

In the inner city districts of Budapest, the economic transitional era also provided exciting

opportunities for the creative strata. While the remnants of the Socialist era gave the crumbling

architectural fabric as a unique source material for the artists, the Capitalist era provided the

necessary economic and social context. Both the ruin pub scenery and Partizán Gallery exploit

the opportunities given by a specific place and time, and they imply the recognition that, in a

sense, cities are always in a transitional period, therefore, the ‘construction period’ is as impor-

tant as the ‘final’ result. The ‘soft factors’ generated are not permanent or static in nature, as the

trend of gentrification incubated by their effort could eventually replace their territories. By

colonising obsolete voids, ruin pubs added another layer of meaning to the city, as they ‘con-

struct meaning by taking those objects, signs or forms from dominant culture and injecting

them with their own meaning.’  Artistic activity responses to the mainstream in an imaginative 75

and non-idealised way and their work also celebrate individualism against the uniformity of

modernity (whether its Socialism or Capitalist commercialism). In an era when cities desperate-

ly seek regional identity, subculture and art could be give authentic character to the urban envi-

ronment as well as enhance the image of the place.

In an attempt to reflect on the discussions, as mentioned before, due to the limited

scope of study, only a small number of case studies are selected, judged by their relevance

to the topic - therefore the dissertation works within a specific frame in space and time

(two decades after the disintegration of Socialism). However, it also leaves the interest-

ing opportunity for revisiting the topic and the same places in the future. Furthermore,

as some social and urban observations are based on subjective interpretation (by the au-

thor who lived in the city for more than a decade), there could naturally be different

perceptions concerning Budapest.

43

Dougal Sherian, ‘The Space of Subculture in the City: Getting Specific about Berlin’s Indeterminate 75

Territories’, in Field Journal Vol. 1 (2007), p. 110

BIBLIOGRAPHY !Andrusz, Gregory, Michael Harloe and Ivan Szelenyi (ed.), Cities After Socialism: Urban and regional change and conflict in post-Socialist Societies (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996) !Bakhshi, Hasan, Ian Hargreaves and Juan Mateos-Garcia, A Manifesto for the Creative Economy (London: Nesta Operating Company, 2013) !Barta, Györgyi, Chances of renewal in the brown belt of Budapest (Budapest: MTA, 2004) !Baumol, William and William Bowen, Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1966) !Bell, Daniel, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic Books, 1973) !Beynon, Erdmann Doane, ‘Budapest: An Ecological Study’, in Geographical Review Vol. 33, no. 3 (1943), pp 256-275 !Bocock, Robert, ‘The cultural transformations of modern society’, in Formations of Modernity, ed. by Stu-art Hall and Bram Gieben (Milton Keynes: The Open University and Polity Press, 1992) !Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984) !Bourdieu, Pierre, The Field of Cultural Production (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993) !Boyer, M. Christine, The City of Collective Memory: Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertain-ments (Cambridge, MA : MIT Press, 1994) !Brake, Mike, The Sociology of Youth Culture and Youth Subcultures (London: Routledge, 1980) !Butler, Tim, Gentrification and the Middle Classes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997) !Castells, Manuel, The Power of Identity: The Information Age Vol. I (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997) !Cimini, Marla, ‘Hip and hipper: The 'ruin pubs' of Budapest’, USA Today (25 September 2013) <http://www.usatoday.com/story/dispatches/2013/09/25/budapest-ruin-pubs/2857137/> [accessed 2 No-vember 2013] !Cifuentes, Fabián, ‘The Pier / Kavakava Architects’, ArchDaily (06 April 2013) <http://www.archdaily.-com/?p=349429> [Accessed 17 Jan 2014.] !Déry, Attila, Inner City - Leopold Town: District V (Budapest: Terc, 2005) !Douglas, M., A Change of System: Housing System Transformation and Neighbourhood Change in Budapest (Utrecht: Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, 1997) !Drucker, Peter, Post-Capitalist Society (New York: Harper Business, 1993) !Dunai, Márton, ‘Rapid rise of Budapest’s ‘ruin bars’ sparks conflicts’, Reuters (15 March 2013) <http://uk.reuters.com/article/2013/03/15/uk-hungary-nightlife-idUKLNE92E00O20130315> [accessed 2 November 2013]

