lucan bibliography

httpwwwintratextcomIXTENG1373

Braund Susan H Lucan Civil War (Oxford University Press Oxford 1992)

Engraved title page of a French edition of Lucans Pharsalia 1657

ORIGINAL TEXT --Duff JD Lucan The Civil War (Loeb Classics Library London 1928) Latin text with English translation

OTHER TRANSLATIONS --Braund Susan H Lucan Civil War (Oxford University Press Oxford 1992) NOTE Highly Recommended Translation

RECOMMENDED READING --Fuller JFC Julius Caesar -- Man Soldier and Tyrant (DaCapo Press New York 1965)Gardner Jane F (Trans) Caesar The Civil War (Penguin Classics London 1967) Also contains TheAlexandrian War The African War and The Spanish War all anonymousGetzer Matthias Caesar Politician and Statesman (Harvard University Press Cambridge MA 1968)Holmes T Rice The Roman Republic (Oxford University Press Oxford 1923) 3 Volumes

Marcus Annaeus LucanusThe Civil War

Pharsalia

I IntraText Edition CTCopyright Egraveulogos 2010 - See also Credits

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reading

- Table of Contents -See also Index of footnotes

Statistics and graphs (Occurrences 84422 Words 8721)

PREPARERS NOTES SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOK I The Crossing of the Rubicon BOOK II The Flight of Pompeius BOOK III Massilia BOOK IV Caesar in Spain War in the Adriatic Sea Death of Curio BOOK V The Oracle The Mutiny The Storm BOOK VI The Flight Near Dyrrhachium Scaevas Exploits The Witch of Thessalia BOOK VII The Battle BOOK VIII Death of Pompeius BOOK IX Cato BOOK X Caesar in Egypt

Credits

Printed source The Pharsalia of Lucan as translated by Sir Edward Ridley (Longmans Green and Co London 1896)

Source of the electronic transcription

The Online Medieval amp Classical Library OMACL - httpomaclorgPharsalia

ETML tagging IntraText editorial staff

Book 6 Pompeys troops force Caesars armies ndash featuring the heroic centurion Scaeva ndash to fall back to Thessaly Lucan describes the wild Thessalian terrain as the armies wait for battle the next day The remainder of the book follows Pompeys son Sextus who wishes to know the future He finds the most powerful witch in Thessaly Erictho and she reanimates the corpse of a dead soldier in a terrifying ceremony The soldier predicts Pompeys defeat and Caesars eventual assassination

Book 7 The soldiers are pressing for battle but Pompey is reluctant until Cicero convinces him to attack The Caesarians are victorious and Lucan laments the loss of liberty Caesar is especially cruel as he mocks the dying Domitius and forbids cremation of the dead Pompeians The scene is punctuated by a description of wild animals gnawing at the corpses and a lament from Lucan for Thessalia infelix ndash ill-fated Thessaly

Rumanian author

The interest of the two last examples consists not only in the informations they give about numen but also in the religious conceptions they express the quotations being part of a larger passage (6 413-830) dedicated to Thessalian magic Lucan pays close attention to a session of necromancy carried out by Erichto at the demand of Pompeyrsquos son Sextus Pompeius By describing the magical practices of the Thessalian witches who succeed to attract and to submit the godsrsquo power and will the poet traces a clear distinction between religion and magic the latter being an insult to the gods and in conflict with the worldrsquos order[10] In this context too numenis placed on the same level coordinated with dei respectively with superi Numenrsquos signification is nevertheless ambiguous in 6523-525 the sphere and the content of numen could also be interpreted as ldquodivine powerrdquo due to the adjective auxiliare Slight differences can be noticed between the predicates orat ndash vocat

Silverrsquos Summary of Lucans Bellum Civile

Book 6 Caesar attempts to encircle the Pompeian forces who are now camped near Dyrrachium The Pompeian forces attempt to break out exposing Caesars thinly-drawn forces to grave danger Pompeys forces are stopped by the heroics of a single centurion Scaeva whose super-human feats are described in a lengthy aristeia Caesar suffering losses in the ensuing combat abandons his position and moves to Thessaly (1-332) The sinister character of Thessaly is described in a geographical digression (333-412) The narrative briefly resumes with the two armies encamped in this ill-fated land on the eve of a battle that will be decisive for the fate of the world Sextus Pompey a son unworthy of his fathers greatness cannot bear the uncertainty of the future and so decides to make an oracular consultation He decides to turn to the nefas (wickedness) of Thessalian witchcraft (413-434) The narrative is suspended as the awesome

powers of Thessalian witches are enumerated including their ability to compel the gods above and to control nature (435-505) Erictho a witch far worse than these is now introduced and her various atrocities are catalogued (505-568) Sextus seeks out Erictho and asks her to foretell the outcome of the war (569-603) Erictho agrees and decides to use the soul of a recently-slain soldier as prophet (604-624) She finds a corpse suitable to her purpose and drags it to a hellish cavern There with Sextus fearfully looking on she pierces the breast fills it with noxious poisons and mutters a terrible incantation (625-693) Following this Erictho utters a prayer to the forces of the underworld asking for their assistance in temporarily returning the dead soldiers spirit to its body (693-718) The spirit appears and Erictho prevails on it to tell Sextus what he wishes to know (719-776) The corpse delivers its prophecy fortelling the defeat of Pompey and the subsequent assassination of Caesar (777-820) The prophecy completed Erictho returns the dead soldiers spirit to the underworld and accompanies Sextus back to his fathers camp

Book 7 Battle-lines are drawn at Pharsalus The soldiery presses for battle and a reluctant Pompey is finally prevailed upon by Cicero to give the order (1-150) The two armies clash and Caesar is victorious His victory is the triumph of tyranny freedom has been lost forever Caesar gleefully surveys the immense carnage of the battle and forbids cremation of the enemy corpses (151-872)

ucanrsquos Civil War Erictho the Witch the Necromancer etc

20 MARCH 2012 LEAVE A REPLY

Oh Erictho where do I even begin Driven seemingly by a desire to top what had gone before Lucan continues to astonish as the poem goes on and Erictho is his trump card Erictho is a witchmdashthe witch in factmdashand her underworld sequence at the end of Book VI has been called both the worst and the best section in the book Itrsquos definitely one of the most extreme if only because Lucan comes off as exceptionally self-conscious piling on the gratuitous horrors far beyond the point where most anyone would stop But because Lucan is inspired he pulls it off What he pulls off is uncertain but even in translation the section bears its weight

As a description of Ericthorsquos excess I canrsquot do better than WR Johnson who terms Erictho a hero ofCivil War alongside Caesar Pompey and CatoShe is enormously pleased with the satanic discors machina She knows exactly how to operate it and her prayers to it unlike Lucanrsquos prayers to more traditional numina are invariably answered in her favor For her doing bad things to good people or even to bad people or to any one at allmdashvirtue and vice do not engage her imaginationmdashis funShe shows an inexhaustible fullnes of life and an unwearying zest for malicious and purposeless activity that remind me of two of my other favorite characters Stendhalrsquos DR Sansfin and the early-middle Donald Duck She is something fairly rare outside say the dark farces of Ben Jonson or the savage and surreal animated cartoons of the 1930s and early 1940s a living caricature of wickedness a pure distillation of frenetic immorality

WR Johnson Momentary Monsters Lucan and His Heroes

Two points he makes bear repeating The first is that Erictho has no particular ulterior motive but is more just a animistic force so much like the universe The second is that where other seers and pythia claim to have power and knowledge but canrsquot make good on it Erictho occupies a place above the gods and even above Caesar blithely in control of the forces of the universe Not that Erictho does all that much with her power Indeed we hear more about Erictho than we see her doing anything Shersquos not an influential force on the poemrsquos plot per se just a envoy of the horrific universe surveying the actionSee here for some fascinating background on the myths behind Erictho It also appears that Neil Gaiman appropriated Ericthorsquos techniques in the Sandmanrsquos A Game of You serial Pompeyrsquos undercharacterized son Sextus goes to Erictho in Thessaly in the hopes of finding out the future A long and very theatrical setting of the scene occurs

