PERSPECTIVES ON AN INTEGRATED CURlUCULLlM APPROACH IN ANDEAN SCWOOLS IN PERU

Zandra Cerpa G h e z Faculty of Education

Subrnitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Education

Faculty of Graduate Snidies University of Western Ontario

London. Ontario July 1998

OZandra Cerpa Gbmez 1998

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Abstract

This thesis investigates perspectives on an educational reform program in Andean

Peru, where the objective is to integrate indigenous Andean and non-indigenous

knowledge in the Andean science curriculum. It seems obvious that such a reform,

because it operates across cultures, involves Merent perspectives on the issues at hand.

Indeed, this thesis represents views of individuals diversely situateci within Peruvian

society. What these views show, however, is that sensitivity to alternative cultural

perspectives is often lacking; assessments of the views and actions of culhval others

usually fail to consider adequately the cultural worlds behg assessed and the implications

of those worlds for the specific reform in question. By demonstrating various ways in

which assessments miss the mark, this thesis advocates improved sensitivity to the

diverse stakes people may have in educational reform and the broder cultural worlds in

which those stakes are constituted.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to ...

Sharon Haggerty, my advisor and fiend, for believing in me and guiding me

throughout this joumey. 1 could not have made it without you. You knew that you were

not only dealing with a graduate student but with me. Thank you for giving me the

confidence to go to you with my thesis and other problems.

Geoff Milbuni, my CO-advisor for your clear guidance, and your patience in

helping me meet your exacting standards. When 1 was asked if I wmted you in my

committee 1 said 1 do not know, he is too demanding and 1 might be here forever. How

wrong 1 was: You were exactly what 1 needed. 1 would have not done this without you.

Doug Ray. my fnend and former advisor, for believing in me and always having a

word of encouragement to tell me, especially when 1 was feeling down and desperate

because my thesis was not going as 1 expected. Your guidance in my thesis played an

important part in this victory.

Norrell London, my former advisor, and fnend who encouraged me go hirther,

and helped me to develop strength to cope with my everyday life at school since my B.Ed.

Thank you for being concemed with not only acadernic matters but problems that any

newcomer would confiont, particularly at the university Level.

Allan Pitman for your advice and patience when 1 consulted you about some

approaches 1 was taking in my thesis, and for agreeing to become my examiner.

Marshall Mangan, for agreeing to become a examiner, and for becorning

interested in my research.

Hellen Harper, for your advise as an academic and as a friend, and for agreeing to

become the chair in my oral examination.

Regna Darnell, for so many things--where do 1 begin ... For signing on as a

examiner, and for encouragement and advice as an academic and as a fnend. For your

generosity, your interesr in seeing Tim and I going ahead, and for the whole bird I ate in

your house.

Grace McIntyre and Linda Kulak, for your support and encouragement.

Susan Vonesh, for your honest friendship and for giving me place to stay in one

of my many visits to London.

Ma j a , Yubing, Obed, Roz, Luigi, Mirella, Daniella, Dian, and other fnends, for

your encouragement in my work during the long days I spend up in the study room.

Susan Beuafoy for your friendship and support during my M.Ed. studies. We wiil

graduate together Sue.

Daphne Heywood, for your fnendship and encouragement to go further. For

being a role mode1 of success for me.

Edith, Ted and Mark Tovey, for your world of hospitality, your fnendship, and

giving me the space to complete my thesis. For that beautiful party you threw for me,

when you thought I was done.

Edith Tovey for your beautiful spirit of giving and sharing, for your advice-you

really made us feel like a part of your family. Thank you very much.

Mariolla and Adam Srnolarek, for your endunng friendship and support dunng

this journey and many other times dunng my career, and for letting me run your printer

into the ground.

My dearest parents Carmen Maria and Pedro, and the best brothers and sisters

one could ever have: Yenny, Harry, Ivonne, Errol, Ingrid, Tyrone, for their never ended

love and support and for letting me use their names as the pseudonymous for my

participants.

My beautifid husband, Tim, for being there for me, al1 the way in this joumey and

beyond, for your love, patience and encouragement, for keeping me sane when things tum

really ugly, for your valuable help in proofreading my thesis. For loving me ... 1 could not

have done it with you my dear "Honon."

Esta tesis se la dedico a mi muy quendos padres Carmen Maria Gomez de Cerpa y Pedro Cerpa Abarca quiénes son un mode10 de

perseverancia, dedicacion y amor.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

. . Certif~cateofExamination ................................................ u ... Abstract .............................................................. 111

Achowledgements ..................................................... iv Dedication ........................................................... vii Tableofcontents ...................................................... viii

............................................... Geographical Setting 2

.................................. Indigenous Living Conditions 3 ThePlaceofMyS~idy ........................................ 4

...................................... Socio-Economic Classes in Peru 6 EducationalReformsinPeru ......................................... 8

SECPANE ................................................. 8 PEECC ................................................... 12

ChapterSumrnary ................................................ 15

2 Review of Literature ................................................. 16 ...................................... Quality Education and Reforms 16

Books and Teachers ......................................... 16 Monitoring and Supervision .................................. 20 Parents' Participation ........................................ 20

Socio-Cultural Factors ............................................. 22 ChapterSurnrnary ................................................ 26

3 Methodology ....................................................... 28 Participants ...................................................... 28 What Took Me to the Field ........................................ -35 A more Suitable Methodology: Interpretive Emergent-Implicit ............. 36

Interpretive Research Perspective .............................. 36 Emergent-Implicit Approach .................................. 37

Ethical Considerations ................................................. 37 DataCoIIection .................................................. 38

Conversational Interviews .................................... 38 Non-Participant Observations ................................. 40

DataAnalysis ................................................... 41 ChapterSurnrnary ................................................ 42

4 Findings ........................................................... 4

Economics ...................................................... 44 ...................................... Educational Resources -44

Other Aspects of Economics: Parents' Contribution to School Activities Surnmary ................................................. 50

Teachers'hctice ................................................ 51 TeacherTraining ........................................... 51

............................. In-service training for PEF -51 ............... Indigenous knowledge in teachers' education 52

.......................... Other aspects of teacher training 54 Summary ................................................. 57

................................. Perspectives on an Integrated Reform 58 Views of Administrators and Educators ......................... 58

.................................. Views of Indigenous Parents 61 .

Summary ................................................. 62 ................................................ Chapter Surnmary 64

............................................ 5 Discussion and Conclusion 66 Research Question #1: How Do Various Stakeholders Perceive the Availability of

Material and Organizational Resources. and the Effect of that Avdability ............................. on the Implementation of the PEF? 66

Books .................................................... 67 TeacherTraining ........................................... 68

......................................... Program Resources 70 ................................ Other Constraints on Teaching 72

Research Question #2: What Do Various Stakeholders Perceive to Be the Role of Indigenous Knowledge in the Implementation of the PEF Integrated

................................. Refonn for Andean Schools? 73 ..................... Perspectives of Administrators and Educators 73

............................. Perspectives of Indigenous Parents 75 Research Question #3: How Do Various Stakeholders Perceive the Benefits of the

PEF Integrated Reform for Indigenous Children and Communities? Chaptersurnmary ................................................ 81

.......................... 6 Conclusions and Suggestions for Further Research 83 Conclusions ..................................................... 83

.................................... Suggestions for Further Research 84

Appendix B: Schedule of Interviews ........................................ 89

Appendix C: Sarnple of an Interview and Tuming Point ........................ -90

Appendix D: Spanish Version of Quotes ..................................... 94

References ........................................................... 103

Vita ................................................................. 110

Chapter 1 : Introduction and Background

This thesis is based on the assumption that educational reforms and their

implementation may be understood fiom various perspectives, especidy in cross-cultural

settings, and that such differences may have consequences for the success of the reforrns.

In this study I explore the perspectives of various stakeholders regardhg the

implementation of an integrated science reform in rural Andean schools in Pem. The

notion of stakes, the panicular senses in which people have an investment in something,

is appropnate in suggesting the idea of political, economic, socio-cultural, and personal

positions from which significance is assesseci, as well as the idea that multiple

assessments of a given phenomenon are possible. The concept of stakes encourages

questions about how positions develop and what happens when Werent positions

interact. On the issue of reform in Andean schools, the concept of stakes and stakeholders

is a convenient device for tallllng about various, possibly conflicting. ways in which

implementation may be viewed by indigenous parents, teachers, reform administrators,

and policy makers. Such contrasts would allow for a better assessments of the direction

and feasibility of the reform and its implernentation.

For this investigation 1 chose to study a current and novel approach to the

integration of indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge in the science curriculum in

Peru, the Projecto de Forestacion (PEF),' part one of a two-part program for Andean

schools in Pem2 To bring the investigation of interests and stakes to bear on the PEF

reform program 1 asked the following research questions. which I then examine

throughout this thesis:

'AS a general format throughout the papa the nams of the educational prograrns and institutions will be presented fmt in Spanish followed by their official acronyms. Thereafter, only the acronyms will be used. The English iranslations of the acronyms appear in Appeadix A, Glossary, which also contains the Spanish translation of foreign words used throughout the thesis.

?le second pm called the Progr- de Edilcacih Ecdogicn (PEE). is cross curricular rather than subject specific like the f EF. It was not being implemented in the place of my study during my field work, however. and is aIso less documnted. Both factors made the PEE relativeIy inaccessible to me.

1. How do various stakeholders perceive the availability of educational or other

economic resources, and the effects of that availability on the implementation of PEF?

2. What do various stakeholders perceive to be the role of indigenous knowledge

in the implementation of PEF integrated refonn for Andean schools?

3. How do various stakeholders perceive the benefits of PEF integrated reform for

indigenous children and communities?

Through questions 2 and 3, I attempted to gain perspectives on how the various

stakeholders (Ministry of Education officids, a school principal, teachers, and indigenous

parents) perceive the role of indigenous knowIedge through the lem of their own roles

and in ternis of their own agendas for developing indigenous communities, and how the

integration of that knowledge in the Andean curriculum would benefit the indigenous

comrnunity. Question 1 was designed to obtain perspectives on the various educational

and economic factors that participants see as influencing the implementation of the PEF

educational reform. An underlying issue, which will be in the background in Chapter 4

and more oven in Chapter 5. is how the interaction of these various perspectives itself

affects the irnplementation of PEF.

Having introduced the basic problem to be discussed in this thesis, the rest of this

chapter provides some relevant background: the geographical setting of Peru in general

and my fieldwork site in partkular; a discussion of major socio-econornic classes in Peru,

a presence that surfaces throughout the thesis; and an overview of two major attempts at

educational reform in Andean Peru. one the general refom encompassing the specific

program examined in this thesis, the other a striking attempt at creating an entirely

separate indigenous school system.

T o ~ o m ~ h v - and Climate

With an area of 1,285,215 square kilometers, Peru is the third largest country in

South America. It consists of three main topographie and ciimatic regions: the Coast, or

costa, on the western side of the Andes; the Andean higblands, called la sierra; and the

jungle, or selva, on the eastem side of the Andes. The jungle and Coast will not be

discussed directly in this thesis, although many patterns of education, occupation. and

ethnicity raised herein apply generaily throughout Pem. This thesis is ceneally concernai

with Andean communities. The Andes themselves consist of three main pardel chains,

which, beginning around Lake Titicaca, and extending south to southem Bolivia, are then

interconnected by a high-altitude plateau called the altipluno, or pum (Doughty, 1993).

These topographie differences map strikingly onto climatic regimes. The foothills

and lower sierra, for example, have warm weather and abundant moistue, and thus

pemùt year around cultivation of a wide variety of crops. The air cools and dries as one

moves up dope, reaching an extreme in the high sierra and altiplam, where cold air, lack

of moisture (and oxygen), and poor soi1 make cultivation much harder. Instead, altiplam

grasslands support extensive herding. There is thus a clear environmental &radient

between lower and higher altitudes, with contrasting modes of production to match.

Especially in the northem Peruvian Andes, where topographical relief is more severe and

horizontal expanse more lirnited, altinidinal microclimates are sharply defined; one can

enter a different regime by walking for an hour. On the alfipluno, by contrast, the hi&

altitude microclimate is much larger horkontally, which means that different climates are

separated by great distance. One importance of this climatic gradient, and of the

topography and climate generally, is that indigenous Andean social systems have been

mapped onto these zones. The limitations imposed by a @en elevation create the need to

exchange for goods produced elsewhere, and since at lest the tirne of the Inca and

probably much earlier, social identities have been estabfished through exactly such

exchanges ( M u n , 1980). Although 1 do not dwell on those patterns and identities here,

even their mention suggests that factors as apparently socially neutral as physical climate

and landscape may bear profoundly upon the lives of the people who inhabit them.

Indiaenous Living Conditions

Most surviving Indigenous comrnunities occur in the Andean Sierra and altiplano,

where people subsist through farrning and herding. Houses are typicaliy made of sod and

have a single room in which parents, children. and household animals (chickens, guinea

pigs, dogs, sometimes cats) all live together. Sanitation is usually poor by Western

standards; toilets are holes in the ground, often located near the source of drinking water

(Watters, 1993). Such conditions, combined with a rneagre diet, contribute to a high

mortality rate arnong Andean children-one child out of eight dies each year (Amerkas

Watch, 1992). Most parents do not send their children to school because they cannot

afford a uniform, books, pencils, or other supplies. The children remain at home working

the land and helping at home with chores (Wighûnan, 1990). These circumstances have

encouraged many indigenous people to migrate to cities in search of better oppomuiities.

