MAGIC AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

IN TSWANA FOLKTALES

by

JULIA JAKOENTLE MOTSHWARI

Mini - Dissertation

submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

MASTER OF ARTS

in

AFRICAN LANGUAGES

in the

FACULTY OF ARTS

at the

RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY

SUPERVISOR: MR. W.J. PRETORIUS

OCTOBER 1998

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

" My sincere gratitude to all those without whose assistance this study would not have

reached completion. The following warrant special thanks:

To Mr. W.J. Pretorius, my supervisor, goes my deep appreciation for his inspiration

and scholarly guidance. Without his patience I could not have persevered.

Mrs. M.C. Uys, for the neat and accurate typing.

Minah, for looking after my only son, Tebogo.

Jehovah God, for giving me life and strength.

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ABSTRACT

This research is about witchcraft, sorcery, divination, religion and science. In gathering

the information, it became apparent that the above—mentioned subjects are interrelated

and inseparable from magic. It is therefore imperative to include them in this study. The

debate regarding the line of demarcation between religion and magic is also discussed in

this research.

Literature relating to magic abounds in Tswana. Selected folktales referring to the use of

magic are analysed. The function of magic must be considered within the framework of a

people's entire cosmology, their world—view and perceptions. The purpose of this study is

to illustrate that African oral literature is a fascinating subject worthy of study and further

research. This is a very interesting but often neglected field.

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(iv)

SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS

The introductory chapter discusses, witchcraft, sorcery and divination. When defining

magic, religion is also compared to it. Furthermore, four different theories which seem to

offer the most plausible explanations for magic are discussed in this chapter. Approaches

to the study of folktales are also addressed. Types of sources and references used in the

gathering of information are also noted here.

Chapter two deals with the aim and scope of this study. The definition of folktales and the

essential elements of oral performances are also discussed in detail.

In chapter three the significance of magic in traditional Tswana culture is examined.

Chapter four deals with magic in Tswana folktales.

The hypothesis presented/reached in chapter five is that magic is used for a number of

reasons in Tswana folktales. It is also concluded that the folktale and its performance are

factors which enhance the presentation of our customs.

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(v)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (ii) ABSTRACT SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS (iv)

CHAPTER ONE : THE CONCEPT OF MAGIC 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Definition of Magic, Witchcraft, Sorcery and Divination 1

1.2.1 The Tension Theory 1 1.2.2 The Cathartic Theory 2 1.2.3 The Projection Theory 3 1.2.4 The Causation Theory 3

1.3 Magic 4 1.3.1 Black and White Magic 5

1.4 Witchcraft and Witches 6 1.4.1 White and Black Witchcraft

1.5 Sorcery 8

1.5.1 Distinction between Witchcraft and Sorcery 8 1.6 Divination 9

1.6.1 Divination process 10 1.7 Magic and Religion 11

1.8 Research Method 13

1.8.1 Introduction 13

1.8.2 Approaches to the study of folktales 13

1.8.3 The Diachronic Approach 13

1.8.3.1 The Mythological Approach 14

1.8.3.2 The Anthropological Approach 14 1.8.3.3 The Historical—Geographical Approach 14

1.8.4 The Synchronic Approach 15

1.9 Theories applied in this analysis 16

1.10 Sources and References 16

1.11 Conclusion 17

(vi )

Page

CHAPTER TWO : AIM AND SCOPE

2.1 Introduction 18

2.2 Definition of Folktales 18 2.2.1 The essential elements of oral performances 19 2.2.2 Time and place of delivery 19 2.2.3 Opening and closing formulas 19 2.2.4 The role of the audience 21 2.2.5 The role of the performer 22 2.2.6 The function and theme 22

2.3 The aim, scope and composition of chapters 25

2.4 Conclusion 25

CHAPTER THREE : MAGIC AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE IN TRADITIONAL TSWANA CULTURE

3.1 Introduction 27

3.2 Significance of magic in traditional Tswana culture 27

3.3 Significance of magic in Tswana ceremonies 29

3.3.1 Marriage 29

3.3.1.1 Engagement 29

3.3.1.2 Payment of lobola 32

3.4 Child birth 33

3.5 Initiation school 34

3.6 Death and mourning 35

3.7 Conclusion 36

CHAPTER FOUR : MAGIC IN TSWANA FOLKTALES

4.1 Introduction 37

4.2 Selection of Folktales 37

4.2.1 Nkoko ke reeditse (Grandmother I am listening) 38

4.2.2 Fa sebesong (At the fireplace) 40

4.2.3 Dinaane tsa Setswana (Tswana folktales) 41

4.2.4 Characters in magic 44

4.3 The significance of magic in Tswana folktales 45

4.3.1 Introduction 45

Page

4.3.2 Magic and its significance in some selected folktales 46 4.4 A brief survey of the nature and significance of magic in everyday

Tswana life 50 4.4.1 Introduction 50 4.4.2 The nature of magic in everyday Tswana life 50 4.4.3 Sympathetic magic 51 4.4.4 The chief causes of disease 52 4.4.5 Significance of magic in everyday Tswana life 53

4.5 Conclusion 56

CHAPTER FIVE : CONCLUSION 58

BIBLIOGRAPHY 61

1

CHAPTER ONE

THE CONCEPT OF MAGIC

1.1 INTRODUCTION

It is impossible to ignore witchcraft, sorcery and divination when dealing with

the concept of magic because these concepts are often used to create or counter

misfortune in a magical way. Human beings generally believe that magic

directly affects nature and people, for better or worse. Witchcraft and sorcery

are therefore close to magic and are processes of the oracular, used for

consultations, divinations and in many forms for curing illnesses.

1.2 DEFINITION OF MAGIC, WITCHCRAFT, SORCERY AND DIVINATION

The theories respectively defined by Beildeman (1971:134-135) as the tension,

cathartic, projection and causation theories, seem to offer the most

acceptable/pla.,usible definitions for magic, witchcraft, sorcery and divination.

1.2.1 The Tension Theory

Beliefs in witchcraft and sorcery may create tensions and conflicts between

different relatives as well as between neighbours. In Beildeman, Hunter

Wilson (1964:318) states that:

Accusations of witchcraft and sorcery are reflections of the quarrels and tensions between wives and their husband's relatives, between co—wives, lovers, and neighbours, but they are also an aggravating cause for these quarrels.

2

Beildeman (1971:134) advocates that:

The tension theory deals with tension which is created by beliefs in witchcraft and sorcery.

The above quotations indicate that there is an interaction between social

tensions and the belief in witchcraft. Beliefs in witchcraft and sorcery have an

influence on the social process. They generate tensions as frequently as they

reflect them. For example, when somebody believes that a person has

bewitched him or her, tension between relatives develops.

1.2.2 The Cathartic Theory

Beildeman (19 .71:134) remarks that:

The cathartic theory involves the cathartic effect of allegations of witchcraft and sorcery in clearing the air when the social tensions and grievances have become unbearable.

In Middleton (1967:281), Crawford contradicts this by saying:

It is frequently suggested that wizardry allegations have a cathartic effect in resolving the social tensions of a community. A moment's thought will convince one that this cannot be entirely true. A mere accusation of wizardry can do nothing except worsen social relationships. Immediately, of course, it will worsen social relationships between the accuser and the accused. If some believe the accusation and some do not, then the community is likely to be divided into opposing groups, normally no doubt, into groups reflecting a pre—existing segmentation in the community.

3

The clearing of the air in Beildeman's quotation has a magic connotation.

Crawford contradicts the above quotation because in it there is a clearing of

air when the social tension becomes unbearable. According to Crawford, no

unity results after solving the problem.

1_2.3 The Projection Theory

According to Maija (1986:52-53):

Witchcraft is explained by the psychological projection. An affected person might have had a bad conscience and ill feeling towards close relatives.

The word projection in the above quotation means a prediction made after all

available information had been examined.

1.2.4 The Causation Theory

Beildeman (1971:135) states that the theory of causation comes into effect:

When the belief in witchcraft provides a solution to the problem

of causation.

The word causation denotes the relationship between cause and effect. It

answers the question why a particular person suddenly fell ill or died, and it

answers the question 'who sent it?'. It must also explain how something

happened. Witchcraft gives appropriate answers to all of these questions.

4

1.3 MAGIC

The Concise Oxford Dictionary (5th ed., 1964) defines magic as:

The pretended art of influencing the course of events by occult control of nature or of spirits, witchcraft, ... inexplicable or remarkable influence producing surprising results.

The word occult in this definition means supernatural power. The definition

shows that magic is used to fill a gap left by a lack of knowledge in man's

pragmatic pursuits. It provides an alternative means of 'expression for

thwarted human desires.

Norbeck (1914:18) defines it as:

A mechanical manipulation or it implies special substantival power. Most of the beliefs in impersonal power and acts associated with them are ordinarily labelled as magic reflected ideas of sympathy or connection, sometimes mysterious and sometimes evident.

Finnegan (1970:182) explains magic as follows:

Magic was used in conventional utterances in non—literate societies to manipulate people or things.

Regarding the same topic, the following is said by Mair (1969:15):

In some circumstances one might include in this field the use of

magic—charms and spells and objects believed to have mystical power. In the language of anthropologists harmful magic is generally called sorcery, and most sorcery is thought to be

illegitimate.

5

The above quotations reflect that magic is indeed a method of compelling the

aid of supernatural powers, by means of its own logic.

1.3.1 Black and White Magic

Black magic is used to influence nature for the worse whilst white magic is

purported to be protective.