44

!Enyedi, György, ‘The Cultural Economy of the Cities’, in Földrajzi Értesítő 51, No. 1-2 (2002), pp 19-29 !Enyedi, György and Zoltán Kovács (ed.), Social changes and social sustainability in historical urban centres: The case of Central Europe (Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2006) !Feldman, Merje, ‘Urban Waterfront Regeneration and Local Governance in Tallinn’, in Europe-Asia Stud-ies Volume 52, Issue 5 (2000), pp 829-850 !Florida, Richard L., Cities and The Creative Class (New York: Routledge, 2005) !Florida, Richard L., The Rise of The Creative Class (New York: Basic Books, 2002) !Foran, Clare, ‘What will happen to Budapest’s ‘Ruin Pubs’ once all the ruin is removed?’, The Atlantic Cities (4 February 2013) <http://www.theatlanticcities.com/arts-and-lifestyle/2013/02/what-will-hap-pen-budapests-ruin-pubs-if-all-ruin-removed/4579/> [accessed 3 November 2013] !Forster, Kurt W., Frank O. Gehry: Guggenheim Bilbao Museoa (Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges, 1998) !Frick, Patricia (ed.), The Aesthetics of Mended Japanese Ceramics (Münster, Museum für Lackkunst, 2008) !Friedmann, John and Goetz Wolff, ‘World city formation: an agenda for research and action’, in In-ternational Journal of Urban and Regional Research 6 (1982), pp 309–344 !Gale, Dennis, Neighborhood Revitalization and the Postindustrial City (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1984) !Gilloch, Graeme, Myth and Metropolis: Walter Benjamin and the City (Oxford: Polity Press, 1996) !Goodman, David and Colin Chant, European Cities and Technology: Industrial to Post-industrial City (London: Routledge, 1999) !Graña, Cesar, Modernity and Its Discontents (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1967) !Hamnett, Chris, ‘Gentrification, Postindustrialism and Industrial and Occupational Restructuring in Global Cities’, in A Companion To The City, ed. by Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (Blackwell Publishers, 2003), pp 231-241 !Hardin, Paul Kapp and Paul J. Armstrong, SynergiCity: Reinventing the postindustrial city (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2012) !Harris, Jonathan and Richard J. Williams, Regenerating Culture and Society: Architecture, Art and Urban Style within the Global Politics of City-Branding (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011) !Herrschel, Tassilo, Global Geographies of Post-Socialist Transition (Oxon: Routledge, 2007) !Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) !Howkins, John, Creative Economy (New York: The Penguin Press, 2001) !