The Place of Mv Studv

To preserve anonymity arnong the people 1 interviewed, the name of the town

where I visited a school wili be referred to using the pseudonym Sotdio. Its inhabitants,

then, are Sonquerios. Sonko is located in lower highlands (at an altitude of 2800m) in the

province of Arequipa, approximately hvo hours nom the city of Arequipa Sonb is a

traditional Indian town, preserver of traditional agricultural technologies, language, and

econornic activities. The increase of public transportation in and out of Sonko has opened

the door to visitors who bring money, and allows SonquejTos to go to the cities to attend

school, shop, and work (mostly as peons and Street sellers near the Sonko bus terminal).

The main occupations of Sonko are agriculture and herding. The physical setting

means warm temperatures and a great variety of crops all year around, in contrast to

higher elevations where temperatures are colder and the land yields lirnited seasonal crops

and abundant Pasture. Crops in Sonko include potato, corn, garlic, onions, and beans.

When the land needs to recover its strength, fields are planted with alfalfa. Specific

farrning practices like crop rotation, planting multiple crops in a given field, and

dedicaùng times for fallow, together with the natural precipitation and the presence of

Stone walled terraces in the case of hillside fanning, produce a nch, moist, humic soil,

referred to by Sonque>ios as black soil. Irrigation is achikved by using sequias, imgation

channels for conducting water from na- ponds, cded ojos de agua, to each chucra, or

plantation. In the absence of min and during dry months, farmers imigate by mita, a social

institution for regulating the distribution of water for farming.) As for herds (alpaca,

llama, and cows), the main products are wool, meat, and milk. Sonko is farnous for the

quality of its potatoes and cheese.

Sonko has one co-educational elementary and secondary school, though at the

time I visited, a proposa1 for opening a secondary vocational school was being

considered. The elementary level had Grades 1 to 6, which corresponded to a student age

range of 6 to 12. The secondary level had five Grades, correspondhg to a student age

range 13 to 19 years. There seemed to be roughly one teacher for each Grade in

elementary education, and one teacher for each speciality in secondary education. Unlike

schools higher up in the sierra, instruction was in Spanish and teachers were urban Cho10

people, most of whom had a good command of Spanish.

The basic services at school were poor. There was only one washroorn, for use by

teachers and students alike. It consisted of a smaU locked room with a hole in the cernent

floor (the principal was in charge of the key). About a meter away was a cernent reservoir

filied with water, which was available both for toilet and other needs. There was no

mnning water. The physical building seemed to be in good condition: walls were painted

and doors and locks were working. There was a kiosk in the school patio, where

substantial meals were available at least for teaches (the food cost money, which may

have rendered i t unavailable to students).

'The temi mita applies srrictly to irrigation. It is a compound concept that refen to the water used for irrigation, the act of inigating, and the allotment of water used. It also implies specific timing, since mita was perfonned, on average, twice per monîh, and for ody a few hours each rime. A similar concept was used during inca times, and was later adopted by the Spaniards to force indians to work on their haciendas as slaves. During the inca regime, mita labour was a duty that every able member of the inca society rendered to the state. Aii of this labor was in exchange for the ethnic conmnunal land and protection against the other îribes and against Inca themselves (Métraux, 1969). Under Spanish rule the hacienda system developed, ostensibly as a way of pmfecting the rights of Indigenous laborers. But it soon became a symbol of slavery for Indian people, a place where they were used and abused by their masters to increase their Iand production and comfort of life arriong their Spanish masters, in r e m for the pnvilege of small plots of land where they built their houses and cultivated for their own survivd.

This section briefly discusses the main social groups that constitute Peruvian

society, on one hand to provide a sense of social divisions as practice in Peru, and on the

other, to show that the divisions are not simple reflections of people inhabiting the

grooupps, but reflect perspectives on those groups by other people who impose their views

and manipulate particular social categories to their advantage.

According to a recent census, Peruvian society is comprised of three chief ethnic

groups: Indians (45% of the total population), Mestizo (37%). and Criollo (15%). with

3% Blacks and Asians (Amencas Watch, 1992; Doughty, 1993). ln simplest tenns,

Indian4 refers to indigenous populations, Criollo to Europeandescended whites, and

Mes& to some intermediate category usually idealized as a biological mix of Indian and

Criollo. Originally conceived as distinct groups, Mestizu and Criollo were often difficult

to distinguish physicdy which eventually made the contrast difficult to maintain in

practice. Today, Mestizo and Criollo in most contexts usuaily refer to the same group:

non-Indian. Another social category is Cholo, which refers to Indians who have moved to

the city and acquired Criollo customs and, as far as possible, Criollo Lifestyle. This

process has been described by Paulston (1971) as the Cholification process. Although

economic opportunity may make econornic upward mobility possible, social mobility for

Cholo remains hindered by clear evidence of Indian heritage; unlike the case of Mestizo

versus Criollo, Cholo are easy to distinguish physically from the Criollo (white and

Mestizo) by their dark skin and obviously Indian facial features.

Two matters seem clear from this description: one is that there are really two main

categories, Indian and non-Indian. upon which al1 other categories rest. The blurring of

Mestizo and Criollo, for example, occurred because the Indian dimension of Mestizo

became difficult to perceive, and without it, Mestizo looked just Like Criollo. Conversely,

the reason Cholo could not integrate into Criollo social life is that their Indianness

'khe term "Indian" is a deroga~ory term in Peni: it carries a strong reference to social and econodc segregation. in a 1968 decree by then president Velasco Alvarado, this label was changed to campesirto (see Glossary). Today, indian farmers have happily adopted that tenn and insist on it when king refened to by other ethnic groups.

remained physicaily apparent. This seems to suggest that differentiation is baseci mainly

on physical appearance rather than social status; social statu seems predicted by physical

appearance. This tums out to miss a deeper point, however.

Where an Indio individual' s visible features seern Criollo, then language,

occupation, and place of residence may be used to establish Indianness. Paulston (1971)

describes people with light skin, blonde hair, and bearded faces, but who were bom and

live in the Sierra, speak only Quechua, chew cocd and farm the land, and are categorized

as Indian by other groups who select the latter tr& as relevant. Io cases where

occupation cannot establish the category membership, as when Indigenous people move

to a city, become educated and get a mainstream job, visible features like facial features

or dark skin become the relevant cues. The consistent feature is that a similar social

hierarchy is maintained in either case, in which Criollo is on top and Indian on the

bottom. Even processes of ethnic shift. as suggested by the development from Indian to

Mestizo and by transitory categories like Cholo, invoke the polarities in which Indianness

is embedded.

The point is that the categories are reproduced regardless of which people, or which

facets of their existence--ancestry, skin colour, faciai features, occupation, place of

residence, language, interactive style, social conventions, social networks, style of dress,

and attitudes toward recognizable social classes-are concretely implied, and regardless of

how fluidly a given individual may move between stigma and prestige or authority and

submission, depending upon which social elements constitute a given scene. The basic

categones of Indian and non-Mian are thus not tied to actual people and specific

observable characteristics of people, but are highly robust patterns whose durability lies

in their capacity to be constructed fiom diverse elements in various and even

'coca is a native plant from South America niree spcies gmw in Peru: Erythroxylurn Coca var. Cocci. Erythroxylurn Novograrrateme var. TruMcillense, and Erythroxylum Coca var, Ipadu. It is used in the preparation of cocaine. Andean people, even before Inca Cimes, chewed coca leaves for various purposes. The literature shows that it was used as a stress reliever, to inhibit hunger, to increase energy level, and for various therapeutic purposes.

conaadictory ways. As a main determinant of Penivian social Me, this flexibility and

durability must be reckoned with in any program of educational refom.

Educational Reforrns in Peru

The two programs reviewed here are the Servicio de Cooperation P e r m

Americanu de Educacion (SECPANE) (1944-1962), a modernization reform, and the

Programa de Educacihz Ecol6gica en Cornunidades Campesinus (PEECC) (1984-

present), an integrated reform. Though in different ways, both were designed to Mprove

indigenous people's chances for social and economic mobility. SECPANE attempted

integration by developing a curriculum that introduced Western technology and

ideologies to indigenous education. The PEECC, on the other hand, sought to integrate

the basic science cwiculum with indigenous knowledge. It did so in two ways, each

represented by a separate program: a cross-cumcular program calleci the PEE, and a

subject-specific program cailed the PEF. Owing to the fact that PEE it is not currentiy

implemented where 1 did my research. this study focuses on PEF.

SECPANE

in 1944 an unlikely-seeming program was implemented to improve the Indian

rural educational system in Peru. This was SECPANE, which becarne a separate school

system for Indian education, largely independent6 fkom the main public Peruvian

educational system and from the Catholic church in Peru. It was also detached fkom the

system of social classes in which the regular school system was so deeply embedded, in

the sense that ordinary social class did not dictate who could gain a "good education," one

cornpetitive in modem sectors. This independence was achieved even though 74% of the

total cost of the program (almost 90 million dollars)' was financed with Peruvian funds.

%ECPANE was the education servicio. The other four were agriculture, health and sanitatiou. labor, and rural developrnent.

'This money came fmm loans from the World Bank and was used to pay for technical and professional sentices for the foreign and nationai employees, to irain peopIe in the United Stated, and to purchase educational materials, mostly from the USA.

Efforts were made to empower national and foreip specialists equallf by ghing the

administration of the program to the former and the actual d g of the pro- to the

latter. The USA, however, was the backbone of the curriculum development, theory and

implementation, because the curriculum was based on USA experiences and ideologies,

and even resources. The vital role of the USA is clear from the ultimate decay and

collapse of the SECPANE initiative, which foilowed on the heels of the USA withdrawal

of support under the Kennedy govemment (Paulston, 197 1).

SECPANE implemented a nuclear school system. For each ares, there was one

central school (called a nuctear unit), which had six Grades, one director and inspectors

for dif ferent divisions fiealth, sanitation, agriculture, srnall industries, literacy and

education) plus the regular teaching staff for primary education. In addition to the nuclear

units, other community schools with Grades 1 to 3 were opened in the surroundhg areas,

ail of which used the educational resources fiom the central school (teachers, inspectors,

and material resources). Inspectors ûahed in the USA implemented lessons that

considered the needs of the leamers' community, and supervised the progress of the

nuclear and peripheral schools. The schools also constructed their own practical

cumculurn, printed their own educational resources, and freely distributed them to the

students (children and adults). Parents were aiso Uistructed in these schools, in order to

better assist their children and contribute to the development of their communities.

The central and peripheral schools were built by the community using mostly

cornrnunity materials. The fust central school was opened in Puno, one of the provinces

with the highest percentage (aùnost 90%) of illiterate Lndians (Paulston, 1971). In 1960,

72 nuclear school systems (with one centrai and various peripheral schools) were

functioning, 17 of which were central schools. This indicates substantial growth, given

the almost complete absence of schools in the Andes prior to the SECPANE project.

These nuclear schools were well equipped for the education of children and adults and for

%e goal was to avoid repeaîing the experience of the f î t Amencan intervention in 1920 in the Peruvian educationai system, where foreign ernployees were given atmost complete control of the program

the convenience of the teachers, who lived in the schools. Paulston (1971) describes

central schools as having:

Large rwms, sanïtary facilities, barber shops, pens for raising domestic animals,

desks and fumiture, living quarters for teachers, offices, agricultural tmls,

electrical generators, film projectors, and with evezything else that within n a d

limitations could be used to contribute to a good basic education for the children

and the adults in the community (Paulston, 1971, p. 69).

The tremendous increase in school enrolment in the Sierra brought about with

SECPANE led to the opening of a teachers' school in the Andes in 1959. The candidates

were young cornmuni~ members who were trained for low-level employment in the

modem sector as teacbers for the nuclear schools. With this need in mind, a CO-

educational (male and fernale), modem, well-equipped teacher' school was opened. This

college was intended not only for Peruvian Indian youth but for all Latin Amerka Indian

youth wanting to obtain Low-level jobs as teachers of d schools. It was entirely

fmanced by SECPANE. The few who graduateci from this teachers' school. alter

SECPANE was tenninated, obtained jobs in advisory positions in the different sectors of

the educational system in Peru (Paulston, 1971), thus demonstrating the potential

effectiveness of the program.

One major effect of SECPANE, at least while it operated, was that it tremendously

increased the enrolment of children in primary education: in regular elementary schools

enrolment climbed fiom 37,000 children in 22 nuclear schools (central and penpheral) in

the fust years of its operation to 200.000 children in 73 nuclear schools in 1960.

In 1962, with Little explanation, the USA participation in SECPANE was

tenninated. PauIston (1971) notes that this termination was rumoured to be a direct order

from the USA govemment. The loss of US specialists brought about the deterioration of

the nuclear S C ~ W ~ , finally to the point of extinction. Loans, technical assistance, and the

technological knowledge necessary to keep the system in place were gone. Critical

decisions passed to Pemvian educators, who lacked the experience to succeed. Owuig to

US specialists' exclusive hold on decision-making power in the technical field, it took

specialists to complete what the specialists had begun. No longer supported with crucial

personnel. expertise and money, the budding Indian school system became part of the

basic elernentary educational system with the traditional one-teacher school system.

Those who graduateci from SECPANE'S nuclear school had difficult times finding jobs

because of the irrelevance of their training to modem Penivian society. The teachers*

school, noted above, was also closed with the dernise of SECPANE in ~ e r u ~ . and was

then used by Mestizo youth living in the Andean regions, not to obtain jobs as teachers in

rural schools, but rather to obtain an education in order to Ieave the comrnunity.