The Reader's Digest Great Illustrated Dictionary (1984:189) defines black

magic as:

Magic as practiced in league with the Devil, witchcraft. Also called "black art".

The above definition illustrates that black magic is not protective. According

to Mabe (1979:129):

The terms "white magic" and "black magic" are commonly used to distinguish good magic (white) from evil magic (black). White magic is beneficial: it cures people's problems and illness and reverses spells sent out from evil practitioners. Black magic causes harm: it can cause illness, break up marriages, and kill.

The above quotation indicates that black magic is the result of pure, plain

selfishness.

Rautanen (1902:45) stresses the fact that white magic is protective by saying:

A mother hangs amulets around the neck, on arms, around the waist and ankles of her new—born baby to guard him from the destruction of aalodhi.

6

The word aalodhi refers to witches. Many theologians and demonologists

argue for the demonic nature of all magic, white or black, and their view is

that all practitioners of magic, not just black magic, deserve harsh punishment

for their alleged relations with the Devil.

1.4 WITCHCRAFT AND WITCHES

Beliefs in witchcraft flourish in societies with inadequate medical knowledge

where there may be simple remedies, but for the most part those who are ill

simply have to let the illness run its course. Lucy Mair (1969:18) says:

Witchcraft is the power to injure people without material means, it is a substance in some people's bodies.

It seems as if these people are born with this power. A man inherits his power

from his father and a woman from her mother. Witchcraft can allegedly

operate without the intention of its possessor.

Beildeman (1971:131-132) formulated the following definition of witchcraft in

Tanzania. According to him, witchcraft is:

... the power to exert supernatural harm upon another person or his possessions, that power depending upon inherent evil qualities in the evil person (witch) himself/herself.

The above definitions indicate that witches seem to possess powers which

operate in a manner that cannot be detected, so that the cause can only be

recognised when the damage comes to light. Therefore the concept of

witchcraft is inseparable from magic.

7

Lucy Mair (1967:7) defines witches as:

Persons who are supposed to have the power to cause harm to their fellows by the exercise of powers possessed by ordinary folk ... The powers that they possess are called by a variety of terms. They are said to be 'magical' and supernatural.

According to Maija (1986:21) a witch is:

... believed to work involuntarily on her/his inner inherited necessity and capacity without being of her/his ability ... Witches did not use rites, spells and medicines. The services of the witch could not be bought.

In this regard Zwantz (1974:39) says:

The witch acts according to his/her nature and does so mainly for self pleasure.

Witches may be male or female.

1.4.1 White and Black Witchcraft

Lucy Mair (1969:39) indicates that two types of witchcraft are identified in

primitive societies, namely white witchcraft, or the craft of healing, and black

or maleficent witchcraft. The latter consists of causing deliberate harm

through the conjuring up of evil powers by a curse or the manipulation of

objects. White witchcraft consists of socially useful performances such as

healing, fortune—telling, or finding lost property through sorcery or

incarnation.

8

1.5 Sorcery

Beildeman (1971:131-132) defines sorcery as the:

... supernatural power to cause harm to another person or that person's possessions through the use of various substances or acts. The efficacy of sorcery depends upon the nature of the acts performed rather than upon the moral character of the practitioner.

Helinksi (1986:105) concludes that sorcery also derives from the material needs

of everyday life, from human wishes and personal feelings in social

relationships. In sorcery, destructive magic is applied illegitimately to attain

antisocial ends.

1.5.1 Distinction between Witchcraft and Sorcery

A clear distinction between witchcraft and sorcery was made by Evans

Pritchard (1939:21) in connection with the Zande people of Malawi.

According to him witchcraft is inherent while sorcery is taught and often

bought. Witchcraft operates directly, but in sorcery one needs rites, spells and

noxious substances. Furthermore the witch performs witchcraft unconsciously

and is often unaware of his/her ability, whereas the sorcerer works consciously.

Witchcraft is an involuntary action, while sorcery is voluntary. Envy and

hatred are believed to give impetus to the witch's actions.

Brain (1982:372-373) clarifies the differentiation between witchcraft and

sorcery as follows:

9

There is the difference between ascribed and achieved status:

that which one possesses naturally, and that which is attained by personal effort, that which one is born with as opposed to that which one can learn.

Zwantz (1974:40) believes that the distinction between a witch and a sorcerer

is confusing. People generally understand that the witch and the sorcerer are

two separate types of people who work in different ways. The witch acts

according to his/her nature and does so mainly for self—pleasure, while a

sorcerer is generally employed by others to do evil or does so out of his/her

own desire for revenge or healing. Confusion results from the fact that one

and the same person can act either as a sorcerer or a witch.

1.6 DIVINATION

Divination is inseparable from magic, because diviners are supposed to have

the supernatural power of foretelling the future. They have a method of

gaining insight by using a set of small bones, small pieces of horn or objects of

a similar nature. When people seek the advice of the diviner, they do not

accept that diviners can be frauds.

According to Middleton (1967:211), divination is:

The endeavour to obtain information about things, future or otherwise removed from ordinary perception, by consulting informants other than human ....

Eiselen (1931:2) defines divination as:

The most widespread method of gaining insight into the realm of

the unknown.

10

The above definitions indicate that divination is the foretelling of the future

by whatever means.

Diviners use divinatory apparatus during consultation. These include a set of

small bones, small pieces of horn and ivory or objects of a similar nature. The

divinatory bones are consulted either to discover the cause of illness, death

and misfortune, or to learn whether some enterprise will prove successful. In

every case the person seeking the advice of the diviner must throw the bones

himself. The diviner interprets the message given by the bones. That is how

insight is gained through the use of divinatory apparatus.

1.6.1 Divination process

Eiselen (1931:28-29) indicates steps which are followed in the process of

divination. Before the diviner arrives at his ultimate conclusion, he follows

four steps. In the first step, the bones are thrown by the person who seeks the

diviner's advice. During the second step, the diviner praises several bones in

particular. He continues praising specific bones during the third step. In the

fourth step, he examines the four principal pieces and recites a formula which

forms part and parcel of the particular throw. The diviner concludes by

making a coherent statement in answer to the questions that were put to him

and to his bones once he has ascertained the relative positions of these bones

as well as the directions in which they are pointing.

11

1.7 MAGIC AND RELIGION

According to Willough (1928:432) the practice of magic for beneficial purposes

is considered legal and even necessary. It is commonly practiced by a variety

of people, from the priests of specific deities on the one hand, to professional

people, such as medical practitioners, on the other.

Norbeck (1914:6) states that the problem of distinguishing religion from magic

has been handled similarly in anthropology and many modern anthropologists

do not concern themselves with this matter. Most anthropologists, regard

magic as supernaturalistic behaviour distinguished principally by implying the

control of supernatural forces by human beings through mechanical acts, such

as formulas that result in desired natural goals if followed properly. Religion

implies ideas about and behaviour toward supernatural beings who have the

power to do things that affect man.

Emile Durkheim (1957:42) is of the opinion that magic:

... is made up of beliefs and rites. Like religion it has its myths and its dogmas, only they are more elementary undoubtedly because, seeking technical and utilitarian ends it does not waste its time in pure speculation. It has its ceremonies, sacrifices, —lustrations, prayers, chants and dances as well. The beings which the magician evokes and the forces of beings to which religion addresses itself very frequently, are the same. The souls of the dead are essentially sacred things, the objects of religious rites. But at the same time, they play a considerable role in magic. Demons are also a common instrument for magic action.

12

The belief in magic is always more or less general, it is very frequently diffused

among large masses of the population. In certain instances it has as many

adherents as a religion. It does not however result in binding those together

who adhere to it, nor in uniting them into a group having a common lifestyle.

There are no lasting bonds between the magician and the individuals who

consult him. The magician has a clientele and not a church. It is highly

probable that his clients have no other connection with each other and they do

not even know each other. The magician has no need of uniting himself with

his fellows to practise his art. Often he is a recluse.

Religion on the other hand, is inseparable from the idea of a church. From

this point of view, there is an essential difference between magic and religion.

Willough (1928:433) believes that ancestor worship is a religion which could be

related to magic. Magic attains desired results. An enemy whose image is

destroyed occasionally dies. If magic fails, many reasons can be offered, such

as alleging that the prescribed complex procedure was incorrectly performed.

The belief in magic is comforting. Despite failures, magic affords the hope

that, if the proper manipulations are made and the appropriate formulas

recited, the universe may become more predictable and knowable and

eventually both understood and controlled. Magic therefore fulfills both the

psychological functions of religion and the practical functions of science.

The relationship between magicians and priests is similar to that between

magic and cult. The magician's activity is attributed to his power over the

spirits and forces, while the priests discharge their office by virtue of acquired

skills. The magician's calling is a gift from above, a gift which may be

discovered by accident. He stands out from the crowd solely because he is able

13

to summon the spirits at will. He often has special spirit helpers at his

disposal.

1.8 RESEARCH METHOD

1.8.1 Introduction

The research method. used for this study includes the use of theories and

source material. Source material refers to the kinds of reference used in

research. This study is based exclusively on books, journals and theses. A

number of approaches are considered in the discussion of folktales, with the

aim of examining the significance of magic in Tswana folktales.

1.8.2 Approaches to the study of folktales

There are two main approaches to the study of folktales, namely the

diachronic approach and the synchronic approach. The study of folktales has

traditionally tended to be diachronic rather than synchronic. In the

nineteenth century in particular, scholars were much more concerned with the

origin of folkt ales than with what folktales actually were.