Whenever black storm clouds conceal the starsThessalyrsquos witch emerges from her empty tombsand hunts down the nightly bolts of lightning

Her tread has burned up seeds of fertile grainand her breath alone has turned fresh air deadlyShe doesnrsquot pray to gods above or call on powersfor aid with suppliant song or know the waysto offer entrails and receive auspicious omensShe loves to light altars with funereal flamesand burn incense shersquos snatched from blazing pyresAt the merest hint of her praying voice the gods grant herany outrage afraid to hear her second song

She has buried souls alive still in controlof their bodies against their will death comeswith fate still owing them years In a backward marchshe has brought the dead back from the graveand lifeless corpses have fled death The smoking cindersand burning bones of youths shersquoll take straight from the pyrealong with the torch ripped from their parentsrsquo gripand the fragments of the funeral couch with smokestill wafting black and the robes turning to ashesand the coals that reek of his limbs But when dead bodiesare preserved in stone which absorbs their inner moistureand they stiffen as the decaying marrow is drawn offthen she hungrily ravages every single jointsinks her fingers in the eyes and relishes itas she digs the frozen orbs out and she gnawsthe pallid wasting nails from desiccated hands

Civil War VI579-606

Sextus flatters her and she eats it up happily resurrecting a corpse to report the news of the future We are far from what the scenersquos obvious antecedents the underworld scenes in Book VI of theAeneid and Book XI of the Odyssey both of which come just before the midpoint of each epic and both of which result in auspicious findings for the heroes (Itrsquos not certain that the Civil War was to be twelve books long but Books VI and VII feel very much like the heart of the poem and general consensus has it at twelve)Here the underworld is not so mysterious or helpful Erictho overshadows it completely Erictho even tells Sextus that therersquos nothing scary about her necromancy

ldquoIf indeed I show you swamps of Styx and the shorethat roars with fire if by my aid yoursquore ableto see the Eumenides and Cerberus shakinghis necks that bristle with snakes and the conquered backsof Giants why should you be scared you cowardsto meet with ghosts who are themselves afraidrdquo

When the corpse fails to resurrect though she throws a tantrum and threatens the entire heavans and underworld at length For me this is her greatest moment

ldquoAnd against youworst of the worldrsquos rulers Irsquoll send the Titan Sunbursting your caverns open and striking with sudden daylight 830Will you obey Or must I address by namethat one at whose call the earth never fails to shudder

and quake who openly looks on the Gorgonrsquos facewho tortures the trembling Erinys with her own scourgeand dwells in a Tartarus whose depths your eye canrsquot plumbTo him you are the gods above he swears and breakshis oaths by waters of Styxrdquo

So who is this evil beyond evil whom Erictho has on quick-dial Braund translates ldquothat onerdquo as ldquoHimrdquo (the Latin is just ille) and suggests as possibilities DemiurgusCreator Hermes Trismegistus or Osiris or TyphonSeti I would love to know more about this when time permits but itrsquos worth noting that as explained in this old 1907 definition Demiurgus was to become the evil Gnostic god himself in early ChristianityDemiurgus a name employed by Plato to denote the world-soul the medium by which the idea is made real the spiritual made material the many made one and it was adopted by the Gnostics to denote the world-maker as a being derived from God but estranged from God being environed in matter which they regarded as evil and so incapable as such of redeeming the soul from matter from evil such as the God of the Jews and the Son of that God conceived of as manifest in flesh

I digress Erictho is in touch with the genuine puppetmaster not merely abstract Fortune but the celestial watchmaker of the evil watch himself She is unique in this regard

Needless to say the gods accede to Ericthorsquos threats and the corpse reanimates but his report to Sextus is not especially helpful hinting at the future but giving ultimately a shrug

Donrsquot let the glory of this brief life disturb youThe hour comes that will level all the leadersRush into death and go down below with pridemagnanimous even if from lowly tombsand trample on the shades of the gods of RomeWhich tomb the Nilersquos waves will wash and whichthe Tiberrsquos is the only questionmdashfor the leadersthis fight is only about a funeral

Fortune is doling out tombs upon your triumphsO pitiful house you will look on nothingin all the world safer than Emathiardquo

Civil War VI898-915

The future then you and your father and Caesar and everyone else will die The Book ends without Sextus so much as responding The corpse goes to rest as promised by Erictho So all the pageantry and drama only to find out what we have known from the beginning which is that all rulers and empires fall and die In se magna ruunt all great things crush themselvesEricthorsquos wickedness in tandem with her lack of agency make her a peculiar figure simply because she is one of the very few characters in the book without much of an agenda in any direction Even when she rails against heaven and hell itrsquos on account of a ldquofavorrdquo shersquos doing for Sextus not any particular wish of her own

It fits with the poem that the one character who may actually have some influence over the worldrsquos events would be the character who never exercises that control in any meaningful

way (Her favor doesnrsquot amount to much and she does explicitly say that she can only tell the future not alter it) Erictho is diabolical but also oddly innocuous at least within the poem Stay far away from her and she wonrsquot cause you much trouble Far less than the world and Fortune and Demiurgus willAnd as for the corpsersquos predictions I think not of Donald Duck but of the Simpsons

Psychic [phone rings] Hello Radio Psychic You will die a terrible terrible death Marge [on the phone] [gasps]Psychic Ooh Im sorry That was our last caller OK Im getting something now Hmm OK you will die a terrible terrible death Marge But I -- DJ Thank you for calling Radio Psychic Do you have a song request

Demiurgus a name employed by Plato to denote the world-soul the medium by which the idea is made real the spiritual made material the many made one and it was adopted by theGnostics to denote the world-maker as a being derived from God but estranged from God being environed in matter which they regarded as evil and so incapable as such of redeeming the soul from matter from evil such as the God of the Jews and the Son of that God conceived of as manifest in flesh

Definition taken from The Nuttall Encyclopaeligdia edited by the Reverend James Wood (1907)

The character of Lucans witch Erictho has provoked considerable unease amongst modern commentators Doubts have often been voiced as to whether she constitutes a fully plausible literary creation and a consistent psychological character For Ahl the witch is a creature on the borderline of plausibility [1] According to Gordon the figure of Erictho refuses to be exorcised because of the chasm between her vast powers and her insignificant duties [2] Johnson on the other hand suggests that Erictho is the first recognizably modern witch in European literature [3]

Lucans witch is undeniably a composite figure developed principally from three existing literary models the first of which he transforms dramatically the second he subjects to rhetorical amplification and the third to pattern negation As a result the character of Erictho has three distinct aspects 1) the Virgilian fury 2) the Lamia and 3) the anti-Sibyl

1) Erictho as Dira

As the analysis of Hardie demonstrates the character of Erictho is modelled in part on the Virgilian Fury Allecto [4] This aspect is more in evidence during the necromantic sequence itself and is rather less prominent in the earlier narrative Like Allecto inAeneid 7 Erictho is shown taking steps to

assure that peace will fail and that the opposing factions will do battle in Thessaly

namque timens ne Mars alium vagus iret in orbemEmathis et tellus tam multa caede careretpollutos cantu dirisque venefica sucisconspersos vetuit transmittere bella Phillipos (6578-81)