45

Integrated Strategy for Urban Development for District IX, Budapest Volume I and II (Budapest: Munici-pality of District IX of Budapest: Bureau Of The Chief Architect, 2009) !Jacobs, Jane, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (London: Pimlico, 2000) !Jencks, Charles, What is Postmodernism? (London: Academy Editions, 1984) !Kiss, András, ‘The Pit and What Is Beside and Behind It’, Metropol (08 July 2011) <http://www.metropol.hu/cikk/753268-a-godor-meg-ami-mellette-es-mogotte-van> [accessed 16 December 2013] !Kiss, Éva, ‘Industrial Areas of Budapest in the Last Decade’, in Tér és Társadalom (Space and Society) No. 23, 2. (2009), pp 69-85 !Kiss, Ilona, Budapest 1990-2010: 20 Years of a Free City (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, 2010) !Kovács, Zoltán, ‘Ghettoization or gentrification? Post-socialist scenarios for Budapest’, in Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment Vol. 13, Issue 1 (1998), pp 63-81 !Landry, Charles, The Creative City (London: Earthscan, 2000) !Landry, Charles and Franco Bianchini, The Creative City (London: Demos, 1995) !Lefaivre, Liane and Alexander Tzonis, Architecture of Regionalism in the Age of Globalisation: Peaks and Valleys in the Flat World (Oxon: Routledge, 2012) !Ley, David, ‘Artists, Aestheticisation and the Field of Gentrification’, in Urban Studies Vol. 40, No 12. (November 2003), pp 2527-2544 !Ley, David, The New Middle Class and the Remaking of the Central City (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996) !McMullen, Troy, ‘Budapest’s route to recovery’, in Financial Times (12 October 2013), p. 13 !Mevius, Martin, ‘Let’s get ruined’, The Guardian: Travel (20 August 2005) <http://www.theguardian.-com/travel/2005/aug/20/hungary.budapest.guardiansaturdaytravelsection> [accessed 2 November 2013] !Mészáros, Zsófia, ‘The “National Pit” Is Being Filled Up’, Index (11 August 2000) <http://index.hu/belfold/ngodor> [accessed 16 December 2013] !Miles, Steven and Ronan Paddison, ‘The Rise and Rise of Culture-led Urban Regeneration’ in Urban Studies Vol. 42, No. 5/6 (SAGE, 2005) !Mills, C. A., ‘Life on the upslope: the postmodern landscape of gentrification’, in Environment and Plan-

ning: Society and Space 6 No. 2 (1988), pp 169-189 !Musterd, Sako and Marco Bontje, Caroline Chapain, Zoltán Kovács and Alan Murie, Accommodating Creative Knowledge: A Literature Review From A European Perspective (Amsterdam: University of Ams-terdam, 2007) !

46

Powell, Kenneth, City Transformed: Urban Architecture at the Beginning of the 21st Century (London: Laurence King Publishing, 2000) !Redfern, Paul, ‘A new look at gentrification: Gentrification and domestic technologies’, in Environment and Planning A, 29 (April 1996), pp 1275-1296 !Roberts, Peter and Hugh Sykes, Urban Regeneration: A Handbook (London: SAGE Publications, 2000) !Scott, Allen, The Cultural Economy of Cities (London: SAGE, 2000) !Sherian, Dougal, ‘The Space of Subculture in the City: Getting Specific about Berlin’s Indeterminate Ter-ritories’, in Field Journal Vol. 1 (2007), pp 97-119 !Simpson, Charles, SoHo: The Artist in the City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981) !Smith, Neil, The new urban frontier: gentrification and the revanchist city (London: Routledge, 1996) !Smith, Neil and Peter Williams, Gentrification of the City (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986) !Stevenson, Deborah, ‘Civic Gold Rush: Cultural planning and the politics of the Third Way’, in In-ternational Journal of Cultural Policy No. 10 (2004), pp 119-131 !Temelová, Jana, ‘Urban revitalisation in central and inner parts of (post-socialist) cities: conditions and consequences’, in Regenerating Urban Core ed. by Ilmavirta, T. (Helsinki: Helsinki University of Technol-ogy: Centre for Urban and Regional Studies, 2009), pp 12-25 !Tóth, Katalin, ‘Architectural and Graphic Image of Anker’t’, HG.HU - Design Meets Life (14 September 2012) <http://hg.hu/cikkek/design/14742-az-ankert-grafikai-es-epiteszeti-arculata> [accessed 27 De-cember 2013] !Tsenkova, Sasha and Zorica Nedović-Budić (ed.), The Urban Mosaic of Post-Socialist Europe: Space, Institu-tions and Policy (New York: Physica-Verlag Heidelberg, 2006) !Urban Development Concept: Summary (Budapest: Municipality of Budapest, Mayor's Office, Bureau of the Chief Architect, 2003) !Van Bruggen, Coosje, Frank O. Gehry: Guggenheim Museum Bilbao (New York: The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation: Guggenheim Museum Publications, 1998) !‘What is Szimpla?’, Szimpla.hu <http://szimpla.hu/en/about-us> [accessed 2 Nov. 2013] !Zukin, Sharon, ‘Gentrification: Culture and Capital in the Urban Core’, in Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 13 (1987), pp 129-147 !Zukin, Sharon, The Cultures of Cities (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1995) !