Mer its termination in 1962, education in rural Andean m a s quickly reverted to,

in some ways even fell below, the situation before SECPANE. With the closure of the

central and perÏpheral schools, most children were left without any access to even

traditional formal education, and the technicd skills the children acquired were not

attuned to the modem Peruvian sector, Educational resources from both the nuclear

schools and the teachers' school. such as sewing machines, electric generators,

microscopes, agricultural tools, film projectors, etc.. were s tolen, removed from the

schools by the Ministry of Education, or deteriorated for lack of maintenance. The nuclear

schools, in which each grade had several different teachers, were integrated into the

traditional school system where a single teacher would teach a given grade.

SECPANE is another exarnple of Peruvian efforts to improve indigenous people's

lifestyle by changing the school cumculum, specifically the science curriculum. In

contrast to PEECC, SECPANE did so by introducing Western (rather than indigenous)

technology and empowering Indian people through education to act to improve their own

future. Paulston (1971) notes that SECPANE tried to modemize indigenous people with

minimal nsk of acculturation to Western society. By stressing Westem technology so

exclusively, however, SECPANE pulled indigenous people fuaher from their own

culture. and reduced their power to improve their future in their own ternis.

9 According co Paulston (197 1) the church appiied considerable pressure for its closure, on the bais of its co-educational status. Also, the Mestizo were opposed to educating Indians. For both groups. the xnestizo and the church,"Indian education was neither desirable nor possible" (Pauiston, p. 67).

PEECC

In 1984 a new educational reform, PEF, was launched as a couterpart to a forestry

campaign undertaken by Andean communities under the direction of the ODcinu de

Recursos Naturules de Arequipa (OFIRENA) withio the Ministry of Agriculture. In three

years of implementation in rural Andean schools in Peru. through teaching children about

forestry and conservation of endangered ancestral mes, this program uncovered farmers'

mismanagernent of natural resources and disregard for the environment, which had led to

soii erosion and air and water pollution. These findings triggered the development of a

second project of the PEECC, a project that focussed not only on forestry, but also on the

cornrnunity. This was the PEE, a program that complemented the PEF with a more

general, crosscurricular endeavour. Both programs were sponsored by the Peruvian

Ministry of Education. the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Food and Agriculture

Organization (FAO) of the Dutch goveniment. PEF and PEE are considerd to be first

and second stages, respectively, of PEECC. In the city of Arequipa PEE was implemented

for only one year, 1989. It is being implemented in other provinces in the Andes of Peru,

but 10 years after its initiation it is still a pilot prograrn only. PEF, on the other hand, is an

official prograrn for al1 rural Andean schools in Peru. Both programs were based on

Encinas' (1986) work on "New school in Peru."

PEF is a subject-specific prograrn implemented in the subject called Education for

Work. It is part of the science cumculum for elementary education from Grades 3 to 6

only. Its main focus is forestry, particularly native trees that are in danger of extinction

because of exploitation and misuse by Andean farmers. The main purpose of this program

is to develop an environmental conscience in learners about the roie of native trees in

agriculture, silviculture, and the treatment of disease, as well as to replant trees to make

up for those lost in rural Andean cornmunities. Underlying this objective is the

assumption that working through the school, children will be able to teach their parents,

and a npple effect would carry the knowledge into the broader community. M e r 9 years

as an experiment, it became an official prograrn in 1993.

The PEE pilot program, first implemented in 1987, attempts to increase the

relevance of non-indigenous knowledge by giving indigenous community practices and

environments a vital role in explanaiion and pedagogy. In contrast to PEF, PEE is

intended to be cross-curricular, and although it is still officially considered an experiment

it has nonetheless become a part of the regular naniral and social sciences curricul~rn'~ for

elementary schools in the provinces of Ancash, Puno, Junin, and Cuzco (Ansion, 1990b).

These integrated programs are delivered in two ways: as theory, and as projects.

The theory part is taught in al1 grades of elementary education (1 though 6) , but is

subdivided such that Grades 1 to 4 have one set of topics, and Grades 5 and 6 another

(Table l), although there is substantial overlap between the two sets. The final goal of

this cumculum is that as leamers advance through school, they WU gain a deeper

understanding of the local, national and international knowledge in science, technology,

geography, history, etc., in ways that relate to al1 the indigenous world. The project part,

implemented in Grades 3 to 6, is called Education for Work.

'%ntil now. the PEE has been integrated only in the science curriculum: integration with the social science cumculum is still CO corne.

Table 1: PEECC through Elementary Grades in Andean Schools - -

Grade Science curricula and PEE

--

1 1 Nature and Comunity

2 Nature and Cornmunity

3

4

The PEF

+PEE

Nature and Comrnunity

5 Educ. for Work

Educ. for Work

+PEE

Natural and Social Science +PEE"

Natural and Social Science +PEE

1 The PEF

The PEF

Educ. for Work

Natural and Social Science +PEE Educ. for Work

The PEF

Source: PEE: Guia Metodoldgica para el quinto grado: Edicidn experimental1989

The project sections of PEE and PEF share the same year-long activity, the

construction and maintenance of a school tree nursery in the subject Eaucation for Work.

PEE also has a second type of project, the complementary project, which consists of five

different activity areas: colour-textile, conservation and efficient use of soil, production of

medicinal and aromatic herbs, composting, and recuperation of traditional technologies.

Thus far there are no guidelines and no textbooks to help teachers with all of these

complementary activities. The authority rests solely with the teacher, who must decide on

"SO far, in aii thte grades (3 to 6) of elemntary education, the PEE has not been iniplemnted in social sciences, oniy in natural scieiice. Currently it is king implemented in sonie schools in the provinces of lunin, Puno, Ancash, and Cuzco. It is in these provinces where the majority of hdian Quechua ( s o n Aymara) speaking people live.

the rnost suitable cornplementary activity after assessing the situation of the school and

the community.

Ideally, PEE and PEF foster the development of srna11 school-based industries with

the purpose of fmancing some school needs. Both require children and their parents to

work to maintain the land provided for the execution of PEF and PEE programs.

Although both airn to recover indigenous knowledge, PEE is more encompassing because

it is cross-cunicular.

This chapter has inîroduced the thesis problem. 1 have then presented a brief

geographical, economic and social-culturai overview of indigenous peoples in Peru. The

chapter concluded by reviewing two examples of integrated prograrns implemented in

Peru in Indian education in order to inform the reader about the integrated approaches

which have a history in Peru.

In Chapter 2 1 review relevant literature on indigenous education in Latin Amenca

and elsewherc. Chapter 3 describes the methodological approach to data collection and

data analysis used in this thesis, and introduces the participants 1 intervieweci during my

fieldwork in Peru. Chapter 4 then presents my fieldwork data, and Chapter 5 analyzes that

data in light of the research questions described above. Chapter 6 concludes the

discussion and offers some suggestions for further research.

Chapter 2: Review of Literahwe

This chapter reviews literanire regarding inteption approaches to science

education in developing countries including Pem. Owing to a lack of research in Peru

specificaily, there is a predorninance of literature on other countries, both developed and

developing, which will serve as a comparative basis for the analysis of data from Peru in

Chapter 5.

This chapter has two sections. The fist examines literature on high quality

education, and in particular, the impact of economics on educational reform. The second

section explores curent approaches to the integration of indigenous and Western science

in developing countries including Peru, and in developed countries such as Canada.

Current literature on high quality education and science education in developing

countries offers great potential for exploring factors related to the success or failure of

integrated educational refoms. It shows that most emphasis has been placed on matenal

resources (Bacchus, 1995; Farrel & Heyneman, 1989; Haron, 1995; Levin, 1976;

Lockheed & Verspoor. 1 992; Posner, 1988; Psacharopoulus, 1993, often overlooking the

crucial importance of the people who act upon or are affected by those resources. This

consideration is particularly i m p o ~ - ~ ~ ~ t in culnually diverse societies where people rnight

think and act from radically different viewpoints (Aikenhead, 1997; Aüanan, 1995;

Ansion, 1990a. b; Encinas, 1986; Jegede, 1994; Jegede & Okebula, 1991; Maddock.

1 98 1 ; Ogbu. 1992; Pomeroy, 1994; Posner, 1988; Purcell-Gates, 1995).

Oualitv Education and Reforms

Books and Teachers

Books and teachers are two of the three main elements considered by the 1989

Draft Policy Brief on hproving the Quality of P r i m q Education in Developing

Countries (Lockheed & Verspoor 1992). Farrel and Heyneman (1989) have documented

the importance of textbooks in improving learners' acadernic achievement, specificdly in

poor rural schools where the teacher is almost the only source of lmowledge. Haron

(1995) and Psacharopoulus (1995) support the idea that textbooks should be the pnonty

ui countries with limited economic resources. Textbooks help both teachers and students

during teaching and learning (Hamn, 1995). Gagliardi (1995) and Haron (1995) believe

poor professional training arnong teachers can be enhanced by well-prepared textbooks

and other written matenals. They contend that such materials are of more benefit than a

short training course to explain to teachers the purpose of the program.

Nevertheless, various researchers have criticized the overemphasis placed on

books by hancial institutions, educational institutions. and sometimes even by teachen.

Lockheed and Verspoor (1992) note that textbooks have been considered as tools to

remedy professional deficiencies in teachers and as a main contributor to educational

reforms. Torres (1996) agrees, saying that books have become the curriculum refom

rather than tools in service of reform implementation. She emphasizes that teachers

should be agents for teaching and that books should be arnong the tools used by those

agents according to their training. Torres notes that in Mexico and India resources,

among them books, were made available but never used; they stayed in the boxes they

came in. Textbooks can sometimes lead to other potential problems. Feynman (1985)

found that rather than helping students to understand a concept in applied mathematics.

textbooks were confusing them by using irrelevant or incomplete explanations of

mathematical problems. He therefore calls for textbook content that is mon relevant to

the leamer's ~ o r l d . ' ~ Overall, this economic and "reformist" value placed on books

diminishes further the already small budget provided for educational resources in

developing countries. thus making it difficult to achieve the proposed goals for

improving education (Bacchus. 1995).

The teacher is another cmciai agent in improving prirnary education in developing

countries. second in the list of importance for the 1989 World Bank Policy Paper

(Lockheed & Verspoor. 1992; Torres, 1996). This factor has two dimensions: teachers'

I2while Feynman was worlring for a connninee organiIed to review and recomnd science textbooks. it came out that several reviewers had reviewed a particular book whicb, owing to a publishing problem, had ody blank pages between the covers. Obviously content with judging books by their covers, some reviewers assigned it an average rating (Feynman. 1985).

cornmitment, which tends to be related to salary and benefits, and teacher education

(Burke, 1996; Gagliadi, 1995; Leach. 1996; Levin, 1976; Toms, 1996). Salaries and

benefits are especially important in developing countries, where teachers' salaries tend to

be meager mach, 1996; Thompson, 1995; Torres, 1996). The importance of salary is not

universally perceived: teachers' salaries are ranked eighth among the nine items Listed in

the World Bank policy paper (Lockheed & Verspoor, 1992) (Table 2).

Table 2: Educationai inputs that have an impact on student outcome

1 2. Time of instruction 1 1 3. Homework 1 4. Textbooks 1

1 7. Laboratories 1 8. Teacher salaries 1 5. Teacher experience

9. Class size I

6. Teacher training

The importance placed on salary as an incentive no doubt varies according to the

economic situation of the country in which teachers practice, and apparently depends

upon who makes the case. In Latin Amencan countries, salaries among public school

teachers are meager, and modest increases could make a striking difference in the

capacity to perform effectively (Avalos-Bevan, 1995; Torres, 1996). Although Levin

(1 976) notes that some teachers believe an increase in teacher benefits or educational

resources would not make much difference in children's education but only in the

teachers' personal gain, Psacharopoulus (1995) suggests that performance should not be

seen as an outcome of salary. Salary, he said, should be based on performance,

regardless of seniority or qualifications, in order to increase the incentive to perform

well and to use resources to their lirnits.

Several countnes, both Western and non-Western, have succeeded in improving

teachers* performance by means of economic initiatives. For instance, Paulston (1 97 1)

discusses the fmt major teachers' salary increase in Pem in 1964 (an increase of 58%)

F .r

which served as art incentive for teachers. It served to improve their pnictice by dowing

teachers to allocate more time for their practice, and to ebvate the stanis of the teaching

profession in Pem. Similarly, Thompson (1995) notes that teachers' performance in

Pakistan improved following salary increases. Avalos-Bevan (1995) reports on the use

of "payment by results" to control curriculum outcornes in Chile and England. In this

approach, a teacher's salary depends upon students' success on standard examinations.

Avalos-Bevan (1995), Leach (1996), and Paulston (1971) report that in most

Latin Amencan countries, private school teachers eam higher salaries than their

counterparts in public schools. Paulston (1971) adds that the former not only have better

salaries, but also higher prestige. Leach (1996) and Paulston (1971) observe a similar

discrepancy between national and foreign teachers working in the public schools,

although they add that foreign teachers rarely work in the public school system, and

where they do, they are hired as specialists or trainers for the national teachers. Leach

(1996) and Haron (1995) suggest that the higher salaries of foreign teachers allow them

to ailocate more time and produce better quality work than national teachers, thus

making the latter look even worse by cornparison.

Heaver (1 982) and Leach (1 996) point to professional recognition as another type

of incentive for teachers' performance. This includes recognition of accomplishrnents,

challenging work, and decision making, the best examples of which would be rewarded

with in-service training. This type of incentive has proven effective. Thompson (1995),

for instance, reports on cases in CoIombia and Mexico where teachers were consulted

by administrators and Ministry of Education officiais for the development of

educational refoms in elementary education. Teacher practices also irnproved when

teachers were dlowed to implement their own strategies for self-improvement, and to

share their expenences regarding specific tasks, in the search for ways to improve their

practice. Lockheed and Verspoor (1 992) concur that such empowerment of teachers

would require a change of the public and personal image of teachers. Burke (1996) notes

that in developing countries, teachers are not considered as bbprofessionals" but as

technical implementers unprepared to make decisions on their own without help from

higher authorities (or fore@ teachers). This perception has affected the quality of their

practice: they know that people do not expect much from them. especidy in rural

public schools in poor countries (Burke, 1996).