1.8.3 The Diachronic Approach

Dundes (1967:25) lists the three groups of diachronic approaches as being:

The mythological approach;

The anthropological approach; and

The historical—geographical approach.

14

1.8.3.1 The Mythological Approach

This approach maintains that the greater part of folkloristic materials offers

various interpretations by primitive men to explain natural phenomena, e.g.

the rising and setting of the sun.

Mofokeng (1951:2) defines mythological tales as:

Tales dealing with creation and death as well as explaining the origin of some animal characteristics.

1.8.3.2 The Anthropological Approach

The anthropological school of thought also includes theorists who support the

functional approach. Johnston (1966:xii) explains:

The anthropological approach maintains that a social motive lies behind every folktale, e.g. myths are created to give sanction to customs, legends which glorify dead heroes; cautionary tales which reinforce taboos and proverbs which educate the young, etc.

The above quotation indicates that there are different types of folktales,

namely myths, legends and fables.

1.8.3.3 The Historical—Geographical Approach

Finnegan (1970:320) states that:

15

The supporters of the historical—geographical approach have as

their main objective the establishment of the hypothetic original form of the tale. They set about their objective by posing questions concerning the exact historical and geographical origins of a particular story. They amass different versions of

one folktale over a broad area, then move backward to remote origins with the express aim of reconstructing the archetype or prototype of the folktale. Diachronic approaches are much more interested in how folktales originated.

The above quotations illustrate that oral literature is an interesting subject,

worthy of study and further research.

1.8.4 The Synchronic Approach

This approach has been adopted by the Functionalists and the Structuralists.

Both these schools advocate the study of content and style in folktales. The

Functionalists stress the role that folktales play in society, whilst the

Structuralists stress the significance of form and content of a folktale in

society.

Browne (1968:3) is interested in oral narratives in so far as they can be

considered to have a specific social function — such as education or the

validation of culture. Fables are usually didactic and point to a certain moral.

The various incidents involved, however, are not necessarily probable, but are

mainly intended to instruct or amuse.

The most important criticism against the Functionalists is their tendency to

ignore the creative process and to overlook the artistic and oral aspects of

folktales.

16

There are two distinct types of structuralism in the analysis of folktales. They

are Levi—Strauss' Structuralism and Propp's morphological approach.

The Levi—Strauss approach takes the elements of a tale outside their given

order and regroups them in one or more analytic schemes. Levi—Strauss is not

content with revealing structure for its own sake. Finnegan (1970:330)

criticizes this approach for being primarily philosophical in a literary field,

speculative, deductive and not easily replicated.

Propp's morphological approach shows the component motifs (functions) and

the relationships of these functions in the plot of the tale.

1.9 THEORIES APPLIED IN THIS ANALYSIS

The scope of this study does not allow an analysis or application of these

theories. Thus, the work of several of the most relevant scholars will be used

in a brief discussion of the significance of magic in Tswana folktales. The

morphological analysis is certainly a way of examining the structure of

folktales. In this analysis a tale is described according to its component parts

and the relationship of these components to each other and to the whole.

Attention will also be given to magic as a component of some folktales and its

significance in that context.

1.10 SOURCES AND REFERENCES

As an appendix to this analysis a few examples of folktales are given. Points

to illustrate arguments are drawn from these examples. An English

translation of each example from these folktales is given. However, titles of

17

Tswana folktales appear in their language of origin. Names of characters are

written as they are spelt in the books from where folktales are from.

1.11 CONCLUSION

After analysing the concept magic it may rightly be concluded that magic does

not easily lend itself to a scientific analysis as its existence cannot be proved

scientifically. Only belief seems to sustain the existence of magic. In fact

magic may be regarded as sheer speculation.

Theories which are applied in analysing traditional literature indicate that

literary criticism remains the most underdeveloped of African arts. One

reason for this is that the majority of the practitioners of this art were

traditionally not Africans. Marivate (1973:144) maintains that theorists were

foreigners trying to cope with world—views different from their own. They

have always been standing outside, looking into the creative process that

absorbs so much of their attention and yet is alien to their own cultural

experience.

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18

CHAPTER TWO

AIM AND SCOPE

2.1 INTRODUCTION

It is important to know what folktales are before discussing the aim and scope of

this study. The essential elements of oral performance will be examined in brief

because some of these elements are used to transform a purely ordinary event

into a sacred action which is somehow connected with magic.

2.2 DEFINITION OF FOLKTALES

Bascom (1965:4) defines folktales as:

Prose narratives which are popularly regarded as fiction. They are not considered as dogma or history, they may or may not have happened, and they are not to be taken seriously ... it is often said that they are told for amusement.

Bascom's definition may be regarded as questionable because of the fact that

folktales are used for amusement, to validate culture and to educate, necessitates

the serious consideration of these narratives.

Guma (1967:22) defines a folktale as:

A popular story handed down by tradition from generation to generation and which was told for the sake of telling a story.

19

It is not totally acceptable to say that a folktale is told merely for the sake of

telling a story. A folktale has its own function. Guma and Bascom's definitions

reveal that folktales form a prominent part of oral art because originally they

were narrated and not written.

2.2.1 The essential elements otoral performances

The most essential elements of an oral performance are time and place of

delivery, the performer, the audience and the function of the narrative.

2.2.2 Time and place of delivery

' A folktale is usually/traditionally narrated in the evening, after the daily chores

have been completed, when the family relaxes and the children are gradually

getting ready to go to sleep. The time of delivery is an important cultural factor

as Soko (1984:114) illustrates when he states that:

The night is the time of mystery and the time of the spirits ... the night is supposed to bring along a multitude of spirits to participate in the oral performance.

Reference to spirits in the above quotation reflects the presence of magic in

folktales.

2.2.3 Opening and closing formulas

The traditional performances start and close with fixed formulas. The opening

formula is Ga twe e kile ya re' (It is said once upon a time) and the closing

formula 'E felela fa' (It ends here) or 'Ke tsona tsotlhe' (That is all).

20

Grandmother: Ga twe e kile ya re: (It is said once upon a time).

Audience: Jalo, jalo: (By and by — or Bit by bit).

The involvement of the narrator and the audience in storytelling demonstrates

dialogue in folktales. Cannonici (1990:131) outlines the importance of the

opening formula:

The importance of the opening formula is seen by the fact that it transformed a purely ordinary event into a sacred action. The opening formula constitutes in fact the jump from the present world to the sacred world of the ancestors. The fantasy world of the folktale is suspended between heaven and earth. In this world of mystery, impossible events can take place through the magic of the sacred formulae, especially represented by fixed refrains or core songs.

The foregoing quotation clearly indicates the presence of magic in folktales.

Cannonici (1990:132) further indicates that the closing formula in Zulu is

normally qyaphelake Lapha' (It ends here). The closing formula is often

accompanied by spitting on the fire, as if to purify oneself of the good or bad

magic, which has passed through the performer's and the audience's mouths, such

as using taboo words during the storytelling session. The opening and closing

formulas involve a dialogue between narrator and participants. A bored audience

can physically take control of a performance by the continuous singing of a song

initiated by the performer, or by developing his/her dance from a movement into

a full dance. They may even bring the tale to an unceremonious end by

vigorously shouting Iyaphelake Lapha' (It ends here).

21

2.2.4 The role of the audience

Traditionally the audience was composed of children. No folktale could be

performed if there were no children, but adults could, and in fact did, participate,

especially members or neighbours of the family. The audience participated in the

performance by rhythmic handclapping, by emitting the responses elicited by the

performer, by singing the refrain and by being generally responsive and

enthusiastic. There are some songs in folktales which may be regarded as

magical and the singing of which is usually a highly guarded secret on the part of

the singer. The artist is sensitive to the mood of the audience and this influences

his/her entire performance.

Scheub (1975:58) feels that the audience has certain functions in a folktale

performance:

Firstly, they are an audience of onlookers, critically and imaginatively involved

in the production.

Secondly, the audience is familiar with the characters and plot nuclei typical of

traditional folktales. The audience is further distinguished by the fact that they

are composed almost entirely of performers and potential performers. This

encourages the artist to create works of high quality. The fact that the audience

is so knowledgeable about the tradition enables the artist to move rapidly, taking

much for granted and relying on the audience to participate.

22

2.2.5 The role of the performer

Scheub (1975:2) outlines the role of the performer as follows:

The performer is to be regarded more as a creator of the art form than as a repetitor. Tales may be performed by anyone, however, even men sometimes tell stories, and children like to tell the tale to their friends. Thus anyone is a potential performer, and also a budding critic of everyone else's performance. No special training is given to aspiring folktale performers. Skill and this art is achieved through years of participation and watching other performers.

The above quotation indicates that there is no age restriction in the performance

of the tale.

Guma (1967:22) indicates that body movements, voice and gestures are the main

tools used in the performance of a tale:

The traditional performer is an actress who uses body movements, voice modulations, gestures, etc., to identify with the various characters, to become in turn a shy buck or an aggressive lion and a

self—satisfied jackal. The performer becomes pervaded by the characters' situation and their problems, feels and suggests the changes of their fate, struggles, suffers and rejoices together with them, as it were, he steps over from his world into theirs.

The narrator treats his or her audience with respect.

2.2.6 The function and theme

The function of folktales has been a controversial issue among critics since the

earliest days of folktale study. Ruth Finnegan (1970:377) holds that some

23

theories such as Functionalism pays too much attention to this issue, neglecting

other important aspects. The Functionalists provide a variety of functions of

folktales. Folktales are used for amusement, validation of culture, education and

aetiology. Aetiology means the cause or origin of things. There are some tales

which are told to account -for events. These tales are used as some sort of answer

that man has to find in an attempt to explain or account for the numerous

questions that baffle him. His answers to the mysteries of life and death or love

and hatred, takes the form of a story. As has been stated before, functionalists

tend to ignore the creative process and to overlook the artistic and oral aspects of

folkt ales.