Another characteristic reminiscent of the Virgilian Furies is Ericthos abiding thirst for armed slaughter She is explicitly linked with the civil war and pointedly said to master and possess the souls of the slain

tot mortes habitura suas usuraque mundisanguine caesorum truncare cadavera regumsperat et Hesperiae cineres avertere gentisossaque nobilium tantosque adquirere manes(6582-5)

Following these broad parallels the link with Allecto is first made explicit just prior to the necromancy in the description of Ericthos Fury-like attire and her hair bound with vipers

discolor et vario furialis cultus amictuinduitur vultusque aperitur crine remotoet coma vipereis substringitur horrida sertis (6655-6)

When subsequently Erictho annoyed at the delay in the revivification furiously lashes the recalcitrant corpse with a live snake (verberat immotum vivo serpente cadaver 6727) she is mirroring Allectos treatment of Turnus in the Aeneid

et quaerentem dicere plurareppulit et geminos erexit crinibus anguisverberaque insonuit rabidoque haec addidit ore (Virg Aen 7499-501)

Moreover Ericthos prompt abandonment of friendly persuasion after first praying politely to the gods may be modelled on Allectos assault on Turnus at Aen 7415-66 In both cases the assailants quickly revert to threats and abuse after the failure of a more placid approach There is also a significant parallel between Allectos description as rabido ore (Aen 7451) and Ericthosspumantia ora (6719)

As Hardie observes the symbolic equivalence of Erictho and Allecto also helps to explain why Lucans witch summons only Tisiphone and Megaera at 6830 For speaking intertextually summoning Allecto would be an incongruity - it would amount to Erictho summoning herself [5]

But if Erictho shares a number of traits with Virgils most terrible Fury she nonetheless clearly surpasses her in dreadfulness This is in part no doubt because unlike Allecto Lucans witch is self-directed Rather than meekly doing the bidding of the gods Erictho has an agenda that is entirely her own Whereas Allecto stirs up war in Italy at the command of Juno Erictho promotes war in Thessaly for her own pleasure Thus Sextus request to her pointedly appeals to her own self-interest

dignum quod quaerere curesvel tibi quo tanti praeponderet alea fati (6602-3)

Moreover Erictho surpasses the power of the Virgilian Furies in that she harries not just ghosts or humans but the very gods themselves The fact that she commands such immense power though a mortal (vita 6515) is striking She is in effect an amplified and geographically-inverted Fury she dwells in the upper world and terrorizes the forces of the nether realm

2) Erictho as Lamia

The description of Erictho that concludes Lucans introduction at 6507-569 stands as one of the most horrific portraits in Latin literature It presents a truly demonic figure in a rhetorical amplification of a category that is itself already entirely negative the popular image of the night witch or Lamia [6] As Gordon notes

Erictho is in general conception based upon the folkloric figure of the Lamia who is herself in different guises the traditional night-witch figure of the Hellenic world The Lamia lives in isolation apart from human habitation in caves ravines and ruins She feeds by sucking blood from the living and the dead she murders and eats children she never sleeps she constantly changes her shape Each of these details involves a reversal of fundamental human norms Erictho too represents a parallel rejection of rule In her case however her demonic quality in keeping with Lucans theme of necromancy has centred upon death and corpses almost to the exclusion of other motifs [7]

Some examples of typical Lamia motifs cited include solitary squatting in expropriated tombs (6510-13) death-like pallor and intolerance of the sun (515-20) cannibalism (6540-43) false appearance (6564-8)

Erictho then is beyond the pale of ordinary literary witches In fact she is described by the rhetorical technique of negative enumeration the contrast being drawn between the usual Thessalian magae and herself [8] Although the Thessalian witches are a thoroughly evil lot (Lucan frequently emphasizes their wickedness eg 6443 6509 6430-31) the introduction to Erictho makes it clear that her foul acts are without parallel

hos scelerum ritus haec dirae crimina gentiseffera damnarat nimiae pietatis Ericthoinque novos ritus pollutam duxerat artem (6507-9)

The difference between Erictho and other witches is that the latter - in Lucan at any rate - have no evident connection with the underworld In the lengthy general discussion on Thessalian witches (443-506) their powers are pointedly limited to the upper realms that is to the superi mortal men and the animal and plant kingdoms Erictho however has an intimate relationship to and knowledge of the underworld of death and the dead

illi namque nefas urbis summittere tectoaut laribus ferale caput desertaque bustaincolit et tumulos expulsis obtinet umbrisgrata deis Erebi coetus audire silentumnosse domos Stygias arcanaque Ditis opertinon superi non vita vetat (6510-15)

The emphasis on death and the dead here is quite obvious As Rosner notes Lucans has deliberately made the realm of the dead Ericthos exclusive domain she alone of the living seems to know Hell and its secrets [9] The fact that she lives underground and outside the city serves to link her to the dead who were buried outside the city Indeed her very appearance her deathly pallor suggest a strong association with death

tenet ora profanaefoeda situ macies caeloque ignota serenoterribilis Stygio facies pallore gravaturinpexis onerata comis (6515-8)

The physical description of Erictho is followed by a further elaboration of her foul activities Once again Lucan emphasizes her special affinity with death and the special potency of her methods Her steps blight fields of crops and her breath befouls even the purest air (6521-2) She does not pray to the Gods but rather constrains them with a single incantation

omne nefas superi prima iam voce precantisconcedunt carmenque timent audire secundum(6527-8)

As the passage progresses Ericthos activities become increasingly gruesome and violent She mutilates corpses (6540-53 562-69) and takes a ghoulish pleasure in killing when her grotesque ceremonies require either fresh blood or body parts hominis mors omnis in usu est (6 561) As Rosner observes

All the elements in this awful description of Erictho leave the reader with a powerful impression of pervasive evil ugly and putrefying death and complete lawlessness All these elements too look ahead to Lucans view of the battle of Pharsalia and so once again reinforce his major themes [sc of ius datum sceleri and bella plus quam civilia] [10]

3) Erictho as anti-Sibyl

Perhaps most importantly Lucans Erictho stands as the antithetical counterpart to Virgils Sibyl She thus serves as Sextus Pompeys underworld guide and overseer just as the Sibyl does for Aeneas in Book 6 of the Aeneid Ericthos role is to perform the requested necromancy just as the Sibyl must facilitate Aeneas nekyia And indeed Sextus addresses her as if she were like the Sibyl a benefactor of humankind

o decus Haemonidum populis quae pandere fataquaeque suo ventura potes devertere cursu (6589-90)

As Virgils Sibyl willingly helps Aeneas in his pious quest so Erictho is more than ready to assist Sextus in his impious pursuit Moreover Lucans witch like her Virgilian counterpart treats her petitioner with considerable deference Thus Erictho begins by addressing Sextus with the respectful epic vocative o iuvenis (6606) This is close in tone to the Sibyls address to Aeneas at Aen 683 o tandem magnis pelagi defuncte periclis Furthermore the witch later describes Sextus as fortis (6773) in the course of the necromancy This is again close in tone to the complimentary description of Aeneas by the Sibyl (pietate insignis et armis Aen 6403) during their underworld journey

Following the precedent of Virgils Sibyl part of Ericthos function is explanatory and didactic She takes on this role with apparent relish in her first words to Sextus explaining the extent and limits of the power of

witchcraft - offering information and services well beyond what her petitioner strictly required

si fata minora moverespronum erat o iuvenis quos velles inquit in actusinvitos praebere deos conceditur artiunam cum radiis presserunt sidera morteminseruisse moras et quamvis fecerit omnisstella senem medios herbis abrumpimus annosat simul a prima descendit origine mundicausarum series atque omnia fata laborantsi quicquam mutare velis unoque sub ictustat genus humanum tum - Thessala turba fatemur -plus fortuna potest sed si praenoscere casuscontentus facilesque aditus multique patebuntad verum tellus nobis aetherque chaosqueaequoraque et campi Rhodopaeaque saxa loquentursed pronum cum tanta novae sit copia mortisEmathiis unum campis attollere corpusut modo defuncti tepidique cadaveris oraplena voce sonent nec membris sole perustisauribus incertum feralis strideat umbra (6605-23)