Monitoring and Su~ervision

Another critical factor in improving the quality of prirnary education is

monitoring the schools ' academic achievemen t (Bacchus, 1 995; Haron, 1 995;

Psacharopoulus, 1995). This is used as an effective means of identifjing those schools

(and their administrators, teachers, and officials) that are making a diflerence in

leamers' cognitive achievement. It also serves to alert other schools to the limitations of

their own approaches (Psacharopoulos, 1995). Avalos-Bevan (1995) reports on

monitoring approaches in public schools in Chile which have the objective of ensuring

that teachers have delivered the whole curriculum content, regardess of the process

used or the outcornes obtained.

Parents' Partici~ation

In poor rurd schools in economicay poor countries, parents' curricular and

extracurricular activities are perceived by some scholars as another crucial factor for

improving the quality of primary education and the life style of rural communities.

However, other scholars wam against communities becoming too involved in school

activities. Bacchus (1995), Haron (1995), Kann (1989). barniller (1984) and Shaeffer

(1995) suggest that parents' participation in school activities would help schools to

provide knowledge relevant to the immediate needs of the leamers' world and

comrnunity. Kann (1989) emphasizes that parents are capable of understanding and

contributing to the implementation of educational reform if time is spent training them.

Bacchus (1995) and Shaeffer (1995) believe that parents are capable of contributing to

the education of their children by transfoming their homes into fiendlier environments

for school leaming. They could even help their children in school work, assuming that

basic training is provided (Kann. 1989). Shaeffer (1995) goes even further, suggesting

that parents could make an important contribution in planning curricular and

extracumcular activities, preparing curricu1a.r materials. deciding about teacher hiring

and q ~ ~ c a t i o n s (through parent associations) and planning tirnetables. Ansion

(1990b). Hamn (1995). K a d e r (1984a, b), and Shaeffer (1995) emphasize that parent

contributions to making school more relevant to the leamer's world should not be used

for training leamers for farming, but for opening doors to the modem world. Parent

involvement in school activities tbrough adult training is also a potential tool for

improving the life style in target cornmunities (Gagliardi, 1995). This might be achieved

by training sorne community members in basic knowledge about health and diet,

perhaps through subjects such as microbiology and midwifery (Gagliardi, 1995). or

training Andean faxmers in the management of nanual resources (Ansion. 1990% b).

Ansion and Shaeffer suggest that parents' contributions to school activities could give

parents deeper stakes in the education of their children. and thus make it in their

interests to work harder for the school,

Madan (1987) and Shaeffer (1995), in contrast. suggest that curricular and

extracurricular participation of parents in the school is Utopian, owing on one hand to

the precarious economic situation of parents who do not have time for such activities;

and on the other hand, to the unchanging political situation of indigenous parents whose

actions, regardless of the type of aaining they received, will always be controiied by

school and higher officiais in the Ministry of Education. These offïcials will decide what

is good or bad for the comrnunity, according to their own perceptions. Shaeffer (1995)

even wams that ailowing parents this type of involvement with the school could activate

dormant ideas about parents' position in the social and economic network of society and

trigger confrontations. This echoes Freire's (1 993) concems about developing critical

thinking in an oppressive situation, about teaching the oppressed how to use critical

thinking to their own advantage rather than for their destruction. The above discussion

assumes, however, that schools aim to create children different from their parents.

Socio-Cultural Factors

If only the above factors are considered in the implementation of educational

reform, the refom would be ungrounded (Posner, 1988), designed for a fictitious,

culturally and socially homogeneous society. Recent studies in education look to

anthropological research to better understand the attitudes and behaviors that emerge

from interactions among groups of people engaged in a specific task such as the

development and implementation of a refom program (Aikenhead, 1997; Ailanan,

1995; Ansion, 1990a, b; Encinas 1986; Jegede 1994; Maddock, 198 1; Ogbu, 1992;

Pomeroy, 1994; Posner, 1988; EkrcelI-Gates, 1995). The following quote fiom Purcell-

Gates encapsulates the essence of this position:

We can no longer make judgements about the abilities andor disabilities of

people fiom socio-cultural groups different from our "own," using our "own"

group as a standard (no matter which group is "ours"). Those judgements are

seen by an ever-growing segment of the research field as invalid, unhelpful, and

destructive .... we fool ourselves in believing that we are looking through a

window when instead we are looking into a -or. (p. 5)

The need for considering the subjective side in educational refoms has been

expressed by various researchers in education. Posner (1988) considers two perspectives

to be involved in building a curriculum: a technical and a critical perspective. The

former includes the steps required to develop a cwiculum, such as formulation of

objectives, purposes, outcornes, etc. The latter involves exploration of aspects of

cumculum implementation that are often overlooked, such as socio-culnual

implications. Some educational researchers, such as Aikman (1995), Encinas (1986),

Masemann (1982), Ogbu (1992), and Purcell-Gates (1995). advocate a more

anthropological orientation in education: they emphasize the need to consider the various

radical perspectives involved or implicated in the development of educational programs.

In his work with rninority groups, Ogbu discusses the effect of overlooking not only

cultural differences, but how people from ethnic rninorities relate to particular concepts

introduced in their environments. Specifically, he looks at how multiculhual and core

curriculum approaches aione do not improve the academic achievement of children,

owing to their neglect of how learners relate the concepts to their own world. Ansion

(1990) shares Ogbu's ideas and explores the meanhg of school, agriculture, and trees

for Andean people in Peru. He explains that Andean people have mixed feelings about

the school. an entity that both punishes children and provides the only route for

developrnent. This ambivalence is captured by the Quechua term Nmpa Machu, "the

monster that üves in the white house and eats children," a terni parents use to refer to

school. Ansion also explores the relationships that indigenous people have with trees,

which may embody ancestors. fiends, and protectors of individuals and comrnunities.

Purcell-Gates (1 993, in her work with rninorities, also describes the irrelevance of

formal schooling to the leamer's culrural and linguistic codes and holds this blindness

accountable for the children's lack of learning. She says this is why children spend so

many years failing to understand the school knowledge, as indexed by repeated grades.

In an attempt to overcome the dilemma of teaching children about modern

approaches for social and economic development, and of maintainhg their cultural

capital and fostering high self-esteem, specifically in regards to leaming Western

science, various alternatives have been proposed. Drawing upon Giroux's (1992)

concept of "order-crossing" in pedagogy, Aikenhead (1 997) and Jegede (1 994) have

developed strategies to help leamers to comprehend Western science and technology

with a minimum of acculturation. In his concept of border pedagogy, Giroux (1992. p.

33) proposed that teachers should become critical educators. capable of crossing various

social and political borders but without imposing cultural authority or compromising the

cultural identities involved. He adds that as "border crossers," teachers should also find

"safe border crossings" for learners and nurture in them a desire to cross and acquire

other knowledge that could improve or complement their own. This concept has been

adopted by Aikenhead (1 997) in his Science. Technology and Society (STS) cross-

culturai border-crossing paradigrn, and by Jegede (1994) in his STS eco-cultural

paradigm. Both criticize the cumnt ways that Western science is taught to non-Western

students. Aikenhead perceives teachers as "cultural brokers," able to iderit* safe

cultural border-crossings for the leamer to enter Westem culture and Western science.

The teacher's role is also to help leamers maintain their culture and knowledge and to

use it appropriately when explaining natural phenornena. For Jegede, the leamers*

perceptions are products of their socio-cultural and environmental experiences, brought

to the science classroom when leaming Westem science. Both Jegede and Aikenhead

recommend "autonomous acculturation" in which the leamers learn Western concepts

for the benefit of improving their own ideas, but without denying the importance of their

own knowledge.

On the same lines, Swift (1992) suggests an approach to achieving this kind of

middle ground in which the benefits of modem science and technology and indigenous

cultural capital both hold their own when science is taught to indigenous children. In his

analogy of the "potted plant" (p. 3), he sees Westem science and technology as living

entities (plants) requiring gooci soil and nutrients for their development. He maintains

that to obtain h i t s beneficial for the host society, the "prepared soir (p. 3) for the

development of the plant ought to be similar to the sumounding soi1 (host culture). He

believes that modem approaches to science teaching in developing counmes have no

such soil; the plant is potted in soil that resembles Westem culture and is herrnetically

sealed against contrasting environments. Such a soil, he says, is analogous to the

modem sector, which faces children with opposing extremes: on the one hand they

could adopt Westem knowledge, and with it Western culture, which would increase

their chances for success; on the other hand they could maintain their own knowledge

and culture, and reduce their chances of success.

lntegration is one set of approaches taken to achieve a middle ground. In Pen, in

his studies with Andean Indian primary education, Encinas (1986) proposes an

integrated approach to the curriculum for Indian education. This approach includes

indigenous science and technology, and other aspects such as lang~age'~ and social

"In the 1970s Pem was the pioneer among Latin Amencan couneies in iniplernenting elemntary bilingual education (Spanish-Quechua). Rockweii, Mercado, Munoz, Peiiicer and Quiros (1989) found that children from niral schools who learned mathematics using their native Ianguage obtained better grades, in the fmt grades of elementary education, than those learning in a second Ianguage, Spanish.

organizational knowledge in the school cudculum. In addition to the 3R9s, it advocates

irnproving indigenous skills in areas such as agriculture, husbandry, hygiene,

cooperativism, caring for the weak in indigenous societies, farming, and management of

natural resources. Encinas emphasizes that this type of training might provide Indian

people with p a t e r chances of success using their own knowledge and maintainhg

their cultural heritage. He also suggests that Indians be ailowed the same benefits and

chances but also more options than others in the modem sector, to help compensate for

the obstacles they will encounter because of their stigmatized socio-economic status in

Peruvian society.

Knamiller (1984a b) suggests that a path for integrating both types of knowledge

is to make education issue-based rather than subject-bound. For instance, children's

own knowledge of water (water resources and quality within their communities),

f~ewood (local varieties, buniing varieties), infant care (feeding, changing, toilet

training), and food cropping (cultivation of native species and cooking) must be part of

the science curriculum precisely because these elements are alive in the leamer's

community. He suggests that this howledge be enriched and cornplemented with

imported knowledge, to provide better service to the cornmunity needs and to improve

the education of the children. Knarniller's issue-based cumculum is supposed to

develop decision-making skills, and raise consciousness of the power indigenous people

(ideally) have in transforming their own communities, an objective he shares with

Freire (1993).

Another perspective from the literature for reducing the chances of assimilation

is the Afncan work undertaken by Yakubu (1994). Yakubu's study concems the

integration of African beliefs with Western science and technology in the fields of

agriculture and saniration. Using Horton' s (1 97 1) conceptual framework, Yakubu

explores the possibility of integrating both types of lmowledge for the welfare of the

This strategy, however, has found great opposition from indigenous parents (Ansion, 1990b; Palacios, 1995) who prefer Spanish as the school laaguage. Palacios reports that even rural teachers have said that Indian education puts the child and the teachers in contact with their cuIture but they regret the backwardness that this culture represents Ui the Peruvian society as a whole.

community. For Listance. he studied the production of Cotton in light of modem

knowledge regarding plagues, which helped farmers to increase their production. He

shows that teaching African people about water-bom micro-organisms c m lead to

improvement in the quality of drinking water, which in turn reduces the occumnce of

diseases such as dianhea and measles. GagLiardi (1 995) adds that in this approach to

integration it is important to teach not only the procedures but also the reasons for those

procedures, as he demonstrates in his report on an integrated program for midwives

aimed at decreasing infant mortality in Peru. He reports that midwives were trained in

new techniques to irnprove sanitation in their practices. M e r training, however. infant

rnortality rates remained the same. It was then discovered that the rnidwives were

following the correct procedures but had not been taught the reasons for those

procedures. They were boiling knives before cutting the umbilicd cord, but also placing

them on the floor before using them.

Other lirerature examines educationai refonns in the area of teacher education,

such as the 1985 reforms through which Peru opened its first intercultural bihgual

(Quechua-S panish) schools for Indian teachers (Palacios, 1 995). The main purpose of

this training was to teach Indian teachers to use their cultural and linguistic knowledge

in vemacular languages for teaching elementary education. Currently there are two such

schools in Pem, one in the province of Puno, in the Andean region, and the other in the

Yurimaguas. in the jungle region. In spite of their success in the late 1980s, the curent

govemrnent ( 1998) does not support such reform and instead has passed the

responsibility of Indian education to the general office in charge of the national

education in Peru. Palacios adds that in spite of its recognized advantage in improving

the education of Indian children, implernentation of the refonn was very Iimited among

the Peruvian Andean schools that were targeted.

In this chapter I have presented the reader with some of the available literature on

high quality education and integration. The former included studies on what is

considered necessary to achieve a high quality education and success in the

irnplementation of educational reforms in developing countries. The latter lwked at

educationai strategies that attempt to reach a middle ground when improving Indian

education. Middle-ground approaches are concemed, on the one hand, with improving

the iifestyle of indigenous people, and on the other, with fostering a sense of the value

of indigenous culture and knowledge.