Finnegan (1970:378) criticizes this attempt to categorize tales and reduce them to

objects with a fixed social function:

As in the case of written literature, there can be no final definition of the purpose and use of oral literature. The one possibility that is usually overlooked is that the folktale has multiple functions within a culture, probably varying with content and tone. In analysing function details of, the occasion need , to be considered, including audience, the narrator's intention, and recent events in the locality.

One function that has received very little attention from most authors is the pure aesthetic pleasure the artist derives from her creation.

Thus literature, whether written or spoken only, has a function.

Folktales have themes just like any other genre in literature. It is the aim of the

performer to deliver the message about the theme of the folktale. The folktales

deal with different types of themes. Cope (1992:196) asserts that:

24

There is a balance between the general traditional theme and the individual theme in a particular performance. The individual theme is the more obvious theme on the narrative surface of the tale and therefore not applicable to folktales in general, such as evil action and deception. Animal stories only deal with human nature as opposed to the more complex themes of evil and good, society and nature and have less complex structures.

This quotation clearly indicates that the theme is one of the essential elements of

oral performance.

The stories themselves are usually short, though a few may be slightly longer.

Cannonici (1990:133) says:

The traditional folktale presents a text structure simple and mostly predictable, which moves from an initial situation of harmony to a situation of gradual conflict or of sudden crisis, once the climax is reached, the denouement follows and harmony and equilibrium are re—established in the final resolution.

The whole process can be described as the use of oral formulas which are

characteristic of traditional oral literature.

The theme of a performance is the real meaning, or the intended relationship of

the story to life which a performer endeavours to convey by means of the story.

The theme often surfaces from the study of opposing characters and ideas. In

Cannonici (1990:134) Scheub stresses that:

The storyteller never preaches, but she always deals with this essentially moral problem of the good in man and his potential for evil.

25

The conclusion which can be drawn from the above arguments, is that folktales

educate.

2.3 THE AIM, SCOPE AND COMPOSITION OF CHAPTERS.

The purpose of this study is to attempt analysing Tswana folktales by identifying

the significance of magic in them. The aim of this research is to influence the

Tswana people to respect and retain their cultural heritage through the

preservation of their oral literature.

In order to ensure consistence and relevance, only the specified aspects will be

dealt with. Owing to the limited scope, only selected folktales relating to the use

of magic will be covered. Although Southern and Northern Sotho folktales may

be referred to, the study will focus mainly on Tswana folktales.

This research is motivated by the fact that most black South African children

living in cities have lost touch with the folktale tradition. Some of them have

never been exposed to it.

2.4 CONCLUSION

Written folkt ales pose several problems. They do not represent the creative art

of the performer and, specifically, the oral qualities of a performance. They

disregard formalities such as opening and closing formulas, and even if these are

included in the written form, the oral implications are lost. The tale is no longer

unique. There is no mysterious set of moments in time, set in motion by a ritual

formula and closed with the finality of the past. Anyone can read it at any time

26

of the day, and it becomes an individual act instead of a communal event. The

written folktale loses the crucial element of audience participation. The dilemma

is that both written and oral forms are necessary; they have different advantages

and disadvantages, but the written tale can never replace the live performance.

The future of folktales seems to lie away from the context of their traditional

roots. Storytelling is moving away from the home and becoming a part of

mainstream culture and art. It is happening in the theatre, at school, in youth

centres and in many other places. All these things are new and non—traditional

but the fact that they are happening demonstrates the dynamism'of the old, yet

ever new tradition of folktales.

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CHAPTER THREE

MAGIC AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE IN TRADITIONAL TSWANA CULTURE

3.1 INTRODUCTION

The Tswana people believe in practicing magic for protection, for blessing and

for improving their quality of life. The use of magic is often the norm when

preparing for certain traditional ceremonies. The belief is that magic bestows

supernatural powers upon them which act as catalysts to make events like

births, initiations, marriages and funerals proceed successfully.

3.2 SIGNIFICANCE OF MAGIC IN TRADITIONAL TSWANA CULTURE

Like most Africans the Tswana people revere and honour their ancestors,

referring to them as "Medimo ya boraetsho" (Gods of our fathers). They

believe that people who have passed away have gone to the mountains and

regard them as gods, relying on them for help when tribulations prevail. The

ancestors, thus, have supernatural powers to protect loved ones in trouble.

L.D. Raditladi, D.P. Moloto and J.M. Ntsime are but a few Tswana authors

who deal with the significance of magic and the influence of ancestors in their

writing.

28

In his novel "Mokwena" Moloto (n.d.:3-4) relates the following regarding the

Tswana belief in ancestors:

felo ka go ne go bidiwa nkgo—ya—bojalwa—jwa—badimo gonne

ka malatsi otlhe a Letlhafula o ne a fitlhela go tlhomile mola wa godimo. Mme batho ba ne ba dumela gore ba nwa metsi a bodiba

jo bo ne bo be kwa godimo ga phororo e, jaaka bojalwa.

Bodiba jo bo ne bo sa kgonwe ke sepe, gonne bo ne bo be

godimo ga letlapa je be borethe, je be ikadileng mo gare ga noka. Mme be gona go ne go dumelwa gore go nna modimo o mogolo wa

Bakwena o o bidiwang Ga—a—umakwe.

(... This place was called the calabash of ancestor's beer, because a rainbow was always in the sky, each and every day of autumn. People believed that the ancestors were drinking the water from this waterfall like beer.

This river ... was untouched, because it was flowing over a slippery stone laying in the middle of the river and it was believed that the great god of the Bakwena tribe, Ga—a—umakwe, was staying there.)

This short passage is an example of how the Bakwena, a Tswana tribe, not

only believe in the existence of their ancestors, but also in their mystification.

The unfailing respect for the will of the ancestors and their influence on

people's lives is strongly indicated by Ntsime (1991:33-34) in the story

Ntlotlele tsa maloba'. He writes:

"Tsamayang, ga ke thuse batho ba ba tlhoilweng ke medimo gonne

ke a bona gore e lo tlhoile" ... La bofelo ba ikgomotsa, ba bona fa

go sa thuse sepe go nnela selelo gonne e ne e be thato ya medimo

gore kotsi e, e ba diragalele.

29

("Go away, I do not help people who are hated by gods because I realise that they hate you" ... At last they consoled themselves and realised that it does not help to keep on cryilig because it was the ancestors' wish that they were involved in this accident.)

3.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF MAGIC IN TSWANA CEREMONIES

The Tswana people always consult traditional doctors when preparing for

certain ceremonies. They believe that the involvement of these doctors will

negate the powers of evil such as witchcraft. These ceremonies include the

marriage, engagement, payment of lobola, childbirth, initiation school, death

and mourning.

3.3.1 Marriage

The supernatural power of magic is also relied upon when the different steps in

the process of getting married are followed. These steps include the

engagement, the payment of lobola and the actual wedding.

3.3.1.1 Engagement

The way in which ordinary people get engaged is totally different from the

way in which a chief's son does so. Traditionally, the engagement is not

transacted by the boy who is ready to marry. It originates from his parents.

When they realise that their son is of marriageable age, they will select a

female relative who, in their opinion, qualifies to be their son's wife. Such a

relative must also be a hard worker. The young man's parents will then

approach a family on their son's behalf, asking permission for him to get

30

engaged to their daughter. An engagement will be arranged by both groups of

parents and the children will be informed about the arrangement at a later

stage.

Traditionally, the chief's son is supposed to choose a fiancée from the girls who

arrive back from initiation school. The day before the arrival of the girls, the

chief and his council will advise the chief's son on how to choose a fiancée. In

' Matlhotlhapelo' , Ntsime (n.d.:40) Senyetse says:

Morwaaka rona jaaka batsadi ba gago, re eletsa go go .senolela maikutlo a rona. Rona tota re rata morwadia Radikgong. Morwaaka o seka wa gogwa ke bontle. Bontle ga bo riana bo na le

dibelebejane. Mosadi tshwene o jewa mabogo. Re a kopa

morwaaka, se sulafatse mewa ya rona ahe.

(My son, we as your parents wish to reveal our feelings to you. We like Radikgong's daughter. My son, you must not be attracted by beauty. Beauty has disadvantages. A woman is like a baboon; we rely on her hard work. We beg you, my son. Do not hurt us.)

I Often, thus, unforeseen circumstances have to be taken care of, such as girls

who use medicine to attract gentlemen.

Many parents secretly express the hope that the chief's son will choose one of

their own daughters. They might even use medicine to attract him. This is

illustrated by Ntsime (n.d.:40):

31

Morwaaka o tshwanetse go itlhokomela. Golo fa o a lwelwa. 0 lwelwa ke basetsana le batsadi ba bona. Ka moso basetsana ba tla bo ba itshasitse. Ba imotile ka dipheko tsa meratiso.

Go nkga go re phuu! (0 sonya nko)

Ba dira jalo go gapa makolwane maikutlo.

Fa re sa go tshase sepe le wena

ka iphitlhela o tlhomile mosetsana yo e seng ena lotlhokwa; Ga tloga ga nna mararaane a a tlhokang morarolodi Batswana ba a dubaduba,

Dilo tse tsa bona ba tswa natso kgakala,

bile ba di itse sentle.