47

Welsh School of Architecture Ethics Approval Form For Student Projects !

!! !

! !!

Tick one box: "! Undergraduate # M.Arch ! Masters

Title of project: Rehabilitating Post Socialist Dereliction

The Role of Creative Economy in Transforming Modern Budapest

Name of student(s): Dan Liu

Name of supervisor: Oriel Prizeman

Contact e-mail address: liu_dani@icloud.com

Date: 16 January 2014

Participants YES NO N/A

Does the research involve participants from any of the following groups?

• Children (under 16 years of age) #

• People with learning difficulties #

• Patients (NHS approval is required) #

• People in custody #

• People engaged in illegal activities #

• Vulnerable elderly people #

• Any other vulnerable group not listed here

#

• When working with children: I have read the Interim Guidance for Researchers Working with Children and Young People (http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/archi/ethics_committee.php)

Consent Procedure YES NO N/A

• Will you describe the research process to participants in advance, so that they are informed about what to expect?

#

• Will you tell participants that their participation is voluntary? #

• Will you tell participants that they may withdraw from the research at any time and for any reason?

#

• Will you obtain valid consent from participants? (specify how con-sent will be obtained in Box A)

#

!48

!! !

!! !

!!

! !!

!!

• Will you give participants the option of omitting questions they do not want to answer?

✓

• If the research is observational, will you ask participants for their consent to being observed?

✓

• If the research involves photography or other audio-visual record-ing, will you ask participants for their consent to being photo-graphed / recorded and for its use/publication?

✓

Possible Harm to Participants YES NO N/A

• Is there any realistic risk of any participants experiencing either physical or psychological distress or discomfort?

✓

• Is there any realistic risk of any participants experience a detriment to their interests as a result of participation?

✓

Data Protection YES NO N/A

• Will any non-anonymous and/or personalised data be generated or stored?

✓

• If the research involves non-anonymous and/or personalised data, will you:

• gain written consent from the parti-cipants

• allow the participants the option of anonymity for all or part of the in-formation they provide

✓

Health and Safety YES

Does the research meet the requirements of the University’s Health & Safety policies? (http://www.cf.ac.uk/osheu/index.html)

✓

Research Governance YES NO N/A

Does your study include the use of a drug? You need to contact Research Governance before submission

✓

Does the study involve the collection or use of human tissue? You need to contact the Human Tissue Act team before submission

✓

49

!

!

!

!

If any of the shaded boxes have been ticked, you must explain in Box A how the ethical issues are addressed. The list of ethical issues on this form is not exhaustive; if you are aware of any other ethical issues you need to make the SREC aware of them.

Box A The Project (provide all the information listed below in a separate attachment)

1. Title of Project 2. Purpose of the project and its academic rationale 3. Brief description of methods and measurements 4. Participants: recruitment methods, number, age, gender, exclusion/inclusion criteria 5. Consent and participation information arrangements - please attached consent forms if they are to be used 6. A clear and concise statement of the ethical considerations raised by the project and how is dealt with them 7. Estimated start date and duration of project  !All information must be submitted along with this form to the School Research Ethics Committee for consideration !!!!

Supervisor’s declaration (tick as appropriate)

• I consider this research project to have negligible ethical implications and the student can proceed with the research immediately (can only be used if none of the grey areas of the checklist have been ticked).  

• I consider this project research to have some ethical implications. Box A clearly describes the ethical issues and how they are addressed. The student has to await feedback whether the research has been approved by the SREC Chair or whether it will have to be considered by the Committee. The student will receive feedback within 7-10 days.  

• I consider this project to have significant ethical implications and should be brought before the Ethics Committee. Box A clearly describes the ethical issues and how they are addressed. The student MUST NOT proceed until the project has been approved by the Ethics Committee.  

Signature Name

  Date

Advice from the School Research Ethics Committee

50