This speech a programmatic explanation of the task at hand serves as a counterpart to the Sibyls speech to Aeneas at Aen 6124-55 Lucans use of Erictho in this kind of didactic role helps to assimilate the witch to the Virgilian Sibyl Overall the allusive strategy involves a subtle dialectic of appropriation and difference which helps to define Erictho against her Virgilian prototype

There are some striking reversals of the Virgilian model To begin with while the Sibyl tells Aeneas what he must do (accipe quae peragenda prius Aen 6136) Erictho is perfectly happy to undertake the entire necromancy herself Moreover while the Sibyl warns Aeneas that only the initial descent into Hades is easy (facilis descensus Averno sed revocare gradum superasque evadere ad auras hoc opus hic labor est Aen 6126-8) Erictho dismisses Sextus request as altogether trivial The witch uses the splendidly inappropriate adjective pronum since in Sextus case there will be no descent pronum is a deliberately perverse echo of the Sibyls phrase facilis descensus Averno

The vast moral chasm between Erictho and the Sibyl is nicely brought out by Lucans account of their respective preparations While the Sibyl piously insists that the unburied corpse of Misenus (exanimum corpus Aen 6149)

must be properly buried before Aeneas embarks on his underworld journey Erictho specifically requires an unburied corpse (described similarly asexanimes artus 720) for her undertaking As Masters points out there is a clear connection between Ericthos cadaver and Virgils Misenus [11] This facilitates one further inversion whereas the Sibyls rites begin within a burial Ericthos conclude with a burial

Likewise the Sibyls pious exhortation to Aeneas show courage (Aen 6258-60) finds a perverse and impious echo in Ericthos chastisement of Sextus and his men for their cowardice (6659-66)

Finally the magical rites described in the Erictho episode contain traces of the Virgilian passage in which the Sibyl sacrifices to the nether deities Lucan adroitly exploits the intertextual possibilities to underscore the immensely greater power of his witch Thus in imitation of Virgils description of eerie sympathetic noises that follow the Sibyls sacrifice

sub pedibus mugire solum et iuga coepta moverisilvarum visaeque canes ululare per umbramadventante dea (Aen 6256-8)

Lucan offers a far more extensive list of fearful elemental sounds emanating from Ericthos own mouth

latratus habet illa [sc vox] canum gemitusque luporumquod trepidus bubo quod strix nocturna querunturquod strident ululantque ferae quod sibilat anguisexprimit et planctus inlisae cautibus undaesilvarumque sonum fractaeque tonitrua nubistot rerum vox una fuit (6688-92)

Throughout the passage Lucan carefully reworks the underworld scene in Aeneid 6 elegantly combining two separate Virgilian motifs - the unburied corpse of Misenus and the search for the golden bough (Aen 6136-235) - into Ericthos search for a corpse to use for the necromancy [12] Instead of Aeneas descending to the underworld to receive a prophecy Lucan has Erictho summon a ghost to the upper realms Thus while Aeneas and the Sibyl are living beings among the dead in the Bellum Civile it is the prophetic corpse who is away from his proper environment [13]

Although Erictho and Sextus do not actually descend to the underworld in the manner of Aeneas Lucan manages to echo many of the effects from the

Virgilian nekyia Thus the cavern in which the necromancy is performed suggests a Hell-like scene

marcentes intus tenebrae pallensque sub antrislonga nocte situs numquam nisi carmine factumlumen habet non Taenariis sic faucibus aersedit iners maestum mundi confine latentisac nostri quo non metuant admittere manesTartarei reges(6646-51)

Moreover like the Virgilian entrance to Avernus Ericthos cavern is forever shrouded in darkness by thick foliage (arbore opacaAen 6136 taxus opacat 6645) Lucan even leaves a very slight suggestion that Erictho might actually be conducting a veritable nekyia

nam quamvis Thessala vatesvim faciat fatis dubium est quod traxerit illucaspiciat Stygias an quod descenderit umbras (6652-4)

Even Lucans brief conclusion (6820-30) to the necromantic passage evokes the close of the Virgilian underworld scene Erictho accompanies Sextus back to his fathers camp just as the Sibyl accompanies Aeneas back to the upper realms

The location of the battlefield was long a subject of controversy among scholars Caesar himself in his Commentarii de Bello Civili mentions few place-names[1] and although the battle is called after Pharsalos four ancient writers ndash the author of theBellum

Alexandrinum (481) Frontinus (Strategemata 2322) Eutropius (20) and Orosius (61527) ndash place it specifically atPalaepharsalos Strabo in his Geographica (Γεωγραφικά) mentions both old and new Pharsaloi and notes that the Thetideion the temple to Thetis south of Scotoussa was near both In 198 BC in the Second Macedonian War Philip V of Macedon sacked Palaepharsalos (Livy Ab Urbe Condita 32139) but left new Pharsalos untouched These two details perhaps imply that the two cities were not close neighbours Until the early 20th century unsure of the site of Palaepharsalos scholars followed Appian (275) and located the battle of 48 BC south of the Enipeus or close to Pharsalos (todays Pharsala)[2]

The ldquonorth-bankrdquo thesis of F L Lucas[3] based on his 1921 solo field-trip to Thessaly is now however broadly accepted by historians[4] ldquoA visit to the ground has only confirmed merdquo Lucas wrote in 1921 ldquoand it was interesting to find that Mr Apostolides son of the large local landowner the hospitality of whose farm at Tekeacutes I enjoyed was convinced too that the [battle-]site was by Driskole [now Krini] for the very sound reason that neither the hills nor the river further east suit Caesarrsquos descriptionrdquo John D Morgan in his definitive ldquoPalae-pharsalus ndash the Battle and the Townrdquo[5] arguing for a site closer still to Krini where he places Palaepharsalos writes ldquoMy reconstruction is similar to Lucasrsquos and in fact I borrow one of his alternatives for the line of the Pompeian retreat Lucasrsquos theory has been subjected to many criticisms but has remained essentially unshakenrdquo

The Battlefield of PharsalosF L LucasThe Annual of the British School at Athens Vol 24 Supplement (19191920 - 19201921)pp 34-53 (22 pages)

Sheppard Simon Pharsalus 48 BC Caesar and Pompey - Clash of the Titans Oxford 2006

Pharsalus 48 BC Caesar and Pompey - Clash of the Titansby Simon Sheppard Adam Hook (Illustrator)

About this title Increasing tension between Julius Caesar and Pompeius Magnus (Pompey the Great) after the death of Marcus Licinius Crassus soon degenerated into military conflict With his hand considerably strengthened by his election as Dictator by the Senate in Rome Caesar knew that power would only be a reality once he had militarily defeated Pompey By August 49BC Caesar had effectively destroyed Pompeys armies in Spain but by the time he had crossed the Adriatic pursuing him eastward his forces were heavily outnumbered Even with the reinforcements brought by Mark Antony his attempt to crush Pompey by laying siege to Dyrrachium was unsuccessful and he eventually had to withdrew into Thessaly with Pompey in pursuit The stage was set for the final clash of the two titans of the Roman world and the odds were heavily in Pompeys favour with 45000 men against Caesars 22000 However the veteran legions loyal to Caesar were the best in the Roman army and the challenge he faced clearly stimulated Caesars tactical

genius for battle Guessing that Pompey would attempt to overwhelm his right wing with his cavalry he concealed elite cohorts of legionnaries behind his own heavily outnumbered horsemen with orders to fight at close quarters like pikemen Caesars predictions were correct and far from overwhelming his exposed right flank Pompeys left flank was routed allowing Caesar to envelop and scatter the rest of his army Simon Sheppard expertly charts the events leading up to the Pharsalus campaign the course of the battle itself and the seismic implications of this decisive clash between the two greatest generals of their age