The literature has shown that at the level of financial institutions, people believe

there is a correlation between improving education and the availability of educational

resources. But the literature also shows an increasing interest in socio-cultural aspects

of education. In this approach, recognition, appreciation and usage of the leamers'

culture and knowledge is crucial in the leaming process, specificaLly as a way of

improving acadernic achievement and culnual appreciation. This review also shows that

important contributions to sociocultural aspects of education have been made by

educational anthropology. Complementing this scholarly discussion there have been

various attempts at implementing educational reforms in Peru, two of which were

reviewed in Chapter 1.

Chapter 3: Methoddogy

Because educational reforms and the3 implementation may be understood from

various perspectives, it is crucial to comprehend the participants' stakes in the

implementation of PEF and in Pemvian society. This Chapter also addresses the forces

that redirected my research while collecting data in Peru and the resulting data

gathering and analytical approach.

Partici~ants

Following the wishes of the participants, anonmty wiU be maintainecl through

the use of pseudonyrns. My participants are:

Ingrid is a widowed Indian farmer living in her house with her older son, who

works the chacra with her. She is an unschooled lady who appears to be of Indian

ongin, and has spent her life working the land which she ioherited from her parents. I

met her on the bus to Sonko. She had gone to the city to buy some grocenes. Before

beginning the intentiew, we stopped by her house (almost across from the bus stop) to

drop her groceries and check on her animals. Her house was made of stones and sod.

The roof was of tin metal held dom by big stones so that the wind would not take it

away. Upon our arrival at her house, she noticed that the animals were not fed yet (she

had some ducks and chickens in her front yard, which were tied by the leg to a big Stone

so they did not wander around tom). She expected her grandson, a 10-or 12-year-old

boy who was visiting from the city, to take care of the animais. kistead he had gone to

fly his kite. According to her, he was the only member of her family who cares for the

chacra.

At her request, I interviewed" her in her chacra, a place 20 minutes wak from

her house, where we talked for over an hour. For this interview 1 took dong a translator

(Spanish and Quechua) in case my participant was not capable in Spanish. She turned

1 %e schedule of al1 the interviews appean in Appendix B.

out to be sufficiently fluent, however, that 1 made Little use of the tnmslator. This

interview gave me information on how one indigenous parent perceived the role of

education in the school and farrning activities in the chacra in tems of their effect on

social and econornic rnobili ty.

Harry is also a famer, whom 1 met in Sabandial' while trying to fmd a suitable

participant for my study. He was siîting on the porch of his house with his wife when 1

fmt spoke with him. Hairy and his wife spoke very good Spanish and their physical

appearance showed îhem to be Criollo, which makes him a chacarero rather than a

campesino, even îhough one of his 1s t names was Indian. Hany has been a farmer all

his life, with little chance for education. He had only a few years of elementary school.

He had four children, two of whom hold professional degrees and live in the city. He

did not ta& about the other two (1 saw one of the other children by the porch, a woman

carrying a baby). He was very proud that his children had done better than he has: he

believes that working the land is for those who have not succeeded and that it is very

hard work. Harry's house was neither modem nor elegant but it was big and well built

of bricks, iron and cernent, and was also painted.

I interviewed him on his porch, with his wife present (often she contributed to the

conversation with gesnires and short comments, mostly in support of what her husband

had said). The interview lasted for more than an hour and was open and fnendly. At the

end of the interview he invited me and my parents for the celebration of the Virgen de

Lourdes, which was corning very soon in his town.

This interview gave me one parent's perceptions of farming activities and school

and their place in the process of social and economic mobility for non-indigenous

farmers.

Carmen is the principal of the school in Sonko, a position she has held for

almost 4 years. Previously, she was a teacher for public urban schools in the city and in

rural Andean schools. 1 identified Carmen as a member of the Cholo population. She

"sabandia is an agricultural town on the outskirts of Arequipa, and is well known for its impressive terraced landscape.

competed for her position as a principal: she needed to pass an exam and be evaluated

for seniority acquired in one or many schools. As such, Carmen has as much experience

as Pedro (an officiai from the Direction R e g i o ~ l de Education Arequipa, DREA, who

was also interviewed) in the public school system of Peru, though she was not as

involved with the implementation of PEF as she was with other administrative activities

in her school, and with teaching practices in general. From my interaction with her and

my observations of her at work, she appears to have had three main concems. First, she

aimed to secure for the school whatever benefits (money, food, and agricultural tools)

are offered or expected from the government or the community. This was dways a

constant struggle. Second, she ensured that teachers were fair with students' final

grades. Third, she worked to keep in the school books available to al l the students. She

made al1 the decisions in the school. Teachers and students came to her to consult

before making any decisions themselves, as when teachers discuîsed whose turn it was

to use the three plots of land utilized for the tree nurseries. Children even came to her to

cornplain about other children's behavior and to borrow books. One of her strategies for

making sure that students received fair marks was for her to enter the final grades in her

book, after the teachers had passed them dong to her in pencil. It seems that Carmen

knew the children's farnilies and their situation, judging fiom the farniliar way in which

she referred to them.

Carmen's life besides her work was in the city. Her three teenage children attend

schools in the city. Two girls are in secondary school, and a boy is in elementary school.

Carmen was always the last person to leave the school, but she needed to get to the bus

stop before the last bus left for Arequipa (it came at 5: 15, but most of the t h e the bus

driver would wait for her). On one occasion we rode the bus together to the city and in

two hours that the trip lasted 1 got to h o w more about her, though she was more open

dunng the "official" visits. Before leaving the school she waited until the custodian

made the rounds to lock the door.

I interviewed Carmen twice for over two hours in total. I spent an additional three

hours conversing with her more i n f o d l y while she went about her daily activities as a

principal. The conversations took place in her office at school which she shares with all

the teachers (including Tyrone). the two sides of the room being divided by a book case.

Her office. which was by the entrance of the school, was equipped with a desk and a

chair. The conversations took place as she carried out her regular duties: 1 talked to her

whenever she was not working with teachers or students. As in the case of Pedro, there

was a problem with interruptions. On both occasions 1 visited her between 1:00 and

3:30 pm.. when the school day was finished. After my 1st visit to the school, she

invited me to eat cuy chacrado (deep fned guinea pig, a delicacy in Pem) in a typical

restaurant in Sonko.

Her information about integrated approaches in her school and other schools in

Peru led me to change my original plans and pursue new avenues for data collection.

She provided me with two areas of information. Fit, she informed me of the existence

of PEF in her school curriculum, and tallced about teacher training for the

implementation of PEF and teacher practices in general. Second, she emphasized the

stmggle that her school underwent in trying to obtain help from the cornmunity

members and the government to irnprove the school facilities, the education of the

children. and the deaimental conditions afîecting teaching practices.

Tyrone is a Grade 5 (elementary) teacher at Carmen's school, whom 1 identified

with the Mestizo population of Peru. He is a young dynamic teacher (probably in his

early 30s) who seems to be very enthusiastic about the idea of building tree nurseries in

his school. and seems to be more knowledgeable than the other teachers in the matter.

He admired the work of other schools in the marginal areas of Arequipa city where they

have built "beautiful" tree nurseries and planted some vegetables. He was unhappy that

his school was so behind compared with others in the marginal art:as of the city. Tyrone

had a young son (approximately 8- or 10-year old) who attends a school in the city.

Sometimes his son accompanied Tyrone to work when the child's school was not in

session.

The visit with Tyrone lasted 30 minutes and took place after he finished his

working for the day. He could not stay longer for the interview: like the other teachers

in the school, Tyrone rushed away after school to catch the bus to the city (Arequipa)

where he Lives. The teachers usually boarded the second to 1 s t bus, which came by

around 3: 15 p.m. Tyrone's teaching foliows PEFT so he was able to Say how the PEF

was practiced in terms of econornic resources and teacher training. He also provided me

with the address of the office that aained teachers for irnplementing PEFT the Unidad de

Servicios Especiales ( U S E ) for Arequipa.

His classroom, one of six in the school, was equipped with small individual

desks (approximately 20 to 25 desks-one for each student), a large green chalkboard,

some white chalk, and a few photos of war heroes (Argenthian, Venemelan) including

a picme of Tupac Amaru II, the 1 s t Inca. In a front corner was a small table which was

Tyrone's desk.

Errol is an officer for USE, and his office was in charge of training teachers for

the implementation of PEF. 1 did not get much chance to know Errol. 1 do not lmow if

he was a former teacher, but in any case, judging for his age (late 30s) and a view that

focused more on the program than on the cornmunity needs, 1 assumed that his

experience with the public educational system, particularly with Andean schools, was

not vast. Our session was a bit formal, which was dear from the response 1 got to my

request to bomow the teachers' guide for PEF: "you need to get an officia1 letter

requesting the books. and explaining again who you are and why you want hem." For

other documents reiated to the PEF that 1 asked to borrow he directeci me to other

offices in Arequipa. His position with respect to the PEF might be summed up as

follows. He believes that indigenous people today, both children and their parents, need

help in matten such as managing naturd resources and environmental conservation. He

explained that it is these people who are polluting the environment in the Andes by

cooking with kerosene rather than lumber and by burning trees that were intendeci to be

used for agricultural and medicinal purposes. He strongly believes that PEF would serve

to change this situation.

1 intervieweci Errol only once for about one hour in his office. Errol's office was

a portable, one-room building located in a public school in Arequipa and was shared

with three other people, one of whom was the USE director in Arequipa. Errol's office

furniture consisted of a table and a chair. That location was the ody USE office in the

city. Our conversation was not as open as in the case of Pedro or Carmen, in spite of the

office arrangements and dynarnics being very similar. He provided information on the

purpose and logistics of the implementation of PEF, and on his ideas regarding the

place of indigenous knowledge in the integrated approach and some information about

parent attitudes toward work. He also suggested where to go to obtain more information

about PEF and other integrated approaches king implemented in A n d m d schools

in Peru, and dso provided a copy of the PEF project. He also referred me to Pedro,

whom I visited next,

Pedro is an experienced oEcer for the DREA and a former school teacher in

public urban and niral Andean schools. He is a middle-aged man who could be

identified as part of the Cholo social group in Peru (see Chapter 2 for Cholijication

process). He was the only DREA Andean specialist for Andean schools, and was in

charge of overseeing teachers' progress with PEF or other programs irnplemented in

Andean schools. His office oversees the work of the USE office. Throughout his

involvement with DREA, in 1987 to 1988, he was in charge of implementing PEF, and

in 1989 to 1990 he implemented PEE, both in Arequipa He also participated in the

implementation of a bilingual program (Spanish-Quechua) in Arequipa in 1985. Pedro

believes that al1 these programs were beneficial for indigenous peoples and their

cornrnunities. He believes that an education relevant to the indigenous world would

improve children's academic achievement, selfesteern, and appreciation for their own

culture and people, al1 as a mechanism to solve some inmediate problems in the

indigenous communities. He resented the loss of those programs for the province of

Arequipa, and also the faulty approach taken to implement PEF. His vast expenence in

Andean education was made clear through the approaches he had formulated to

improve the education and lifestyle of indigenous people.

1 visited Pedro several tirnes but only interviewed him twice, each time for one

hour. 1 interviewed hirn in his office, which he shares with four other officers in the

second floor of the DREA headquarters. The DREA offices are located in one of the

oldest neighborhoods of Arequipa, at the back of a Jesuit monastery where it has been

for over 40 years. The door of Pedro's office was open to patrons, but in spite of the

from people our conversations seemed to be relaxed, although the traffc

compromised the time he was able to dedicate to the interviews and also the clarity of

the recording. For instance, at the end of the second visit, one of his colleagues

intempted our conversation and he had to leave the office for a few minutes. When he

came back it was hard to pick up the flow of the conversation, so the session finished.

Unfortunately, it took place in a part of the interview when he was tallcing about matters

important for this study. Another issue was the people's high levels of voices and

laughter, which also made the recordai interviews unclear. My being a native Spanish

speaker helped me to screen the tapes and ignore the distractions.

Pedro provided information on the implementation of the integrated cumculum,

specifically with respect to teacher training. economic and structural consaaints, and

indigenous parents' perceptions of the integrated approach and of education as a whole.

He also provided alternatives in various sectors of the irnplementation for improving

the outcomes of the reform. 1 also obtained some Meranire on PEECC in general, as

well as some literature on approaches taken to improve PEECC outcomes. He offered

suggestions about other non-govemmental institutions that were also doing some work

on integration.

Timoteo is the Director of Cooperacibn P e r u a ~ A I e m a ~ de Seguridàd

Alimentaria (COPASA) in Arequipa. He is Criollo and has a degree in engineering. 1

visited him following Pedro's recommendation about institutions that implement

integrated programs to improve indigenous peoples' lifestyle. Timoteo was working

with German funds, specificaily in the areas of nutrition and health. His Iatest project

was to implement a school cumculum in one of the cities with a high concentration of

Quechua-speaking people. The main focus of this project was to teach children how to

eat better and better ways to prevent local diseases, mainly using their own products.

I interviewed him in his office for over an hour. Timoteo was another participant

who put some restrictions on my data collection. 1 was only aüowed to handwrite

information that appeared in the COPASA project manuscripts. Photocopies were not

allowed even though a photocopy machine was in the secretary's office. Timoteo's

office was unique among those 1 visited: it was private and was equipped with a

cornputer, a wooden desk, a telephone, and other office machines and paraphemalia

The offices of COPASA are in a big modem house located in one of the best

neighborhoods in the city of Arequipa

He provided information on COPASATs project: improving the lifestyle. diet and

health of indigcnous people, rehabilitating abandoned terraces in the Andes of

Arequipa, and improving teacher training regarding indigenous lifestyles. He also gave

me some litera~re from Proyecto Andino de Tecnologias Campesinas (PRATEC),

innovative work on the revival of indigenous knowledge and culture.