Botshelo jotlh,e jwa bona

Bo laolwa ke dipheko be dingaka.

(My son, you must be careful. At this place they are fighting for you. Both the girls and their parents are fighting for you. Tomorrow the girls will have smeared themselves. they will have smeared themselves with the medicine to attract you. It will be stinking! (he is turning his nose)

They are doing that to attract gentlemen. If we do not smear you with something you will find yourself getting engaged to the wrong girl; this will end up creating unsolved problems. The Batswana people are doing funny things, they come with these things from afar, they thoroughly know these things. Their whole life is controlled by medicines and traditional doctors.

32

Once again, one realises that the Tswana people rely heavily on magic for

success in their daily lives.

3.3.1.2 Payment of lobola

Magic is often used when preparing for the day of receiving gifts. Parents and

assistants use magic to prevent witches from causing harm to the people

present at this special day. Usually there is a small but in which the

traditional beer prepared to entertain the people, is stored. The traditional

doctor will be invited by the girl's parents to come and strengthen the hut.

Borne describes this custom in Schapera (n.d.:19):

Ngaka ya bidiwa go tla go raya loobo lo. Go raya mo ke go iletsa diphat.sa tse di ka tsenang mo bathong, e bile ke go dira gore fa

mongwe a ka leka go Iowa beng ba bogadi a tle a bone kotsi.

(The traditional doctor will be called to come and strengthen the small hut. This may prevent dangers that can affect people, it can also put a person, who tries to bewitch the owners of lobola, in danger.)

Most Tswana people believe in the presence of these supernatural powers as an

aid to themselves.

Parents from the prospective husband's side will be called to witness a cow (or

cows) being slaughtered for that day. The number of cows to be slaughtered

will be determined by the number of cows paid for lobola. Magic rites will be

performed after the slaughtering. Once again Borne refers to these customs in

in Schapera (n.d.:19):

33

... go tla tsena ngaka ya kgotla go tla go tlhapisa moswang. Se ke

gore yo o lekang go o tsaya, a ya go o Iowa, a tle a bOne molato

rnongwe o ngaka e tla bong e a mo neeletse, jaaka, go swa, go

tsenwa, gongwe go ditewa ke tladi. Ngaka e tsaya lomipi e lo

alafa, e bo e to apesa Mosadi yo o jelwang bogadi be bana ba

gagwe.

(The traditional doctor for that section will come and wash the dirt from the cow's stomach with medicine. This is done so that anyone who tries to take this dirt with the aim of bewitching can die, go mad or be struck by lightning. The doctor will take fat which covers the liver and strengthen it and cover the bride and her children with it.)

Many Tswana people also rely on medicine from traditional doctors to protect

them from dangers.

3.4 CHILDBIRTH

Certain rites are performed when a woman is about to have a baby. A

pregnant woman is not supposed to tell anyone her expected date of delivery,

except her mother, as other people can bewitch her. If complications arise,

permission is asked by the wife's parents, from the husband's parents to look

for a traditional doctor to come and assist. After delivery, all the people who

were assisting leave and traditional rites are performed by the wife's mother.

Lesele describes these events in Schapera (n.d.:33-34):

bathusi botlhe ba na be go tsamaya, mme ga sala mmaagwe go

baakanya motsetse, le go fitiha thari e ngwana o tsileng ka One,

ka e be One e go boifswang gore moloi a se e tsee, mme a ya go

bolaya mosadi be monna wa gagwe le bangwe Ica One.

34

(... People who were assisting may leave, then the wife's mother will remain to prepare her and also hide the umbilical cord. It is feared that a witch can steal it and use it to kill a wife, her husband or anyone else.)

Tswana people rarely trust each other and often suspect that the next person

is a witch. Superstition abounds. In Tswana culture, magic and superstition

are inextricably intertwined.

After delivery the woman remains indoors and is cared for so that she can

breastfeed her child properly for two to four months. Her food is prepared in a

special pot and a special fireplace. When the woman is ready to appear in

public, the traditional doctor will be called to come and heal her. Lesele

describes this in Schapera (n.d.:36):

Ngaka e na le go alafa fa motsetse o tlhapelang gem& le go

alafa leiso le go apeelwang gone, gore mmaba ope a se ka a tsaya

leswe la motsetse gongwe molora wa leiso a ya go a lOwa.

(The traditional doctor can heal the place where the wife washes herself and the fireplace where her food is being cooked. The traditional doctor heals to prevent any enemy from bewitching the wife and ash in her fireplace.)

It is believed that the woman is most vulnerable to danger after delivery.

3.5 INITIATION SCHOOL

Medicine is used only after circumcision. The man who circumcises the boys is

known as RaThipana (Man of knife). Older boys sometimes experience

problems after circumcision; they then use medicine to heal their wounds.

35

Phiri states the following in Schapera (n.d.:54) in this regard:

Ka moo ba bangwe ba ba setseng ba le batona ba tleng ba bone

tsietsi kampo go swa ka ntlha ya madi a a tswang rno go bona.

Ba sebedisa pheko ya bona m,o nthong eo.

(Older ones sometimes experience problems and may even die from loss of blood. They, too, use medicine on their wounds.)

The regular use of traditional doctors' medicine is a normal and, indeed,

common occurrence.

3.6 DEATH AND MOURNING

Certain traditional rites are performed after a person's death. When a

husband or wife dies, the remaining partner is not supposed to communicate

with people. He of she stays home. The chief is informed about the bereaved

person and instructs the relevant parties to consult a traditional doctor. The

latter 3n turn heals the bereaved so that he or she may mix freely with people

once again. Molifi writes the following in Schapera (n.d.:92):

Go tlhabiwa podi, mme ngaka e ntshe tse dingwe tsa ka fa teng go

alafa ka tsona, e di tlhakantse le ditlhare. Jaanong ngaka e rwala

dinama tsotlhe tsa podi ka letlalo, e ya ka tsona go ya go di ja

kwa tlung ya yona.

(A goat will be slaughtered and the traditional doctor will take its internal organs and mix them with medicine for healing. Afterwards the traditional doctor takes all the goat's meat with its skin and goes and eats the meat at his home.)

36

The above—mentioned medicine prevents the bereaved from contaminating

others.

3.7 CONCLUSION

The many superstitions of the Tswana people are firmly based on their

staunch belief in magic. People to whom these customs and laws are foreign,

may find these beliefs ridiculous and primitive. On the eve of the year 2000,

Westerners may be perplexed and horrified and non—Africans could be highly

amused by these customs.

However, even our age of highly advanced technology will probably never

prevent the proud Tswana people from using these customs and laws to good

effect in guiding the younger generation.

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37

CHAPTER FOUR

MAGIC IN TSWANA FOLKTALES

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Some years ago African folktales were summarily dismissed as being primitive

and unsophisticated and not even worthy of the name of art or literature. The

tales were generally only valued as objects of curiosity. The understanding of the

beauty, depth and complexity of this art form makes it possible to judge it

differently today. Therefore it is not surprising to search for the significance of

magic in Tswana folktales.

4.2 SELECTION OF FOLKTALES

The main reason for selecting the three collections, Nkoko ke reeditse

(Grandmother I am listening) by Ntsime, Fa Sebesong (At the fireplace) by More

and Tlhabi as well as Dinaane tsa Setswana (Tswana folktales) by Rantao is that

they include folktales relating to magic.

In Nkoko ke reeditse, the following folktales were chosen: cSananapo' and

'Mosetsana Saitsane' (The girl, Saitsane). In Fa Sebesong, 'Selekana Is Modirno

wa Noka' (Selekana and God of the river) and 'Monna is basadi ba babedi' (The

man and two wives) were chosen. 'Selekana, Mosetsana Is setsuatsue' (The girl

and the whirlwind) and 'Maatla a tawana' (The power of the cub) were chosen

from Dinaane tsa Setswana. In these folkt ales parts have been selected where

38

magic is applied.

4.2.1 Nkoko ke reeditse (Grandmother I am listening)

The folktale ‘Sananapo' was chosen. It is as follows:

Fa basetsana ba utlwa W.:Iwo/Nana e, e opela pina e, ba tlhakana

tlhogo. Ba tshoga, ba tshoga gore ba be ba longwe ke mala a rnasesane. Ba lemoga gore mtgwanama e e tla upolola sephiri sa bona. Ba tshwara nawanyana ba e bolaya. Ba e tlogela e sule, mme ba itumela gore sephiri sa bona se tla swela magalapeng a

bona, e nna dipimpimpi khupamarama re swa nayo. Fa ba ntse ba tsamaya ba rwele dikgong ba utlwa nawanyana e le e opela

pina, gape fa rnorago ga bona.

(The girls became frustrated when they heard the puppy singing this song. They were so frightened that they developed stomach—ache. They realised that this puppy would reveal their secret. They caught the puppy and killed it. When they had left it for dead, they believed that their secret would not be revealed. They were the only ones who knew the secret and they would die with it. When they were on their way back from picking firewood, they again heard the puppy following them, singing.)

The puppy was dead but yet it was alive and singing. This incident is not

applicable to real life. The puppy which rises from death is an example of magic

in this folktale.

‘11losetsana Saitsane' (The girl Saitsane) is also taken from Nkoko ke reeditse

(Grandmother I am listening).

39

... Fa a ntse a opela pina e, ka lentswe le le tletseng kutlobotlhoko, lentswe la bulega Saitsane a feta. Fa a sena go feta lentswe la

tswalega le nna motlotlo gape. Maagwe Saitsane le Kalabatane ba

fitlha fa lentsweng le. Maagwe Saitsane a opela pima ele ya ga Saitsane a re.