Michel Rambaud Le Soleil de Pharsale

Historia Zeitschrift fuumlr Alte GeschichteBd 3 H 3 (1955) pp 346-378 Published by Franz Steiner Verlag

Battle of Pharsalus militaryhistorycom Retrieved 2013-06-18

Julius Caesar describes the Battle of Pharsalus in his Civil War Commentaries - De bello civili

Palaepharsalus-The Battle and the TownJohn D MorganAmerican Journal of Archaeology Vol 87 No 1 (Jan 1983)pp 23-54 (36 pages)

Cassius Dio Roman history (4152-63) (164-c235)

Some Reflections on the Battle of PharsalusWilliam E Gwatkin Jr Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological AssociationVol 87 (1956) pp 109-124Published by American Philological Association

The Life of Lucan ( M Annaeus Lucanus -- known in English as Lucan) Suetonius - The Life of Lucan translated by Alexander Thomson and Thomas Forester (544) M Annaeus Lucanus a native of Corduba [976] first tried the powers of his genius in an encomium on Nero at the Quinquennial games He afterwards recited his poem on the Civil War carried on between Pompey and Caesar His vanity was so immense and he gave such liberty to his tongue that in some preface comparing his age and his first efforts with those of Virgil he had the assurance to say And what now remains for me is to deal with a gnat In his early youth after being long informed of the sort of life his father led in the country in consequence of an unhappy marriage [977] he was recalled from Athens by Nero who admitted him into the circle of his friends and even gave him the honour of the quaestorship but he did not long remain in favour Smarting at this and having publicly stated that Nero had withdrawn all of a sudden without communicating with the senate and without any other motive than his own recreation after this he did not cease to assail the emperor both with foul words and with acts which are still notorious So that on one occasion when easing his bowels in the common privy there being a louder explosion than usual he gave vent to the hemistych of Nero One would suppose it was thundering under ground in the hearing of those who were sitting there for the same purpose and who took to their heels in much consternation[978] In a poem also which was in every ones hands he severely lashed both the emperor and his most powerful adherents

At length he became nearly the most active leader in Pisos conspiracy [979] and while he dwelt without reserve in many quarters on the glory of those who dipped their hands in the (545) blood of tyrants he launched out into open threats of violence and carried them so far as to boast that he would cast the emperors head at the feet of his neighbours When however the plot was discovered he did not exhibit any firmness of mind A confession was wrung from him without much difficulty and humbling himself to the most abject entreaties he even named his innocent mother as one of the conspirators [980] hoping that his want of natural affection would give him favour in the eyes of a parricidal prince Having obtained permission to choose his mode of death[981] he wrote notes to his father containing corrections of some of his verses and having made a full meal allowed a physician to open the veins in his arm [982] I have also heard it said that his poems were offered for sale and commented upon not only with care and diligence but also in a trifling way [983]

Lucan footnotes

[976] Cordova Lucan was the son of Annaeus Mella Senecas brother

[977] This sentence is very obscure and Ernesti considers the text to be imperfect[978] They had good reason to know that ridiculous as the tyrant made himself it was not safe to incur even the suspicion of being parties to a jest upon him[979] See Nero c xxxvi[980] St Jerom (Chron Euseb) places Lucans death in the tenth year of Neros reign corresponding with AUC 817 This opportunity is taken of correcting an error in the press p 342 respecting the date of Neros accession It should be AUC 807 AD 55

[981] These circumstances are not mentioned by some other writers See Dr Thomsons account of Lucan before p 347 where it is said that he died with philosophical firmness[982] We find it stated ib p 396 that Lucan expired while pronouncing some verses from his own Pharsalia for which we have the authority of Tacitus Annal xv 20 1 Lucan it appears employed his last hours in revising his poems on the contrary Virgil we are told when his death was imminent renewed his directions that the Aeneid should be committed to the flames[983] The text of the concluding sentence of Lucans life is corrupt and neither of the modes proposed for correcting it make the sense intended very clear

Map of the Battle of Pharsalus

In the winter of 4847 Julius Caesar crossed to Greece where he wanted to fight against his rival Pompey However Pompey was able to block Caesar at Dyrrhachium (modern Drres) In March Caesars colonel Marc Antony managed to reinforce him with four new legions and on 7 July the Caesarians were able to move away from the beach an advance that resembled a flight The story of the events after the breakout is told by several authors (including Caesar himself) here you can read the account in the Roman history (4152-63) by Cassius Dio (164-c235) The translation was made by Earnest Cary

Pompey did not pursue Caesar for he had withdrawn suddenly by night and had hastily crossed the Genusus river however he was of the opinion that he had

brought the war to an end Consequently he assumed the title of Imperator though he uttered no boastful words about it and did not even wind laurel about his fasces disliking to show such exultation over the downfall of citizens From this same motive he neither sailed to Italy himself nor sent any others there though he might easily have taken possession of it all For with his fleet he was far superior as he had 500 swift ships and could land at all points at the same time moreover the sentiment of that country was not opposed to him in any case and even if it had been ever so hostile the people were no match for him in war But he wished to be far from giving the impression that Italy was the stake for which he was fighting and did not think he ought to cause any fear to the people who were then in Rome Hence he made no attempt on Italy nor even sent to the government any dispatch about his successes but after this he set out against Caesar and came into Thessaly

As they lay opposite each other the appearance of the camps bore indeed some semblance of war but their arms were idle as in time of peace As they considered the greatness of the danger and foresaw the obscurity and uncertainty of the issue and still felt some regard for their common ancestry and their kinship they continued to delay Meanwhile they exchanged propositions [] and appeared to some likely even to effect an empty reconciliation The reason was that they were both reaching out after the supreme power and were influenced greatly by native ambition and greatly also by acquired rivalry since men can least endure to be outdone by their equals and intimates hence they were not willing to make any concessions to each other since each felt that he might win nor could they feel confident if they did reach some agreement that they would not be always striving to gain the upper hand and would not fall to quarreling again over the supreme issue

In temper they differed from each other to this extent that Pompey desired to be second to no man and Caesar to be first of all and the former was anxious to be honored by a willing people and to preside over and be loved by men who fully consent whereas the latter cared not at all if he ruled over even an unwilling people issued orders to men who hated him and bestowed the honors with his own hand upon himself The deeds however through which they hoped to accomplish all that they wished were perforce common to both alike For it was impossible for any one successfully to gain these ends without fighting against his countrymen leading foreigners against kindred obtaining vast sums by unjust pillage and killing unlawfully many of his dearest associates Hence even though they differed in their desires yet in their acts by which they hoped to realize those desires they were alike Consequently they would not yield to each other on any point in spite of the many claims they put forward and finally came to blows

The struggle proved a mighty one and unparalleled by any other In the first place the leaders themselves had the name of being the most skilled in all matters of warfare and clearly the most distinguished not only of the Romans but also of all other men then living They had been trained in arms from boyhood had constantly been occupied with them had performed deeds worthy of note had been conspicuous for great valor and also for great fortune and were therefore most worthy of commanding and most worthy of victory As to their forces Caesar had the largest and the most genuinely Roman portion of the state legions and the most warlike men from the rest of Italy from Hispania and the whole of Gaul and the islands that he had conquered Pompey had brought along many from the senatorial and the equestrian order and from the regularly enrolled troops and had gathered vast numbers from the subject and allied peoples and kings With the exception of Pharnaces and Orodes (for he tried to win over even the latter although an enemy since the time he had killed the Crassi [who had ever been befriended at all by Pompey gave him money and either sent or brought auxiliaries Indeed the Parthian had promised to be his ally if he should receive Syria but as he did not get it he lent him no help While Pompey then greatly excelled in numbers Caesars followers were their equals in strength and so the advantages being even they were an equal match for each other and the risks they incurred were equal