What Took Me to the Field

1 entered the field in August 1996 with a deductive method: a question based on

my literature research, and a theoretical framework based in my experience as a

member of Peruvian society and as a master's student in a Westem institution. Both my

thesis question and theoretical framework guided my first actions in the field. My

question was: Wi11 the integration of indigenous and Westem knowledge in the science

cumculum trigger social and economic rnobility for indigenous people in Peru?

It was during an interview with one of my participants that 1 realized the direction

of my research needed to change. 1 no longer needed to assess my question: it was

already being considered by the Peruvian educational system in a program that

integrated indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge in science education. Upon

reflection, 1 realized that my theoreticai framework and my research question did not

provide room for new crucial information. My need for re-direction is expressed in the

words of Malinowski.

If a man [sic] sets out on an expedition, determineci to prove a certain hypothesis,

if he fsicl is incapable of changing his views constantly and casting them off

ungrudgingly under the pressure of evidence, needless to Say his work will be

worthless .... (Malinowski, [1922] in Smith 1978, p. 331)

1 thus re-entered the field with a problem emergent from my first formulated research

question and my observations in the field. That experience also helped me to fomulate

the set of research questions noted in Chapter 1, as tools for exploring the problem at

hand and for developing an implicit theoretical framework.

A more Suitable Methodolow: Intemretive Erner~ent-Im~licit

Intemretive Research Pers~ective

nie nature of my study suggested an interpretive research perspective. My

research problem becarne one of looking at the perspectives of participants, al1 of whom

had different interests (culnual, political, and economic) regarding an approach that

would integrate indigenous and non-indigenous knowledge relevant to science

education in Andean schools in Peru. This approach was suited to my study because its

goal is to examine and interpret perceptions across social and cultural divides. As in

anthropological research, it seeks to achieve a "thick description" (Geertz, 1973; Ryle,

1949) of the observed situation or situations describeci by participants. Ushg the

example of someone contracthg an eyelid quickly, Ryle asks what the difference is

between a twitch and a wink, given that the two actions may be physicaily identical.

Geertz uses Ryle's example to make a general point about observing cultural others: a

mere description of actions cannot by itself reveal what those actions mean for the

people performing them, in the context of the performance. One must endeavor "to

understand and interpret the meaning of human behavior and the content of social

relations from the view point of the people involved" (Watkins, 1983, p. l), rather than

obtaining meaning from statistical data where meaning is made rather than allowd to

emerge (Watkins. 1983, p. 1). This challenges the positivist ideology of objective reality

whose explmation is constructed independently of those who observe it (Gd, Borg, &

Gall, 1996).

My study required a method that would ailow perspectives to emerge and be

expressed naturally. It seemed that the "emergent-implicit theory" method and the

"constant comparative method" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) were most appropriate for

data collection and data organization, respectively.

1 required a methodology that would aIlow me to collect information with

minimal boundaries and formality, because formalities and bounclaries are not identical

across cultures and could thus serve to impose inappropriate conditions on the data

collection. An emergent theory method (as an inductive approach) does not require an

explicit theoretical framework as a guiding principle of data collection; it allows for the

emergence of categories and theory h m the perspectives of the participants rather than

from the literature. This method is unlike an explicit (deductive) method where data are

made to fit pre-described categones, which tend not to account for data that do not fit in

those categories.

Although emergent methodology does not require an explicit theoretical

framework, I did have an implicit framework that influenced my methodology when I

fvst entered the field; 1 cailed this my "trial opportunity." It injecteci some antecedent

orientations into my research in spite of my trying to make the perspectives emerge with

a minimum of restrictions. Data collection instruments were chosen to reduce such

biases (as will be explained later in this Chapter). Overall, my methodology was a

combination of emergent and implicit approaches.

Ethical Considerations

My primaxy consideration before beginning arry of the conversational interviews

was to establish some rapport and trust with the participants, to minimize the distortions

arising from my presence (Best & Kahn, 1998). The most salient and potentially

disiracting aspects of my presence included my being a woman researcher, my origins

as a member of the Criollo social group in Pem, and the fact that I was now a graduate

student from a Canadian University. To help diminish the potential effects of these

barriers. 1 began with simple conversation about my impressions of the physical setting

or of changes 1 had noticed in Peru since my departure in 1989. or any other topic that

encouraged casual conversation (this proved easiest in the case of the farmers, because

the beauty of the counayside was a compelling topic). Gradually 1 moved toward stating

the purpose of my visit In most cases 1 did not show the letter asking for an interview

but opted to cornmunicate the contents verbdy. For one thing, such a document would

have made it oppressively official and probably would have compromised the rapport 1

was eager to build. For another, the farmers would likely have been unable to read or

understand the paper. One of them had only a few years of elementaiy school, and the

other had no schoohg. From my own experience as a Peruvian, I believed that most

Peruvians are more cornfortable with direct contact than with approaches mediated by

fomal protocols.

Participants were advised of their rights if they chose to participate in the research

(Rubin & Babbie, 1997), their right to withdraw from the study at any time and their

right not to answer questions that compromised them economicdy, socidy, mentally,

physically, or in any other way. Al1 of the participants 1 contacted agreed to participate

in the study.

Data Collection

Conversational Interviews

The interviews combined closed-ended and open-ended questions. 1 used the

former to convey the main focus of the study. I followed that question with a series of

open-ended questions and probes that inquired more deeply about ideas raised during

the interview and which proved most central to the research topic. The open-ended

questions served to complete and cl- ideas elicited during the interview (Rubin &

Babbie, 1997). This encouraged the nanval flow of perspectives during data collection

and the emergence of a more complete and solid theory during data analysis. Interview

flow and d k t i o n also depended on the information being elicited fkom the participants

rather than tightly orchestrated by me. In this type of interviewing, participants f d

almost no spatial or time Limitations to their responses. The boundaries of each question

and the answers therefore depended on the interview outcornes. The disadvantage of the

emerging method is the lack of frames, which leads to the collection of large amounts

of extraneous information (Best & Kahn, 1998; Burgess, 1985). I tried to minimize this

by keeping the conversation centered around the research questions and the problem 1

was studying.

In the cases where 1 interviewed a participant on more than one occasion, 1 asked

the guiding question only at the beginning of the first conversation. For Errol, Tyrone

and Pedro 1 asked the same question: What do you know about the cunent integrated

approach in science education in Andean schools? This initial question was foilowed by

a senes of open-ended questions that emerged as the participant offered information.

(see Appendix C for sample questioning sequence).

In the case of the farmers, 1 did not seek to answer the above question, because

when I interviewed them 1 did not yet know of the existence of PEF. In their cases 1

asked questions to find out whether the children had adopted the parents' occupations

(Le., fanning) and if so whether this adoption was due to the parents passing on their

knowledge and nurturing an ambition for farming occupations. These questions were

the ones 1 took to the field before shifüng the focus of my saidy. Despite the subsequent

shift, the faxmers' responses provided usehl information for the new focus of this

study. In the case of Carmen, 1 e s t used the questionnaire that 1 took with me to the

field, but did not go beyond the first question. The interview then took a . explorative

approach to find out what integrated approach was being irnplemented in Carmen's

school. This question is included in part "a" of Appendix C. In the case of Tirnoteo I

asked a different question because his office is not part of the Ministry of Education in

Peru.

Al1 the conversations were in Spanish, which was spoken by dl participants,

though not with equd fiuency (as previously described). AU interviews, (except

Timoteo's) were audiotaped and transcribed in Spanish. Timoteo's interview was not

audiotaped because my recording equipment failed. I entered the main points of our

conversation into my field book. Only the quotes used in Chapter 5 (Fiidings) were

translated from Spanish into English. The Spanish versions of these quotes appear in

Appendix D.

Non-Partici~ant Observations

Data were also collected using non-participant observation (see Appendix B for

dates).These data came from observing a Grade 5 class king taught a subject called

"Education for work" (which integrated PEF and the regular science curriculum content

for that subject). I onginaIly planned to observe Tyrone's class, because 1 had

previously interviewed him and he had agreed to participate. However, because that day

was not Tyrone's tum to use the plots of land destineci for the tree nurseries, I observed

another Grade 5 class instead. The topic was building tree nurseries. The teacher 1

observed did not have a good command of Spanish. We moved from the class to the

school's patio. where the children and the teacher began to use the pick and shovel with

few previous explanations. It seems that they knew what they were doing, until Tyrone,

who was observing us from his class, approached us. The teacher who was teachuig that

class left for a moment and Tyrone taught the children how to do it. Then Tyrone went

back to his class and the other teacher returned. One of the children took a piece of cord

to level the inclination of the wall of the tree nurseries being built. He said that his

father worked building ~ a I l s , ' ~ and sometimes he helped him. The teacher then began

using the cord too.

hpressed by Tyrone's knowledge, 1 tried to arrange with Carmen and Tyrone to

corne back the following week to observe Tyrone's class. The visit, however, was

scheduled on teachers' pay day, which meant that teachers did not go to work, but

instead went to collect their cheques in a National Bank in Arequipa. Usually they had

to stand in line for most of the day and I was not able to arrange another visit.

'%is type of knowledge is cornmon m n g Indian people. Wall builder, a low-paying occupation. is one job that male indian people undertake when migrating to the city.

hiring my observation I was able to gather some information on how teachers

implemented the program in the classroom and got a sense of teachers' naining,

availability of material resources for the implementation, and the lcnowledge being

transrni tted.

Data Analvsis

Together with the advantages of using an emergent approach to analyzing the

conversational interviews, cornes the problem of organizing large amounts of data (Best

& Kahn, 1998). My biggest challenge in data analysis was to organize my data in a

coherent and focused way so as to help theory emerge from the perspectives of the

participants. 1 used what Glaser and Strauss (1967) call a constant comparative

approach to grounded theory.

The constant comparative approach is a hindamentally inductive method for

getting from an undifferentiated rnass of data to a coherent theory based on

categorization and generalization of the data. Although described as four stages by

Glaser and Strauss, it is more accurately a gradual progression in which one "stage"

blends into another. It is also especially appropriate to the notion of "thick description"

mentioned above, owing to the openness and flexibility it highlights. This graduai

progression has two stages: initial and focus.

In the initial stage, 1 read and reread the transcripts until themes emerged from

each of them. 1 proceeded to underline each theme with a diffent color pencil. such

that the sarne color represented a given theme in al1 the transcripts. For instance,

perspectives on teacher training were underlined in blue in each transcript. Unique

perspectives also have their own color coding. 1 then copied al1 the same colored

fragments from each transcript ont0 an index card. already labeled for that specific

theme or themes, and then gave a temporary title (which in some cases remained as the

permanent title). The same procedure was followed for al l the other emerging themes.

Although themes were underlined with the same color and included in the sarne card,

they were not al1 completely identical: each theme had its own characterïstics. These

specific characteristics were then compared to allow the themes to be grouped into more

general categones. The blue color, for instance, was generalized as "teacher wining"

but included dinerent aspects of it: teacher training in uidigenous howledge, teacher

training in PEF, teachers' participation within the community, and teacher professional

training. Some themes were placed in one category and others formed new categones.

After categories were formed, 1 read t!!e transcripts again to make sure that all the

possible themes were included in the categories. If new themes emerged I found new

categones, until 1 reached what Glaser and Strauss (1967, p. 61) called the "saturation

point," a point beyond which one can no longer identiw themes as initiators of a new

category ,

In the focus anaiysis, as the cornparison developed, the categories, rather than the

themes and their properties, became primary analytical entities; in comparing across the

various categories, themes became interpretable in ternis of the categones rather than

beacons toward categories. 1 then proceeded to integrate the different categories and

their properties in search of a more integrated group of ideas. This was the fmt

reduction process. The second began by elirninating repetitious themes that did not add

to the theory but only added to the size of each category. Categories that were beyond

the scope of the research problem were elirninated. This operation was repeated as often

as needed until a "theoretical saturation point" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 1 1 1) was

reached, thus allowing for generalization and theory to emerge. Owing to the process by

which it was developed, this emergent theory was very close to the data collected: it

served to explain and describe the thesis problem through the participants' own

perceptions.

~ ~ u m m a r v

In this Chapter I have outlined for the reader the principles according to which 1

approached my research problem and methodology. 1 showed how my experiences

during my field work helped focus my research into something more realistic, and

achieve a methodology that was open and yet smictured. 1 cded this methodology an

"interpretiveemergent-implicit" approach. The approach is intendeci to reveal. in

subsequent Chapters, the various stakes that the participants have regarding the

in tegrated reform.

Chapter 4: Findings

In this Chapter 1 report on the participants' perceptions of the implementation of

PEF in science education in rural Andean schwls in Perm The findings are presented

under three distinct though overlapping categories that emerged during data analysis:

economics. teachers' practice, and perspectives on the PEF integrated curriculum. Each

section concludes with a bnef discussion relating the findings to the research questions

stated in Chapter 1.1 have nurnbered the excerpts from the participants' comments to

facilitate matching the quotations with their correspondhg Spanish versions, which

appear in Appendix D.

Econornics

Most of the participants (Pedro, Carmen, Errol, and Timoteoj singled out lack of

money as a general obstacle in the irnplementation of PEF, but they located precise

obstacles in a variety of places. Some reported that poor salaries and lack of support for

teachers' training and supervision were the main problems. Othen pointed primarily to

lack of school supplies such as books and other program materials. Still others cited

indirect results of poor funding, such as an expectation that parents should provide

custodial services and physical labor to the schools.