Lentswe le kobi thiboga ke fete

Ga o a rogwa ke nna,

0 rogilwe ke Kalabatane.

E me e le thulaganyo ya gore a tle a kopane le Mosetsana yo

montle go nna mosadi wa gagwe. Keletso e ya gagwe o ne a e

kopa inc badimong ba gagwe gore e diragatswe ka go dira gore Saitsane a senye mme morago a tshabela kwa motseng wa gaabo o

basetsana ba ona ba gaisiwang ke Saitsane ka bontle.

(... While still singing that song, with a sorrowful voice, the rock opened and Saitsane passed through. After passing, the rock closed and rose up again. Saitsane's mother and Kalabatane arrived at this rock. Saitsane's mother sang Saitsane's song as follows:

The rock with Kobi give me a way so that I can pass. It is not I who offended you. You were offended by Kalabatane.

... It was so arranged that he should meet a beautiful woman to be his wife. He asked his ancestors to make his wish come true by allowing Saitsane to be disobedient at home. Saitsane then escaped to his village where the girls were outclassed by Saitsane's beauty.)

It is mysterious to see a rock opening and closing. This illustrates the magic

present in this folktale.

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4.2.2 Fa Sebesong (At the fireplace)

Selekana le Modimo wa noka' (Selekana and the goddess of the river).

Selekana o ne a dela mme a re: "Noka, noka mpusetse dikgabisi tsa me tse ke di go fileng!" 0 ne a dela thata jalo. Morago o ne a utlwa lentswe be tswa kwa botennye jwa noka be re: "Tlaya fa ngwanaka, ntshale morago!" Selekana o ne a tsena mo metsing a tlhoafaletse dikgabisi tsa gagwe Morago ga lebaka be be leele maoto a gagwe a bo a kgoma kwa tlase mme a bona lesedi fa pele ga gagwe. Moragonyana Selekana o ne a bona mosadi a tla a tsamaya ka leoto be le lengwe. Mosadi o ne a na be letsogo be be lengwe leo a neng a tshwara Selekana ka lona ... 0 ne a kgarameletsa Selekana kwa ntle ga metsi ka bonako jo bo neng bo gakgamatsa. Ka bonako Selekana o ne a ipona a setse a dole mo bodibeng.

(Selekana cried and said: "River, River, give me back my decorations that I gave you!" She continued crying that way. At last she heard the voice from deep down in the river, saying: "Come here my child, follow me!" ... Selekana then jumped into the water hoping to see her decorations. After a while her feet touched the riverbed. Then she saw the light in front of her ...

After a while Selekana saw a woman approaching with one leg. This woman had one hand with which she touched Selekana. She pushed Selekana out to the surface with a stunning speed. Only then did Selekana realise that she was out of the river.)

A water snake uses its supernatural power to rescue Selekana. The way in which

Selekana is rescued embodies the use of magic in this folktale.

Monna be basadi ba babedi' (A man and two wives).

41

Gatwe bogologolo tala, go ne go na le manna mongwe yo o neng a

nyetse lefufa. Mosadi yo mongwe wa gagwe o ne a tshola segole

sa ngwana. Ngwana yo o neng a se na maoto. E rile fa manna

yo a sa ntse a tshwentswe ke bogole jwa ngwana wa mosadi wa

gagwe yo mogolo, mosadi wa gagwe wa bobedi ena a bo a tshola

mae a rnabedi. Monna yo wa batho o ne a tshoga thata go bona

motlholo o. Monna o ne a raya mosadi yo o tshotseng mae a re:

"Nna ga ke sa tlhole ke go' batla. Le gale, o tla sala mo rnogwaafatsheng o. Nna ke fudugela kwa rnosading wa me yo

mogolo — Le fa a tshotse segole, go botoka ka ke motho. Ga a

tshwane le mae ..." E rile morago ga dibeke tse di mrnalwa mae a

bo a thubega. Fa a sena go thubega go ne ga tswa bana ba bantle

ba ba neng ba na le maoto a a feletseng.

(Once upon a time, there was a man who had married two wives. One of his wives gave birth to a cripple without legs. While still puzzled by this crippled child of his wife, the man's second wife gave birth to two eggs. The man became frightened by this strange phenomenon. He reacted negatively by telling his wife that he did not want her any more: He told her that she would remain alone in the hut. He was going back to his senior wife. At least a crippled child was a human being and not an egg. After a few weeks the eggs hatched, revealing two beautiful babies.)

The woman giving birth to two eggs was a feat of magic.

4.2.3 Dinaane tsa Setswana (Tswana folktales)

'Selekane' chosen from Dinaane tsa Setswana (Tswana folktales) relates the

following:

Tsarnaya le =sego, ngwanaka"

A bo a ntsha letlapa le letala mo makgaseng a gagwe, a le naya —

mosetsana a re: "Tsaya, le tla tlhokisa mongwake thata ya go

kao sala morago fa o le tshotse mo seatleng. E re o tsena kwa

42

mogobeng o bontsalao ba go tsieditseng teng, o be o le latlh.ela kwa botennye mme le tla boela kwa go nna.

(Farewell, my child" Then he took the blue stone out of his garments and gave it to this girl, and said: "Take it. If you hold it in your hand, it will make my boss powerless to follow you. When you arrive at the fountain where your cousins cheated you, you must throw it deep into the fountain. Then it will return to me.)

The stone used to help the girl obviously has magic powers.

The following quotation comes from Mosetsana le Setsuatsue' (The girl and the

whirlwind):

Kgosi e ne e itumeletse dikgang tse, mme ya bopa sefefo se se boitshegang ya se roma go ya go phamola mosetsana yoo. Sefefo seo sa foka, sa bo sa bona kwa gaabo Ntiatiagatsana. 0 ne a tshameka le ba bangwe ka fa ntle mme sefefo sa feta se mo phamola sa mo isa kwa kgosing ya Matebele. Kgosi e ne ya

itumelela mosetsana yo thata, mme ya bo e setse a mo nyala.

Re tshwanetse go tshaba mo Tebele mo re siele kwa gae!! Ke fa ba phuthaphutha ditsabona, mme ya re ba ise ba tloge, Ntitiagatsana a raya badiredi ba gagwe a re ba tshele metsi mo

dinakeng tse di buang le go netefatsa gore di nne di tletse. A tsamaya le bana ba gagwe a boela le borrangwaneagwe kwa

lefatsheng la Batswana.

Mongwe wa borrangwaneagwe e ne e le Radibakwana mme a baakanya bana gore e re fa Matebele a lemoga gore ba tshabile mme a leka go ba latela, ba opele pina e e tla dirang gore

Matebele a katekate ka samorago a ithaya a re a tsamaela kwa

pele Matebele a sianela kwa gae go ya go bona gore a ke nnete, Ntiatiagatsana o ile, mme ba fitlhela ntlo e le lolea. Dinaka di

boletse nnete. 0 ile. Ba sianela kwa ntle, ba fitlhela motlhala wa

43

dinao tsa gagwe, mme ba di sala morago.

Erile bana ba bona ba tlhaga, ba simolola go opela: "Ba etla, ba etla, ba etla. Matebele a ga rre, majabatho a ga rre: dikgato tsa

bona di kitla lefatshe" ... Fa bana ba ntse ba opela, Matebele ona

a katakata ka samorago a sa itemoge, mme nako nngwe le nngwe fa Matebela a atamela, bana ba opela.

(The king was pleased by the tidings; he created a big whirlwind and sent it to go and catch the girl. The whirlwind blew until it saw Ntiatiagatsana's home. She was at play outside with the others when the whirlwind caught her and took her to the king of the Ndebele. The girl made such an impression on the king that he married her.

They were to leave the Ndebele village and go home!! They started to gather their belongings and before they left, Ntiatiagatsana instructed her servants to fill the speaking horns with water and to make sure that they remained full. She returned home with her children and uncles to the land of the Batswana.

One of her uncles was Radibakwana who prepared a song with the children. They intended to sing this song when the Ndebeles followed them. The song would make the Ndebeles retreat when they were trying to persue them. The Ndebeles rushed home to make sure that Ntitiagatsana had left. They found the house empty. The horns had told the truth that she had left. The Ndebeles rushed out, found footprints and followed them.

When their children appeared, they started to sing: "They are coming, they are coming, they are coming. Our father's Ndebeles, our father's Ndebeles, our father's man—eaters": Their footsteps were heavy as they danced. While the children sang, the Ndebeles fell back without being aware of their own retreat and each time the Ndebeles closed in, the children sang.)

44

In real life horns cannot speak and a song cannot be used to make people retreat.

The way in which horns and the song are used in this folktale is evidence of

magic.

Maatla a ga Tawana' (the power of the cub) in Fa Sebesong provides another

similar example:

Nt:shwe o ne a na le neo ya maatla a setho, Ga feta malatsi a le

mantsi monna a ntse a emetse mosadi wa gagwe go boa, a

tlhokometse lesea ka mo a ka kgonang ka teng, mme a se ka a

tlhola a mmona gonne o ne a sule—a bolailwe ke maatla a a

fitlhegileng a tau e e binwang ke morafe wa gaabo, e e

busolosetsang tawana. Kotlhao e ne e diragaletse yo o tlodileng

molao wa seano.

(The ostrich had the gift of human power, ... Many days passed while the man waited for his wife to return and looked after his child as best he could. He did, however, not see his wife again as she had been killed. She was killed by the hidden supernatural power of a lion which was the totem of her tribe. This lion had avenged its cub. She had been punished for violating the totem taboo.)