As a result of these circumstances and of the very cause and purpose of the war a most notable struggle took place For the city of Rome and its entire empire even then great and mighty lay before them as the prize since it was clear to all that it would be the slave of him who then conquered When they reflected on this fact and furthermore thought of their former deeds [] they were wrought up to the highest pitch of excitement believing that those conquests too were at stake and each being eager to acquire the others glory For the renown of the vanquished far more than his other possessions becomes the property of the victor since the greater and more powerful the antagonist that a man overthrows the greater is the height to which he himself is raised Therefore they delivered to their soldiers also many exhortations but very much alike on both sides saying all that is fitting to be said on such an occasion with reference both to the immediate results of the struggle and to the subsequent results As they both came from the same state and were talking about the same matters and called each other tyrants and themselves liberators from tyranny of the men they addressed they had nothing different to say on either side but stated that it would be the lot of one side to die of the other to be saved of the one side to be captives of the other to enjoy the masters lot to possess everything or to be deprived of everything to suffer or to inflict a most terrible fate After addressing some such exhortations to the citizens and furthermore trying to inspire the subject and allied contingents with hopes of a better lot and fears of a worse they hurled at each other kinsmen sharers of the same tent of the same table of the same libations Yet why should any one then lament the fate of the others involved when those very leaders who were all these things to each other and had moreover shared many secret plans and many exploits of like character who had once been joined by domestic ties and had loved the same child one as a father the other as grandfather [2] nevertheless fought All the ties with which nature by mingling their blood had bound them together they now led by their

insatiable lust of power hastened to break tear and rend asunder Because of them Rome was being compelled to fight both in her own defense and against herself so that even if victorious she would be vanquished

Such was the struggle in which they joined yet they did not immediately come to close quarters Sprung from the same country and from the same hearth with almost identical weapons and similar formation each side shrank from beginning the battle and shrank from slaying any one So there was great silence and dejection on both sides no one went forward or moved at all but with heads bowed they stood motionless as if devoid of life

Caesar and Pompey therefore fearing that if they remained quiet any longer their animosity might become lessened or they might even become reconciled hurriedly commanded the trumpeters to give the signal and the men to raise the war cry in unison Both orders were obeyed but the combatants were so far from being imbued with courage the at the sound of the trumpeters call uttering the same notes and at their own shout raised in the same language they showed their sense of relationship and betrayed their kinship more than ever and so fell to weeping and lamenting

But after a long time when the allied troops began the battle the rest also joined in fairly beside themselves at what they were doing Those who fought at long range were less sensible of the horrors as they shot their arrows hurled their javelins discharged their slings without knowing whom they hit but the heavy-armed troops and the cavalry had a very hard time of it as they were close to each other and could even talk a little back and forth at one and the same moment they would recognize those who confront them and would wound them would call them by name and would slaughter them would recall the towns they had come from and would despoil them

Such were the deeds both done and suffered by the Romans and by the others from Italy who were with them on the campaign wherever they met each other Many sent messages home through their very slayers But the subject force fought both zealously and relentlessly showing great zeal as once to win their own freedom so now to secure the slavery of the Romans they wanted since they were reduced to inferiority to them in all things to have them as fellow-slaves

Thus it was a very great battle and full of diverse incidents partly for the reasons mentioned and partly on account of the numbers and the variety of the armaments There were vast bodies of heavy-armed soldiers vast bodies of cavalry in another group archers and still others that were slingers so that they occupied the whole plain and scattered over it they fought often with each other since they belonged to the same arms but often with men of the other arms indiscriminately

The Pompeians surpassed in cavalry and archers hence they would surround troops at a distance employ sudden assaults and retire after throwing their opponents into confusion then they would attack them again and again turning now to this side and now to that The Caesarians therefore were on their guard against this and by wheeling round always managed to face their assailants and when they came to close quarters with them would seize hold of both men and horses in the eagerness of the struggle for light-armed cavalry had been drawn up with their cavalry for this very purpose And all this took place as I said not in one spot but in many places at once scattered all about so that with some contending at a distance and others fighting at close quarters this body smiting its opponents and that group being struck one detachment fleeing and another pursuing many infantry battles and many cavalry battles as well were to be seen

Meanwhile many incredible things were taking place One man after routing another would himself be turned to flight and another who had avoided an opponent would in turn attack him One soldier who had struck another would be wounded himself and a second who had fallen would kill the enemy who stood over him Many died without being wounded and many when half dead kept on slaying Some were glad and sang paeans while the others were distressed and uttered lamentations so that all places were filled with shouts and groans The majority were thrown into confusion by this fact for what was said was unintelligible to them because of the confusion of nations and languages and alarmed them greatly and those who could understand one another suffered a calamity many times worse for in addition to their own misfortunes they could hear and at the same time see those of their neighbors

At last after they had carried on an evenly-balanced struggle for a very long time and many on both sides alike had fallen or been wounded Pompey since the larger part of his army was Asiatic and untrained was defeated even as had been made clear to him before the action For thunderbolts had fallen upon his camp a fire had appeared in the air over Caesars camp and had then fallen upon his own bees had swarmed about his military standards and many of the victims after being led up close to the very altar had run away

And so far did the effects of that contest extend to the rest of mankind that on the very day of the at least collisions of armies and the clash of arms occurred in many places In Pergamon a noise of drums and cymbals rose from the temple of Dionysus and spread throughout the city in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward an image of Caesar that stood beside her in Syria two young men announced the result of the battle and vanished [3] and in Patavium which now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul some birds not only brought news of it but even acted it out to some extent for one Gaius Cornelius drew from their actions accurate information of all that had taken place and narrated it to the bystanders [4] These several things happened on that very same day and though they were not unnaturally distrusted at the time yet when news of the actual facts was brought they were marveled at

Of Pompeys followers who were not destroyed on the spot some fled whithersoever they could and others who were captured later on Those of them who were soldiers of the line Caesar enrolled in his own legions exhibiting no resentment Of the senators and knights however he put to death all whom he had previously captured and spared except some whom his friends begged off for he allowed each friend on this occasion to save one man The rest who had then for the first time fought against him he released []

This same attitude he adopted toward the princes and the peoples who had assisted Pompey He pardoned them all bearing in mind that he himself was acquainted with none or almost none of them whereas from his rival they had previously obtained many favors Indeed he praised these far more than he did those who after receiving favors from Pompey had deserted him in the midst of dangers the former he could reasonably expect would be favorably disposed to him also but as to the latter no matter how anxious they seemed to be to please him in anything he believed that inasmuch as they had betrayed their friend in this crisis they would

on occasion not spare him either

A proof of his feeling is that he spared Sadalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the Galatian [5] who had been in the battle and Tarcondimotus who was ruler of a portion of Cilicia and had been of the greatest assistance to Pompey in the matter of ships But what need is there to enumerate the rest who had sent auxiliaries to whom also he granted pardon merely exacting money from them He did nothing else to them and took from them nothing else though many had received numerous large gifts from Pompey some long ago and some just at that time He did give a certain portion of Armenia that had belonged to Deiotarus to Ariobarzanes king of Cappadocia yet in this he did not injure Deiotarus at all but rather conferred an additional favor upon him For he did not curtail his territory but after occupying all of Armenia previously occupied by Pharnaces he bestowed one part of it upon Ariobarzanes and another part upon Deiotarus These men then he treated in this wise Pharnaces on his side made a plea that he had not assisted Pompey and therefore in view of his behavior deserved to obtain pardon but Caesar showed him no consideration and furthermore reproached him for this very thing that he had proved himself base and impious toward his benefactor Such humanity and uprightness did he show throughout to all those who had fought against him