Educational Resources

Carmen. Pedro and Errol pointed to different areas where lack of money has

affected the implementation of the reform. Carmen, for instance, made the following

observations about teachers' salaries and lack of books:

1. Our teachers hold two or three jobs per day to meet their basic needs and their

family needs, so when they corne to school they are tired and often they improvise

the lessons. They [teachers] make less money than some of our dropouts who get

jobs with petroleum extraction companies or in mines. This salary [of the

dropouts] is sometimes four times the salary of the tacher.

2. Some students who ciropped out of school before nnishing their high school

came back to obtain their high school diplorna They worked making good money

in the mines--they were loaded with money. They bought their own books and did

ail their work in the class. With the help of the teacher they leamed a lot. It was a

success.

3. One of Our main problems is the absence of a library in the school. We have a

Lirnited amount of books. For instance, for the high school for the subjects of

science we ody have 3 books for biology and 3 for chemis~; for the elementary

school we only have 2 books for each subject. Those are the books that all the

children in school use for their homework.

These comrnents suggest that two factors affect the implementation of the

educational reform: low teachers' salaries, and scarcity of books, specifically for

science subjects. Cannen describes a vicious circle that entraps teachers. On the one

hand, teachers are so poorly paid they must hold d o m other jobs. As a result they have

no time to properly prepare their lessons. On the other hand, the schools have no money

to buy books or other resources (most books corne by way of donations fiom foreign

visitors), thus students are left with no means to learn more than what the teachers

explain in class. The lack of books results in further demands on teachers' time as they

are the only source of knowledge available to the students. Carmen believes that

teachers and students benefit when books are available in the school and that books can

improve the content of the lessons covered, somehow making up for teachers' poor

prac tices.

Pedro and Errol blame the poor implementation of the program on lack of money.

Each of them, however, identified different areas of deficiency in the implementation

process. in accordance with the particular responsibilities of their offices (as discussed

in Chapter 3). Pedro, as an Andean speciaiist and supervisor of the implementation of

PEF, blamed the inadequacies of the program on lack of money for supervising-

monitoring teachers' progress with the program, and for training teachers in their

practices, activities which Pedro considers to be keystones to the success of the

program. He said:

4. This funding, the Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO], supported my

visits to the schwls to hold discussions with the principal and meet with all

teachea. 1 was able to observe the teachers ' progress with the program and advise

hem on how to improve their work. This source also provided for in-field

teachers' training. However, this source of funding is not available fkom Lima; we

don? have any type of fmancial support.

In the area of program resources, b o l , as program irnplementer in the Andean

schools, observed that the lack of money for acquiring the necessary resources to

implement the program affected even the construction of modest tree nurseries. He also

believes, however. that the process of providing for such materials fkom within the

community is an educational expetience in tune with what PEF proposes.

5. There are not economic resources for the implementation of the program,

specifically for the construction of tree nurseries. It is one of the main obstacles

that we have at this present time to have the program implemented in a modest

way and with good results. It is practically the work of the teachers and the

students with material they can coilect from the community .... They have to build

tree nurseries from nothing. They [teachers and students] search and provide the

necessary resources the best they can. On the other hand if we see it fiom the

educational point of view. it is also an educational experience. Children leam how

to improvise.

My own observations support Errol's comments. The class I observed consisted of

about 25 children, mainly boys, who had only a pick and a shovel to dig the three plots

of land, and some bricks and wooden sticks from a demolished room. None of the other

materials cited in the teacher's guide for the construction of eee nurseries was available

(i.e., sand, black dirt, meter sticks, scissors, knives, and plastic bags). Also lacking was

written and verbal instruction about what to do, and why: the children and the teacher

engaged in the activity as if they knew what they were doing, which proved not to be

the case.

Other As~ects of Economics: Parents' Contribution to School Activities

Participants shared the same perception regarding parents' participation: There

was a consensus among Pedro, Carmen. and Errol that lack of participation in school

activities by parents and others in the community was the result of their ''lazhess" and

their unwillingness to contribute unless there was to be some financial gain. Moreover,

al1 participants believed that Indian people had bad working habits, and that these have

worsened with the various economic development programs irnplemented by the

Ministry of Agriculturr and other foreign institutions. Overd, they said, these programs

provided parents with food and tools for agriculture in exchange for them working their

own land and other land which had been previously abandoned (hiIIside terraces with

Stone work). Other organizations offered farmers interest-free loans. Several

participants indicated that parents were generally unwilling to work because they could

rely on government assistance for survival. Pedro noted that:

6. Some programs implemented by the governrnental and non-governmental

organizations. instead of helping the famiers to irnprove their economy, were

transfomiing them into dependent beings. They [indigenous people] want

everything for fiee now.

Emol cornrnented that:

7. They [Indian people] are badly habituated, they are becoming dependent. If a

terrace wall falls and if they @dian people] are not given food or other resources,

they do not put the wall up; the wall stays down and they remain sitting .... It is because they are provided with al l they need for free. And that does not help the

rural communities. They [indigenous people h m rural communities] should

provide their own resources for sumival and not wait until the govemment and

other private organizations provide them with food and other thhgs.

Moreover, Pedro, Errol and Timoteo said that in addition to making indigenous

people "more lazy," these programs are reducing indigenous crop production and

increasing their consumption of foreign products. They have thus developed a taste for

imported products and made them staples of a new diet.

8. The govemment gives them money and food for free. It is a "patemalistic"

policy. The govemment, instead of giving them things for £ke. should create jobs

for them.

Caxmen observed how this "paternalistic policy" is affecthg parents'

conmbutions to school activities. She noted that:

9. The participation of parents in school activities has detenorated since the

inception of these programs. We ask them to help to maintain the school and to

build walls to give more security to the schooi. They do not want to help, we

have to push thern. And it is even worse when we c d them to talk about their

children's academic achievement or because their children need school matenals

to study. When they come to school to help, they want us to pay them for their

effort. But, when there are parties in tom, you see, they come and bring money

from anywhere to buy beer. Yet they demand that their children rnust l em .

Cannen added that even the children in her school believe that their parents are getting

"lazy."

Another issue of parents' contribution has to do with production on school land.

According to Carmen, the principal, parents and children are expected to work the

school land to help benefit the school facilities and support children's education. That is

not happening, however. Parents opposed either their children or thernselves spending

time working that land. Caxmen said:

10. . ... We [school staff and the parents] propose that with the profits from

working the school land, we buy school materials and uniforms for the children,

but neither the parents nor the children want tu work the land.

Carmen sees this detached attitude toward school activities refiected also in a lack

of consideration for educational resources, which are seen by the school as critical for

the children's education. She telis how parents, rather than protecting the scarce

teaching materials, actuaily steal them. This situation. she adds, has caused some

valuable educational resources to be made mavailable for teaching for fear of theft,

because she had to hide thern from the eyes of the children or remove them from the

school. Carmen said:

1 1. Specialists came to our school to teach us how to commercia'ily raise guinea

pigs. At the end of the classes they gave us some pairs [male and female] of

breeders to start oui- farm. 1 thought that we could mise them, and with the profits

buy books, uniforms or other school materials for the children. But the children

told the parents about the guinea pigs and the school was broken into and sorne

male breeders were stolen. 1 took the remaining guinea pigs to the house of one of

the students, under the custody of the student's parents, until the school security

improves. Shortly after, 1 went to check on the animals, and the custodians told

me that they were stolen. 1 think they [the parents] stole them.

12. The school was given a big microscope as a gift for the students to use. But

they have neither seen nor used it. For reasons of security I keep it out of the sight

of the children, until the security in the school improves. My womies are not that

the children would steal it, but that they would tell their parents who would then

break into the school, as has happened before.

Carmen also noticed these attitudes among school children toward school

resources, and recalls an incident with the free milk that the school received daily from a

govemment program called "Glass of milk'?

13. We have the miUc out in the school patio boiling in a pot, the pot tipped over

and the rnilk was dripping on the ground. The students saw it and kept wallcing;

none of thern stopped to frx the pot. They did not care because it did not cost

them anything.

Carmen said that she asked the parents to teach their children to be more responsible, but

it puzzles them why they should take care of something that has not cost them any

mone y

Summary

This section, which described perspectives on the availability of educational and

other economic resources and the consequences of that availability for the

implementation of the PEF reform, has mainly addressed research question #l. In s u ,

Pedro and Errol's perspectives suggest three main areas of the implementation that were

affected by the lack of rnoney--supervision-monitoring, teacher training, and matenal

resources for the construction of tree nurseries. My own observations on the construction

of tree nurseries support Errol's cornments and one of Pedro's remarks conceming poor

teacher training for the implementation of PEF; one teacher 1 observed seemed to have

little howledge of the subject, but another, Tyrone, apparently did. As I indicate in

Chapter 3, Tyrone explained to the children how to build the beds of the nurseries, what

the dechation angle should be and why a given location of the bed would not help to

take advantage of sunlight. Camen's perceptions were not specifically related to the

implernentation of PEF, despite my asking her questions about PEF. But she suggested

that lack of books in science and other subjects and poor teachers' salaries foster

teachers' lack of motivation to nurture professional competence. which bears generally

upon educational activities including PEF.

Regarding other aspects of economics, Pedro, Carmen, Errol, and Timoteo

believed the economic program implemented by the Ministry of Agriculture, in

conjunction with foreign institutions, to be responsible for the deterioration of

indigenous peoples' working habits and for making indigenous people dependent on

foreign goods, even to the point of changing indigenous diets. They see indigenous

Andean people as "lazy" and "irresponsible," given the needs of the school and their

chiidren's education. These perceptions denved fiom seeing the parents not taking part

in activities such as building and maintaining the school facilities, working the school

land, and attending school meetings to discuss plans for the school and for the children's

education. Carmen added that parents* irresponsibility is also evident in the Little care

they invest in school resources, even to the extent of expropriating them. My participants

noted that this general attitude of carelessness on the part of indigenous parents is

adopted not only toward working for the school but also toward working their own land.

Teachers ' Prac tice

Participants have indicated two main areas of deficiency when taking about

teachers prac tices in implemen ting PEF: teacher training, and teachers ' expenences.

Teacher Training

In-service training for PEF.

Pedro, Errol, C m e n and Tyrone offered perspectives on this issue, and

represented two basic positions regarding the readiness of teachers to implement PEF.

Pedro and Carnien believed that the training teachers received is insufficient and

incomplete, whereas Errol and Tyrone believed it is appropriate.

Errol said that the û-aining teachers received is suited for the purpose and that the

implementation problems lie elsewhere. Errol commented:

14. Every year we train the teachers who irnplemented PEF. They know

everything about the methodology of work, in both areas of the forestry program:

cumcular and technological [teachers know about the theory and practice about

implementing PEFJ.

Tyrone confinned that

15. ... 1 know the theory and practice on how to build tree nurseries because 1 go

to the training that USE offers every year.

Pedro disagrees:

16. The PEF is a unique reform that has two levels. One is the curricular

content, al1 that has to do with the theory of forestry or ecology. The other is the

practical aspect, the tree nurseries-trees, increasing the number of trees in our

community, but what the teacher is doing in both areas is not correct. There is

lack of trainhg for teachers in that direction, there is lack of orientation. And it is

because there are not trained specialists, trainers [for the teachers]. So when we

give the teachers a guide, they do not know how to implement it as it is supposed

to be.

Pedro elaborated on the issue of lack of specialists by saying that they are poorly traïned

and lacking in number. He said:

17. We [DREA] do not have specialists that work in this direction [PEF]. The

DREA. with only one specialist, cannot control200 schools.

Carmen seems to agree with Pedro:

18. The teachen only receive a few hours of poor training from the USE; the

teachers are mostly on their own. The specialists do not come to the school. Once

we called the &ers to help the teachers and the students from the secondary to

raise guinea pigs, but they did not come.

Indizenous knowledge in teachers' education.

Among al1 the participants, Pedro was the only one who emphasized the

importance of indigenous knowledge in the teacher education program, as opposed to

only in-service teacher training prograrns. He saw an understanding of indigenous

knowledge as crucial to the effectiveness of teaching in Andean schools. Pedro criticized

the current teacher education curriculum as irrelevant to the Andean world and culture,

and as a fabric where inequalities and prejudice get institutionalized and passed on to the

future teachers. Pedro said that:

19. Teachers in the universities and technological institutes are educated with an

old cUTllculum that is probably suited to work in the city [taught with an out-

dated curriculum that is more relevant to urban needs]. The training of Our

teachers has not changed. 1 think that it is not correct that we have to educate Our

teachers using these cumcula and send them to work in rural areas where they

fuid themselves facing different social, economic and cultural reaiities and

idiosyncratic problems that the educator does not understand.

20. 1 would propose to train teachers with a curriculum specifically designed to

be implernented in niral areas, in Andean areas... so to develop Our children's

self-esteem, logic, and mathematical training and appreciation of their own

things. It is not diffxult if teachers know how to do th% What teachers do

presently only confuses the children.

Pedro advocates a restructuring of the teacher education curriculum to be more

cognizant of Andean realities, a policy which. he says, would help teachers in becoming

more involved in community &airs and in addressing the needs of children and

communities. Pedro believes that teacher education for Andean schools should be based

on indigenous methodologies and cumculum practices, thus making it possible to teach

indigenous peoples what is relevant to them. He believed that this knowledge should be

part of the teacher education cumculum rather than a mere moment in a short in-service

training prograrn. He also advocates a type of teacher education that develops attitudinal

change toward caring for indigenous culture and people. This would prepare them to

commit themselves to the task of teaching and to understaad programs such as PEF that

are intended to develop indigenous communities.