In animal folktales, animals are used to represent human characters and qualities.

This is why an ostrich has the gift of human power. The hidden supernatural

power of the lion also implies the presence of magic.

4.2.4 Characters in magic

Superstition among the Tswana is strong and is part of their way of life. It is so

influential that they attribute most misfortunes, illnesses and anything for which

they cannot find an explanation to unnatural or supernatural forces. To combat

45

such ills they rely on magic. Their lives are controlled by taboos and they believe

stongly in omens.

Sorcerers, herbalists and diviners represent magic characters in Tswana folklore.

All over the world is customary for children to be told folktales by their parents.

The Tswana people are no, exception. They too have their stories which contain

folklore, mystery, magic and all events worth telling, but mostly their stories are

about animals, human beings and mysterious happenings.

4.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF MAGIC IN TSWANA FOLKTALES

4.3.1 Introduction

Each storyteller develops his/her own style and peculiar way of producing

characters and portraying events. The narrator has a dynamic, dramatic style

that communicates his/her enthusiasm to the audience. He/She uses her deep,

resonant voice and his/her whole -body to dramatize events. Each character

develops a personality through his/her expressive face and his/her precise mood

is conveyed through changes in his/her tone and voice dynamics The narrator is

the one who introduces magic in folktales.

In the process of narration, the audience becomes completely caught up in the

excitement of the adventure. The storyteller then suddenly dispels the magic at

the right moment, before the audience expects it.

46

4.3.2 Magic and its significance in some selected folktales

In identifying the significance of magic in Tswana folktales, Propp's method of

analysis (morphological analysis) is applied. Cannonici (1987:17) quotes Propp

when he says:

Propp maintains that morphology is the search for minimal units that can also be identified in a narrative such as the folktale. These units are functions or actions of a character (or of dramatis personae).

The function and significance of magic in Tswana folktales is therefore a minimal

structural unit in a tale.

Magic is used when a person lacks something. Marivate (1973:99) defines this

lack as:

A state of disequilibrium, when an individual or community lacks something. Lack refers to the problem to be overcome. It may be caused by illness, death, famine, etc., as well as emotions of desire, want, jealousy, etc.

Lack as defined in the above quotation is reflected in the folktale 'Mosetsana

Saitsana' (The girl Saitsana). The main character, Saitsana, wants to overcome

a problem because she has offended her mother by violating the village tradition.

All the girls in the village are supposed to let the dog taste their food first after

cooking. Saitsane violates this tradition. She wants to escape. Then the

narrator uses magic to assist Saitsane. The rock opens and Saitsane passes

through the opening. After her passing, the rock closes and rises up again. Her

mother and Kalabatane who want to catch her fail because of the stone which

obstructs their way.

47

In 'Mosetsana Saitsana' (The girl Saitsana) there is a male character who has a

desire to marry a beautiful girl. The storyteller uses magical coincidence to help

this character overcome his desire to marry by making Saitsana disobedient at

home. Because of this she considers escape. The ancestors arranged to let this

man meet Saitsana and marry her.

The desire to overcome a problem appears in the folktale ‘Selekana le Modimo wa

Noka' (Selekana and goddess of the river). Selekana desires to get her

decorations back. The water snake is used as a magical character to help

Selekana. This help is indicated by the following words (1988:6): •

"Tlaya kwano ngwanaka, ntshale morago" Selekana o ne a

tsena mo metsing a tlhoafaletse dikgabisi tsa gagwe. 0 ne a

kgararneletsa Selekana kwa ntle ga rnetsi ka bonako jo bo neng bo

gakgamatsa. Ka bonako Selekana o ne a ipona a setse a dule mo

bodibeng.

("Come here my child, follow me" ... Selekana then jumped into the water wishing to see her decorations ... Selekana was pushed out of the water with miraculous speed. Selekana immediately realized that she was out of the river.)

The use of magic in this folktale enables the narrator to bring events to the stage

of denouement, that stage in a plot where a problem is resolved.

The use of magic enables the narrator to keep the audience away from the main

conflict in the story by removing the main character. This is reflected in the

folktale 'Mosetsana Saitsane' (The girl Saitsane). Saitsane created conflict at

home by violating the village taboo. The narrator uses magic to take her away.

This is indicated by the following (1988:39):

48

... Fa a ntse a opela pina e, ka lentswe le le tletseng kutlobotlh,oko, lentswe la bulega Saitsane a feta. Fa a se na go feta lentswe la tswalega la nna motlhotlho gape.

(... While singing the song with a sorrowful voice, the rock opened and Saitsane passed through. After passing, the rock closed and rose up again.)

The audience is thus decoyed into thinking that the main action will be in the

main character's strange, new surroundings as happens in most tales concerned

with magic.

The narrator sometimes describes the protection of the main character by

magical means. In the folktale, Selekana', Selekana is given a blue stone to

protect her while escaping. This stone renders her enemy powerless. This is

reflected by the following words (1988:5):

A bo a ntsha letlapa le letala mo makgaseng a gagwe, a le nays mosetsana a re: "Tsaya, le tla tlhokisa mongwake thata ya go ka go sala morago fa o le tshotse mo seatleng.

(As he took the blue stone out of his tattered clothes, he gave it to the girl and said: "Take it: It will make my boss powerless to follow you when holding it in your hand.)

The speaking horns and the song are also used as magical agents of protection in

the folktale, qtfosetsana le Setsuatsue' (The girl and the whirlwind).

Ntiatiagatsana instrucs her servants to fill speaking horns with water so that the

Ndebeles will not realise who had left. When the Ndebeles approach them, they

sing a song which make the Ndebeles powerless. A

49

The main aim of the storyteller is to convey the message of the folktale to the

audience. At times the narrator uses magic to make the message reach home.

This is demonstrated in the folktale 'Sananapo' where the dead puppy rises from

the world of the dead and reveals the secret of the girls who killed Sananapo.

They thought they would die with this secret, because nobody saw them. The

narrator uses the dog to teach the audience that nothing is hidden from God.

Magic is also used to deliver the message of the folktale 'Mon= le basadi ba

babedi' (A man and two wives). The man divorced his junior wife who gave birth

to the eggs. He returned to his senior wife who gave birth to a 'crippled child.

After a few days these° eggs hatched, exposing two beautiful babies. This

phenomenon conveys the message that the possibility of miracles exists.

In the folktale 'Maatla a ga tawana' (The power of the cub) the narrator uses the

supernatural power of a lion to punish the woman who ate a totem: This is

illustrated by the following (Ntsime, 1988:23):

... 0 ne a sule a bolailwe ke maatla a a fitlhegileng a tau e e binwang ke morafe wa gaabo, kotlhao e ne e diragaletse yo o tlodileng molao wa seano.

(... She was dead. She had been killed by the supernatural power of the lion which was the totem of her tribe ... punishment had been meted to the one who had ignored the

taboo relating to a totem.)

By using magic, the storyteller informs the audience that those who violate the

totem taboo will be punished. The narrator validates culture by means of this

tale's message.

50

4.4 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE NATURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF

MAGIC IN EVERYDAY TSWANA LIFE

4.4.1 Introduction

Just like any other Black Africans, the Tswana people believe that when disease

occurs in man or beast, it is almost invariably ascribed by someone to the agency

of human beings, either a living person or as often as not some departed relation

who had used witchcraft. Even among educated people this belief is still

prevalent despite the influence of Western civilization.

It is a well recognised fact amongst Black Africans living in rural areas that the

practice of witchcraft is a criminal offence which is severely punished;

nevertheless the belief remains and witchcraft is carried out in secret. The

burning of many huts as well as solitary murders can undoubtedly be ascribed to

this practice.

4.4.2 The nature of magic in everyday Tswana life

Before proceeding to enumerate and describe the diseases, their cures and what

Black Africans believe to be their causes, it is important to know the nature of

magic practices in everyday Tswana life.

Magic is still being practised by the Tswana, but civilised man has acquired the

power of rational thinking by means of which he is able to ward off many

superstitions. Civilized man has learnt the art of adaptation. He knows why,

how and when he must adapt himself to nature, and when, why and how he must

harness nature for his own needs.

51

Primitive man found himself surrounded by a mysterious universe, the meaning,

law and order of which he could not understand. Life was often a burden, and a

source of fear, misery and pain. Not infrequently life ran counter to his desires,

instincts and efforts. Concerning the nature of magic, Finnegan (1970:182) says:

It is sometimes supposed that one of the most common forms of conventional

utterance in non—literature society is the spell or incantation — a verse or formula

believed to be magically effective in manipulating people or things.

To tribal man the centre and meaning of life was tribal man himself. In his

inspired moments he tried to get the better of nature by acting on his ambition

and desires. He attempted to dictate to nature by means of magic. According to

Kaschula (1993:201), he did this in the following way:

He sought to teach the spirits and the elements what to do and what not, and tell them what he wanted, by means of acting his needs and wishes. So that to tribal man, unlearned in the ways

of reasoned directed thinking, dramatic action came naturally.

This quotation indicates that magic was the trival man's science; rhythmic,

dramatic representation of his art.

Instead of adapting himself to life, he always attempted to bend life to suit his

desires by imagining and acting on what life should be in relation to and because

of his person.