At any rate all the letters that were found filed away in Pompeys chests which convicted any persons of good-will toward the latter or ill-will toward himself he neither read nor had copied but burned them immediately in order not to be forced by what was in them to take several measures and for this reason if no other one ought to hate the men who plotted against him I make this statement with a particular purpose since Marcus [Junius] Brutus Caepio who afterwards killed him was not only captured by him but also spared

NotesNote 1 Orodes was king of Parthia In 53 his general Surena had destroyed the army of the Roman commander Crassus and his son Pharnaces was the son of Mithridates the king of Pontus who had been defeated by Pompey Immediately after the battle of Pharsalus Pharnaces tried to recover the kingdom of his father Caesar defeated him in 47 in thebattle of Zela (I came I saw I conquered)

Note 2 Caesar had married his daughter Julia to Pompey she had died when giving birth to a daughter (more)

Note 3 The two young men can be identified with Castor and Pollux the divine twins who were sometimes said to have delivered reports of important battles

Note 4 The same story is told by Plutarch of Chaeronea Life of Caesar 47 He makes is clear that the incident was witnessed by Titus Livy (59 BCE - 17 CE) who was to become the author of the authorized version of the history of the Roman republic

Note 5 Deiotarus (c105-40) was the leader of the Tolistobogii a Celtic tribe living in what is now central Turkey He was a loyal ally of Rome during the war against Mithradates of Pontus In 6362 Pompey made him king of all Celts in Turkey which are usually called Galatians With the help of Roman advisers he built a large army consisting of 12000 infantry and 2000 cavalry After his death these troops were integrated in the Roman army as the legion XXII Deiotariana

The plain of Pharsalus seen from the east looking to the west river to the right

Photo Gino Canlas

httpwwwliviusorgbattlepharsalus-48-bce

On this webpage you can find a translation of Caesars own account of the decisive battle chapters 388-99 of the Civil War were translated by W A McDevitte and W S Bohn (For another account go here)

IntroductionThe civil war between Julius Caesar and the Senate had broken out early in 49 when the conqueror of Gaul who was not permitted

by the Senate to run for consul crossed the river Rubico His rival Pompey the Great decided to fight for the Senate but he was soon

forced to retreat from Italy to the east Caesar gained some successes in Spain where he defeated the troops that were loyal to Pompey

returned to Italy and in January 48 crossed the Adriatic Sea where he landed in modern Albania with seven legions However his navy

was defeated and the remaining four legions could not be ferried to the east

Pompey the Great

For a half year Pompey and Caesar remained at Dyrrhachium(modern Duumlrres) where they built large fortresses facing each other In March Caesars deputy Marc Antony managed to reinforce him with the other four legions

The united army however was defeated (July 7) and Caesar had only one option to march inland cross the Pindus mountains and defeat

Pompeys pursuing army somewhere in Greece on a more suitable place This eventually happened to be at Pharsalus where Caesars

more experienced men overcame Pompeys larger army (9 August) Almost 6000 Roman soldiers were killed and when Caesar surveyed

the battlefield at sunset and saw the bodies of the dead senators he remarked Well they would have it thus This was the end of the

Roman republic and the beginning of Caesars autocracy

Some believe that the battle took place to the northwest of Pharsalus with Caesars troops attacking from the east and Pompeys men fleeing to the west others believe that it was the other way round - the battle taking place northeast of Pharsalus Caesar attacking from the west Pompeys soldiers fleeing to the east The present author visited both sides and believes the second possibility is more likely The map is therefore based on the second theory but if you prefer the first one just turn it upside down

Caesar on the Battle of Pharsalus[388] When Caesar approached Pompeys camp he observed that his army was drawn up in the following manner On the left wing

were the two legions delivered over by Caesar at the beginning of the disputes in compliance with the Senates decree one of which was

called the First the other the Thirdnote Here Pompey commanded in person

[Pompeys father-in-law Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius] Scipio with the Syrian legions commanded the center The Cilician legion in

conjunction with the Spanish cohorts [] were disposed on the right wing These Pompey considered his steadiest troops The rest he had

interspersed between the center and the wing and he had 110 complete cohorts these amounted to 45000 men He had besides two

cohorts of volunteers who had received favors from him in former wars and now flocked to his standard these were dispersed through

his whole army The seven remaining cohorts he had disposed to protect his camp and the neighboring forts His right wing was secured

by a river with steep banks for this reason he placed all his cavalry [commanded by Titus Labienus] archers and slingers on his left

wing

[389] Caesar as always had placed the tenth legion on the right the ninth on the left although it was very much weakened by the battles at Dyrrhachium He placed theeighth legion so close to the ninth as to almost make one of the two and ordered them to support one another He drew up on the field eighty cohorts making a total of 22000 men and left two cohorts to guard the camp He gave the command of the left wing to Marc Antony of the right to[Publius Cornelius] Sulla and of the center to Gnaeus Domitius [Calvinus] Caesar himself took his post opposite Pompey At the same time fearing from the disposition of the enemy which we have previously mentioned lest his right wing might be surrounded by their numerous cavalry he rapidly drafted a single cohort from each of the legions composing the third line formed of them a fourth line and opposed them to Pompeys cavalry and acquainting them with his wishes admonished them that the success of that day depended on their courage At the same time he ordered the third line and the entire army not to charge without his command that he would give the signal whenever he wished them to do so

[390] When he was exhorting his army to battle according to the military custom and spoke to them of the favors that they had

constantly received from him he took especial care to remind them that he could call his soldiers to witness the earnestness with which

he had sought peace [] that he had been always reluctant to shed the blood of his soldiers and did not wish to deprive the republic of

one or other of her armies After delivering this speech he gave by a trumpet the signal to his soldiers who were eagerly demanding it

and were very impatient for the onset

[391] There was in Caesars army a volunteer named Crastinus who the year before had been first centurion of the tenth legion a man

of pre-eminent bravery When the signal was given he said Follow me my old comrades and display such exertions on behalf of your

general as you have determined to do This is our last battle and when it shall be won he will recover his dignity and we our liberty

At the same time he looked back to Caesar and said General I will act in such a manner today that you will feel grateful to me living

or dead

After uttering these words he charged on the right wing and about 120 chosen volunteers of the same century followed

[392] There was so much space left between the two lines as sufficed for the onset of the hostile armies but Pompey had ordered his

soldiers to await Caesars attack and not to advance from their position or suffer their line to be put into disorder He is said to have done

this by the advice of Gaius Triarius that the impetuosity of the charge of Caesars soldiers might be checked and their line broken and

that Pompeys troops remaining in their ranks might attack them while in disorder and he thought that the javelins would fall with less

force if the soldiers were kept in their ground than if they met them in their course At the same time he trusted that Caesars soldiers

after running over double the usual ground would become weary and exhausted by the fatigue

But to me Pompey seems to have acted without sufficient reason for there is a certain impetuosity of spirit and an alacrity implanted by

nature in the hearts of all men which is inflamed by a desire to meet the foe A general should endeavor not to repress this but he must

increase it Nor was it a vain institution of our ancestors that the trumpets should sound on all sides and a general shout be raised by

which they imagined that the enemy would be struck with terror and their own army inspired with courage

[393] Our men when the signal was given rushed forward with their javelins ready to be launched but perceiving that Pompeys men

did not run to meet their charge and having acquired experience by custom and practice in former battles they of their own accord

repressed their speed and halted almost midway so that they would not come up with the enemy when their strength was exhausted

After a short respite they renewed their course threw their javelins and instantly drew their swords as Caesar had ordered them

Nor did Pompeys men fail in this crisis for they received our javelins stood our charge and maintained their ranks and having launched

their javelins had recourse to their swords At the same time Pompeys cavalry according to their orders rushed out at once from his left

wing and his whole host of archers poured after them Our cavalry did not withstand their charge but gave ground a little upon which

Pompeys horse pressed them more vigorously and began to file off in troops and flank our army

When Caesar perceived this he gave the signal to his fourth line which he had formed of the six cohortsnote They instantly rushed

forward and charged Pompeys horse with such fury that not a man of them stood but all wheeling about not only quitted their post but

galloped forward to seek a refuge in the highest mountains By their retreat the archers and slingers being left destitute and defenseless

were all cut to pieces The cohorts pursuing their success wheeled about upon Pompeys left wing while his infantry still continued to

make battle and attacked them in the rear

[394] At the same time Caesar ordered his third line to advance which till then had not been engaged but had kept their post Thus

new and fresh troops having come to the assistance of the fatigued and others having made an attack on their rear Pompeys men were

not able to maintain their ground but all fled Caesar had not been wrong when he had declared in his speech to his soldiers that victory

would have its beginning from the six cohorts that he had placed as a fourth line to oppose the horse For by them the cavalry were

routed by them the archers and slingers were cut to pieces by them the left wing of Pompeys army was surrounded and obliged to be

the first to flee

When Pompey saw his cavalry routed [] he despaired [] quitted the field and retreated straightway on horseback to his camp Calling to the centurions whom he had placed to guard the main gate with a loud voice that the soldiers might hear Secure the camp says he defend it with diligence if any danger should threaten it I will visit the other gates and encourage the guards of the camp Having thus said he retired into his tent in utter despair yet anxiously waiting the issue

[395] Caesar having forced the Pompeians to flee into their entrenchment and thinking that he ought not to allow them any respite to

recover from their fright exhorted his soldiers to take advantage of fortunes kindness and to attack the camp Though they were fatigued

by the intense heat for the battle had continued till midday they were prepared to undergo any labor and cheerfully obeyed his command

The camp was bravely defended by the cohorts which had been left to guard it but with much more spirit by the Thracians and foreign

auxiliaries For the soldiers who had fled for refuge to it from the field of battle affrighted and exhausted by fatigue having thrown away

their arms and military standards had their thoughts more engaged on their further escape than on the defense of the camp Nor could the

troops who were posted on the battlements long withstand the immense number of our darts Fainting under their wounds they quitted the

place and under the conduct of their centurions and tribunes fled without stopping to the high mountains which joined the camp

[396] In Pompeys camp you might see arbors in which tables were laid a large quantity of plate set out the floors of the tents covered

with fresh sods the tents of Lucius Lentulus and others shaded with ivy and many other things which were proofs of excessive luxury

and a confidence of victory so that it might readily be inferred that they had no apprehensions of the issue of the day as they indulged

themselves in unnecessary pleasures and yet upbraided with luxury Caesars army distressed and suffering troops who had always been

in want of common necessaries

Pompey as soon as our men had forced the trenches mounted his horse stripped off his generals habit went hastily out of the back gate

of the camp and galloped with all speed to Larissa Nor did he stop there but with the same dispatch collecting a few of his flying

troops and halting neither day nor night he arrived at the seaside attended by only thirty horse and went on board a victualing barque

often complaining as we have been told that he had been so deceived in his expectation that he was almost persuaded that he had been

betrayed by those from whom he had expected victory as they began the fight

[397] When Caesar was master of Pompeys camp he urged his soldiers not to be too intent on plunder and lose the opportunity of

completing their conquest Having obtained their consent he began to draw lines round the mountain The Pompeians distrusting the

position as there was no water on the mountain abandoned it and all began to retreat toward Larissa Caesar perceived it divided his

troops ordered part of his legions to remain in Pompeys camp sent back a part to his own camp and taking four legions with him went

by a shorter road to intercept the enemy Having marched 9 kilometers Caesar drew up his army

But the Pompeians observing this took post on a mountain whose foot was washed by a river Caesar encouraged his troops though they

were greatly exhausted [] to throw up works and cut off the communication between the river and the mountain so that the enemy

might not get water in the night As soon as our work was finished they sent ambassadors to treat about a capitulation A few senators

who had espoused that party made their escape by night

[398] At dawn Caesar ordered all those who had taken post on the mountain to come down from the higher grounds into the plain and

pile their arms They did this without refusal and with outstretched arms they prostrated themselves on the ground and with tears

implored his mercy He comforted them and bade them rise and having spoken a few words of his own clemency to alleviate their fears

he pardoned them all and gave orders to his soldiers that no injury should be done to them and nothing taken from them Having used

this diligence he ordered the legions in his camp to come and meet him and those which were with him to take their turn of rest and go

back to the camp The same day they went to Larissa

[399] In that battle no more than 200 privates were missing but Caesar lost about 30 centurions valiant officers Crastinus also of

whom mention was made before fighting most courageously lost his life by the wound of a sword in the mouth It had not been false

what he had declared when marching to battle for Caesar entertained the highest opinion of his behavior in that battle and thought him

highly deserving of his approbation

Of Pompeys army there fell about 15000 but upwards of 24000 were made prisoners for even the cohorts which were stationed in the

forts surrendered to Sulla Several others took shelter in the neighboring states 180 stands of colors and nine eagles were brought to

Caesar Lucius Domitius [Ahenobarbus] fleeing from the camp to the mountains his strength being exhausted by fatigue was killed by

the horse



2) Erictho as Lamia


Pharsalus 48 BC Caesar and Pompey - Clash of the Titans

Some Reflections on the Battle of Pharsalus

The Life of Lucan ( M Annaeus Lucanus -- known in English as Lucan) Suetonius - The Life of Lucan translated by Alexander Thomson and Thomas Forester

Lucan footnotes

Notes

Introduction

Caesar on the Battle of Pharsalus

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PREPARERS NOTES SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOK I The Crossing of the Rubicon BOOK II The Flight of Pompeius BOOK III Massilia BOOK IV Caesar in Spain War in the Adriatic Sea Death of Curio BOOK V The Oracle The Mutiny The Storm BOOK VI The Flight Near Dyrrhachium Scaevas Exploits The Witch of Thessalia BOOK VII The Battle BOOK VIII Death of Pompeius BOOK IX Cato BOOK X Caesar in Egypt

Credits

Printed source The Pharsalia of Lucan as translated by Sir Edward Ridley (Longmans Green and Co London 1896)

Source of the electronic transcription

The Online Medieval amp Classical Library OMACL - httpomaclorgPharsalia

ETML tagging IntraText editorial staff

Book 6 Pompeys troops force Caesars armies ndash featuring the heroic centurion Scaeva ndash to fall back to Thessaly Lucan describes the wild Thessalian terrain as the armies wait for battle the next day The remainder of the book follows Pompeys son Sextus who wishes to know the future He finds the most powerful witch in Thessaly Erictho and she reanimates the corpse of a dead soldier in a terrifying ceremony The soldier predicts Pompeys defeat and Caesars eventual assassination

Book 7 The soldiers are pressing for battle but Pompey is reluctant until Cicero convinces him to attack The Caesarians are victorious and Lucan laments the loss of liberty Caesar is especially cruel as he mocks the dying Domitius and forbids cremation of the dead Pompeians The scene is punctuated by a description of wild animals gnawing at the corpses and a lament from Lucan for Thessalia infelix ndash ill-fated Thessaly

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lucan bibliography

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