4.4.3 Sympathetic magic

Imitation which is a basis of drama, played a major part in certain African

dramatic representations. In connection with sympathetic magic, Kaschula

52

(1993:201) says:

If people wanted to precipitate rain, to kill and conquer in battle, cause pain and disaster to an enemy, they had only to "imitate", make a representation of these things. Since they believed in the principle of sympathetic magic they were extremely careful exactly to imitate, to dramatise, whatever result they desired to accomplish.

This quotation gives clear evidence that these anticipatory ceremonies were

psychological and imaginative, revealing the thoughts, feelings and desires of the

people and giving full pay to the ability to imagine and conceive.

4.4.4 The chief causes of disease

Hewat (1906:1) enumerates the chief causes of disease as:

Incanti

Impaka

Ubuti (poison).

a) Incanti

It is U—hili or Thikoloshe and Impundulu. These three bodies are combined

in their actions and a person possessed of any one of them therefore is

possessed of all three. They are however distinct bodies. They are often

used magically by women, in many instances in order to secure the affection

of someone of the opposite sex or their families. The baboon is also used by

Tswanas as thokolosi.

53

Incanti in its natural state is a rare water snake which is believed .to have

the power of changing its colour or assuming various forms resembling

different objects. It has great powers of fascination which resemble magic.

Im—paka

This is a creature resembling a cat, which has the power of getting inside

any hut. By scratching the body of a person it inoculates him with poison.

The Tswanas use small animals like a lizard or snake as sejeso. They

magically let that small creature live in your body and cause disease. The

Im—paka is bred by wizards and used by them to spread or cause disease.

Ubuthi (Poison)

The usual methods of putting poison in food or drink is here considered to

be the cause of disease. Ubuti is called 'more' in Tswana. This ubuti may

be used by living people or by the usual and everpresent spirits.

4.4.5 Significance of magic in everyday Tswana life

Superstitions pervade throughout the whole of the African family Africans all

believe in the spirit world and the resurrection from the dead of even the lower

animals. They believe that with the use of magic a new state of things will come

about. The significance of magic is revealed when there is a feeling that the soul

of the dead man is likely to inspire his children or near relatives with a spirit of

witchcraft and that they are consequently likely to become a public danger.

Sacrifices are offered by the medicine man to appease the wrath of the offended

spirits of ancestors, who are supposed to have caused the sickness of a patient or

a similar calamity. Hewat (1906:17) identifies the following circumstances which

54

are examples of cases demanding sacrifices:

Should anyone dream about his ancestors who are dead; this is taken as an

indication that they are displeased about being neglected and demand an

`Idini' (sacrifice). Idini is " setlhabelo" in Tswana.

Should there be illness either of man or beast and a doctor be called in who

declares "I see your ancestors. They are angry because you have not

rendered them their due", it is understood that a sacrifice is required.

Should there be a scarcity of rain, the people will go to the chief and say,

"Why do you allow this drought to go on? Why do you not approach your

ancestors", and a great sacrifice would be offered. The Tswana have great

faith in the power of their medicine man and consult him about every

possible event. In as far as the consultation of the medicine man is

concerned, Finnegan (1970:223) says:

Hunters may be expected to undergo special training, often involving magical and artistic as well as practical skills, and are sometimes formed into organised associations with their own rules, hierarchy, and initiation.

The Tswana people regard surgeons and bonesetters as specialists showing

considerable surgical skills. They are called in for all surgical complaints. In

most cases the surgeon uses internal as well as external remedies magically, by

the free use of purgatives and emetics to assist healing and relieve pain. Surgical

cases of any degree are put in clean huts, usually on top of a hill, thus showing

that Black Africans appreciate the value of fresh, clean surroundings.

55

It is by making sacrifices that man believes to obtain power over the gods, or

magical control over the forces of nature. Passin and Bennet (1943:317) -indicate

the significance of magic by saying:

The specific magical prescriptions are derived from what is evidently an old English pattern, which was carried to most of

the major settlements of this historic—ethnic group. But while this is true even of the present—day remnants of magic, the organisation of the items and their articulation in the general way of life of the community seem to depend upon nonhistorical factors. No one has convincingly demonstrated what it is that

folk—type societies universally have magical systems. •

The specific magical prescriptions mentioned in this quotation will only work if a

person using it believes in the power of magic.

The magical practices under consideration centres around the economic life of the

people. These include the appropriate times for planting various crops, the

significance of the zodiac and other celestial phenomena. Even though the

magical prescriptions are significant in the lives of the people, they can also carry

their own sanctions. This is indicated by Passin and Bennet (1943:318) when

they state that:

Failure to comply results in unfortunate consequences, even

disaster, for the skeptic or forgetful one. The potency of these underlying sanctions must be taken to indicate the urgent and immediate importance of the magical practices in the life of the people.

The above quotation indicates that magic is a part of the lives of the people who

believe in it.

56

4.5 CONCLUSION

In the education of a child it is important to stimulate his imaginative powers

and to fill his mind with wonder about himself and the surrounding world.

Imaginative literature found in tales, fulfils this role and brings about knowledge

through discovery and revelation. Folktales fill the mind of both the audience

and the performer with an important sense of the unusual, a sense of wonder.

They keep the imagination active, alive and productive through the reference to

magic.

The storyteller uses magic to escape from the world of reality to a fictitious

world. This sheer escapism makes the folktale stimulating. It is the task of the

performer to capture the audience's attention. The involvement of the audience

is vital to the performance because the spectators are not there simply to hear

and see, passively as it were, but especially also to participate. Each

performance is a communal experience. The use of magic can arouse the

audience's curiosity.

A survey of the nature and significance of magic in the lives of people would show

that most Black Africans practise magic. When examining these magic practices,

it is found that a common body of beliefs are not shared. At present there are

vast differences among individuals with respect both to what they know and what

they believe. As long as there is still some basis for the old mode of life among

Tswanas, one may expect the older system of magic to prevail. To show that

magic is still being practiced today, Passin and Bennet (1943:326) quote Frazer

when saying:

57

Many persons are torn between their rational doubt and the traditional impulsions which they acquired in their younger days. While they may feel the need for experimented evidence, they hesitate to accept a negative result as conclusive.

This quotation shows that they seem to fear taking the risk of non—compliance.

The practice of magic today constitutes residues in culture that have not been

completely eradicated as a result of urbanisation. The people's belief in magic

have not disappeared completely.

--000-

58

CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSION

A literate society relies on written records to recall events or to re—enact something that

happened in the past. In non—literate societies man's memory is the only storehouse that

can be relied upon. This indicates that non—literate man has the unique ability to

remember more things and to use the language in a more expressive way than ordinary

daily speech would require. Not everything that is spoken needs to be analysed at a level

of artistic or literary expression. This does not prevent society from referring to oral forms

of literature because even if something is not written, it can be regarded as literature.

Literature does not necessarily imply written material only.

Finnegan (1970:2) compares oral and written literature as follows:

Oral literature is by definition dependent on a performer who formulates it in words at a specific occasion. There is no other way in which it can be realized as a literary product. In the case of written literature a literary work can be said to have an independent and tangible existence in even one copy.

The implication of the above quotation is that unlike written literature, oral literature is

performed.

Literature has always been regarded as a storehouse of custom. Folktale performance is

one of the important phenomena which enhances the preservation of customs. However,

the underlying scenario in the foregoing analysis has been one of a culture that is rapidly

fading.

59

Canonici (1985:213) quotes Marivate when he refers to folktale performance in Tsonga

society as:

A fading custom due to the impact of electronic media, to the fact that school children do their homework in the evening, and because most people now live in urban areas, in small homes, and restricted family, where no live—in grandmother can relate stories.

Tswana authors like Ntsime, Tlhabi, Rantao and Dipale have complied books on folktales

in order to reach, the same goal as traditional storytelling, in a modern way. Tales are

now read and heard at school, where the young gather to absorb the wisdom of the past

and to formulate ideas about the future. Tales are narrated and re—created through the

written word to make the learning process easier and more attractive. Written folktales

are the residue of oral tales that were traditionally performed in the past.

The first chapter of this study conceptualizes magic. Definitions of witchcraft, sorcery and

divination are included in this chapter because these aspects are inextricably intertwined

with magic. They are often used to create or counter misfortune in a magical way.

Theories relating to these concepts are also discussed in brief.

Chapter two outlines the aim and scope of this research. The aim of this study is to

attempt a concise analysis of Tswana folktales by identifying the significance of magic in

them. Prior to the elucidation of the chapters' breakdown and discussion of the aim and

scope of this research, folktales are defined. Various folklore studies and different

approaches to the study of folktales are elaborated upon. The morphological approach of

Propp is extensively used in attempting to identify the significance of magic in Tswana

folktales. This study is based exclusively on written material.

In the third chapter magic and its significance in traditional Tswana culture is discussed.

60

In chapter four the significance of magic as well as examples to illustrate arguments are

drawn from three selected folktales.

"Educated" people should by no means disregard the above—mentioned customs. Language

is to be regarded as an integral part of culture; deeply rooted in the customs and beliefs of

people. One's language is capable of conveying the most intimate concepts. Some of those

concepts are Ubuntu and the expression of national identity. These concepts can become a

unifying factor for the new generation. People understand, preserve and take pride in their

language.

-000-

61

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WILLOUGH, W.L. (1928). Soul of the Bantu, Student Christian Movement. s.l.

ZWANTS, L.W. (1974). The Role of the Medicine Man among the Zeramo of

Dar—Es—Salaam. Tanzania.

DICTIONARIES

Reader's Digest Great Illustrated Dictionary. (1984). Volume 2, p. 189.

The Concise Oxford Dictionary. (1964). 5th Edition.

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