Specifically in regards to teaches' lack of indigenous knowledge, Pedro noted

thar the inadequacy of teacher training and the likely advantages of an improved prograrn

have been known for some time and that actions have been taken. He also suggests why

actions have had only minimal effect.

21. 1 contributed with the development of a project for training rural Andean

teachers in Arequipa. It was a bilingual. inter-cultural approach to teachers'

training .... But it was implemented oniy once in 1996. This program follows the

sarne principle as PEECC. It was a good program. Other good programs have

been developed and are still waiting to be read. The government does not give

much importance to this type of program.

Other asmts of teacher traininpl.

Carmen and Pedro have commented on the professional cornpetence of teachers

and principals as a factor affecting the hnplementation of PEF. This cornment refers to

professional &hg in general. Carmen argues that the pwr training teachers receive at

the normales or teacher-training centres do not train teachers weli in the general subjects

that they are supposed to teach and in some skills required for teaching. She said:

22. Many of the teachers fkom the elementary panel in my school do not have a

strong professional background and that dso negatively affects the preparation of

the children when they f ~ s h high school.

23. In my school the students who graduate from high schw! are acadernically

at the same level as those who graduate from the elernentary school. F e

academic background of high school graduates is similar to that of the last year of

elementary school graduates.]

The information collected from my non-participant observation both supported

and challenged Carmen's cornments. 1 got a sense, at least from the class 1 obsemed, that

the teacher was not well-prepared either in the theory or in the practice guided by theory

in the construction of tree nurseries. Moreover, his command of Spanish was very poor.

As I described earlier in the Chapter, however, Tyrone did seem to know how to build

the beds for the nurseries specificaily, in addition to having sound knowledge in

agriculture.

Pedro not only commented on the iack of adequate training among teachers for

implementing PEF, but also among principals. He said:

24. When talking about the principals or the program directors. they do not have

the capacity to appreciate al1 the educationai refonns such as Forestry Education.

Somehow they are dedicated to administrative work, and we have not educated

them for such a job. They have become principals because of senionty or because

of the little experience they acquired from their work in various schools.

Both Pedro ami Carmen have found problems in the professional practice of

program implementers in the school itself. Camen criticized teachers' professional

training in both the primary and secondary levels of her school. She made it clear that the

situation is worse at the elementary level because of the lower status of primary

schooling as compared to secondas, education, which makes primary teachers less

cornmitted to the task of teaching. On the other hand Pedro criticized implementers like

Cannen who, he suggests, spend more t h e in administrative matters than in appreciating

and overseeing the irnplementation of programs such as PEF. He does not blame the lack

of time itself, however, but the principal's lack of training to identify and direct

programs that have the potential to improve the Mestyle of indigenous comrnunities.

This does not so much challenge what Carmen does understand and Say (Le., about lack

of books and low teacher salaries) as daim a specific lack of training in the PEF reform.

Teachers Exverience

When 1 talked with the participants about the preparedness of teachers and other

officiais to successfully implement PEF another issue emerged: the role of indigenous

agricultural practices and indigenous knowledge in general. Pedro, Tyrone and even

Errol (who before suggested that teachers were well-trained) said that such knowledge

was necessary for the teacher to be well-trained for the task. AU three participants thus

perceived indigenous knowledge grounded in local expenence as a crucial element in the

successful irnplementation of the integrated educational reform.

Pedro said:

25. In the classroom they [teachers] are exposed to other realities than their own.

They require constant input from the Andean specialist, especially for the

successful implementation of PEF.

Pedro said that based on his experience in the Andean world and his experience as an

educator, he designed an integrated cumculum for elementary Andean schools. He said:

26. 1 proposed a curriculum whose objectives would reach all elementary

Grades from 1 to 6, objectives that would address regional and national units and

also specific objectives that would include communal and regional cultures. With

this 1 do not mean that 1 am segmenthg the population. For instance, teach the

urban child to read with the word mercado and teach the ruraI child with the

word haro or feria that has the same meaning as mercado. Here 1 proposed a

curriculum relevant to the leamers' life. The child's development and education

takes place in the interaction with the others and with his environment.

Errol said that:

27. The majority of the teachers do not have the habits or the knowledge to

acquire or appreciate the knowledge of indigenous agriculture. It is an aspect that

is lacking in teacher education.

Errol also observed:

28. Well ... the major@ of instructors have some knowledge in indigenous

agricultural practices. In the case of the specialist in forestry, his knowledge cornes

from his own expenence. For example, 1 Lived in and came from an Andean region

and 1 have fmt-hand expenence. This knowledge made my job easier. 1 am able to

establish a relationship between my personal knowledge and the content of PEF. It

thus serves me to better train teachers, and to encourage those who have some of

that knowledge to use it.

Tyrone concurs, saying that:

29. My knowIedge of indigenous agricultural practice and culture has helped me

to implement PEF, and to comect with the leamer.

Pedro. on the other hand, noted that such howledge benefits not only teachers'

and trainers' practices, but also program developers. Pedro said that the lack of such

knowledge among prograrn developers has prevented them from seeing things as an

Andean specialist or an Andean teacher would, and noted that this ignorance has affected

the content and implementation of the PEF. Pedro said:

30. The prograrn [PEq was mainly directeci by engineers, anthropologists and

economists hom the capital kirna] and overseas, who did not understand either

pedagogical strategies or the Andean ways ... the teacher was missing in the

direction of the program. We [teachers] were told what to do, which is not

correct; it also needs a specialist in the Andean reality.

Summary

This section has dealt mauily with research questions 1 and 2. On one hand,

teacher training and teachers' expenences, viewed as educational resources, were

assessed for their impact on the implementation of the PEF educational refom. That

discussion relates to the previous section on economics, but is considered separately

because the issue of teacher training emerged as a distinct category during data collection.

On the other hand, indigenous knowledge in particular was considered for its value in the

PEF reform and in reform more generally. The two questions overlap broadly, of course,

because the value of indigenous knowledge is one of the main issues identifiai in the

discussion of teacher training programs and in teachers' experiences.

Overall, based on their own experiences, Pedro, Errol, and Tyrone agree on the

importance of indigenous knowledge in the training of those involved in developing or

irnplernenting educational refoms such as PEF. From his experiences as a program

developer, program supervisor, and specialist, Pedro believes that this lmowledge needs

to be emphasized among teachers, teacher trainers, specialists, and program developers to

achieve more adequate reform content and implementation. On the basis of his

experiences as a trainer of teachen who implement PEF. Errol asserted the helpfulness of

his knowledge of indigenous agricultural practice and lifestyle in the aaining of teachers.

He also noted the importance of using these types of knowledge in making indigenous

teaches value their own knowledge. Tyrone, finally, has spoken of the importance of this

knowledge in transrnitting the content of PEF to Andean children. Among al1 three

participants. Pedro most emphatically noted the importance of indigenous knowledge for

teachers training.

Although Pedro and Carmen both blamed the USE office for teachers' poor

performance, they do so in different ways. Pedro said that the lack of aained USE

specialists was responsible for teachers' deficient training. Carmen criticized the

insufficient training and the lack of support given to teachers by the USE office. Both

agree that this deficiency leaves teachers too poorly trained to implement the program

effectively. C o n w to these opinions, Errol, the USE representative, believes that the

once-a-year training that USE provides for teachers is sufficient for them to successfully

implement the program. Tyrone's comrnents supporteci Errol's by saying that the USE

naining he received taught him how to constmct the beds for tree nurseries. Pedro also

sees the lack of specialists from DREA, who would monitor the work of the trainers and

the progress of teachers, as another obstacle for the successful implementation of PEF.

Pers~ectives on an Intemiteci Refonn

This section overlaps with the preceding one in considering the value of indigenous

knowledge within an integrated cuniculum. Rather than examining its importance for

teachee and teacher trainers, however, the section is about perceived benefits for

indigenous students, and through them, indigenous parents and the broader indigenous

comrnunities.

Views of Administrators and Educators

Pedro, Errol and Carmen provided input on the benefits and purposes of PEF.

Pedro and Errol suggest that PEF objectives represent benefits for indigenous children

and their parents. Both agree that PEF is designed to foster attihidinal and behavioral

changes in indigenous children and their parents, specifically, an appreciation for the role

of ancestral trees in their everyday lives (i.e., cooking, construction, and fanning) and in

the environment. Pedro said:

3 1. PEF is a good program, with this program we c m educate the Andean d

child as an ecologist, as an environmentalist fiom the attitudind and behavioral

point of view, that is our work in education .... We have to develop in the child a

conceptual change with respect to how to manage n a d resources, particularly

trees.

He eIaborates:

32. 1 think that a program for the development of the A n d a region should

begin in the school, in dl the levels of education: initial, elementary, and

secondary. It should be a program that tdks about an intermediate agriculhd

technology in which emphasis shouid be placed on all that is Andean agriculniral

technology, which should recover Indian fanners' experiences and knowledge in

herding, forestry. irrigation, conservation of soil, and management of n a d

resources. Now we are confused, we do not know what is integration. What we

are doing is replacing that technology for Western technology which does not

work in this are&

Also central to Pedro's vision of the PEF is the issue of relevance.

33. The Minisûy of Education is deficient in Andean niral education, but it is

with reason because the child b ~ g s to the school a lot of empincal, non-

systematic knowledge that he leams through his parents and fnends in bis

cornmunity surroundings. Then when he is confionteci with the school, with

cumcula that were perhaps developed without considering his bio-psycho-social

reality, he is shocked, it is de-articulation .... The curricular content does not

correspond to his level, to his expectations; it is not his game anymore. They are

not his plants, his animais; consequently, he will have low acadernic achievement.

It is why in the rural area there are almost 70% of children who repeat grades. But,

currently the DREA is trying to develop local and micro-regional curricular

programs, it is a program of connections. We are beginning to teach the child in

his surroundings, in his environment, from the chiid's needs. The ecological

program has two lines, and the forestry education and the ecological education

address these problems.

34. The Andean technology the indigenous famiers know empirically, and it

gives them excellent results, but it is getting lost--ail the knowledge surroundhg

their agriculnual practices. Right now the problem is in agriculture, everything

involved in cultivation of crops. The indigenous farrners lmow al l about it. They

farm guided by the moon stations .... Second, indigenous fanners work with local

species to ensure their production. They do not use rare species. Another

important type of knowledge worth passing on includes climatic seasons and

naturai phenomena They know them very well. Other two types of knowledge of

indigenous' parents are the preparation and preservation of Andean products, and

folkloric medicine. Al1 these are being lost.

35. The objective of this prograrn is to develop consciousness in the children,

especially in the children because they are going to be in charge one day. It is to

develop consciousness in the preservation of naniral resources that are in danger

of extinction. In certain ways we are rescuing what is being lost about ancesaal

species of trees and the technology to cultivate them as weIl as their usage in

agriculture. It is expected that children will teach their parents this knowledge and

that they will leam to better use the na& resources and reduce the pollution to

the environment. The people for OFIRENA also tried that but that has completely

failed with the Andean communities.

Carmen acknowledged the existence of such knowledge in the Sonko, and its advantages

in agriculture and for the famiers' development. She therefore regrets its progressive loss

because of indigenous people's laziness to keep fanning. Carmen said that

36. Here we have good land and the farxners know how to use the land and

produce its best, you can see that in the excellent production and quality of

potatoes. But they do not want to work now.

But Carmen, though only reporting on conversations she had with sorne tacher trainers,

nonetheless reveals a possible ambiguity about what "development" may mean.

37. The trainers said that this p r o p m is in the schools to prevent the children

escaping to the city and to help them to stay and work in and for their communities.

Pedro, Errol, and Carmen thus gave their perceptions of the benefits of PEF, and

noted three recipients of that benefit: children, parents, and communities. The

participants believe that the indigenous parents' agricultural lmowledge will be

61

beneficial for developing the community. Errol and Pedro suggest that PEF would

transforrn children into environmentalists, who would then protect the Andean natural

resource. Errol adds that children would thereby become vehicles to teach their parents

about management of natural resources and environmental conservation. Sharing the

perceptions of PEI: irainers, Carmen said that PEF would also help the community by

teaching children to participate in their community's economic activities, but also said

that isolation of the community (rather than integration of its members into Criollo

society) was the intended result. Finally. Pedro was alone in suggesting that the PEF

improves leamers' academic achievement by making the elementary Andean curriculum

relevant to their world.

Views of Indiaenous Parents

Harry, Ingrid, and Pedro commented on the type of education that indigenous

parents believe is needed to develop indigenous people socially and econornically. AU

three participants ( H a q and Ingrid reporting their views, and Pedro reporting the view

of Indian parents he talked to) noted that an education that includes indigenous

knowledge. such as indigenous economic practices (like famiing), Ianguage, and culture,

is not an education for development but for maintainhg indigenous peoples in their

"undesired" status. Al1 three participants describe education as the vehicle for leaving

the indigenous cornrnunity and becoming culturally and socidy part of Criollo society.

In the comments of these three participants Criollo education was dehed as one that

does not include indigenous knowledge. Pedro commented that:

38. The farmer said "1 want this to end with me" because he understands that all

Andean-nual iife is for those who have had no development in education. for

those who have failed school. for those who are drop-outs of the system. Then he

equates the farmers' agriculhiral work with punishment, hard work, failure.

Another comment fiom Pedro was:

39. The head of the family, as illiterate as he is, has his strategy for

developrnent. and he has constructeci this strategy in the Spanish language and in

the lifestyle of the city. It is a strategy of superior education-his alternative for

the development of his children, and they are comct. The Spanish language is in

books and will serve them to protect their rights.

The fannen 1 interviewed expressed similar opinions about education when

asked: "Do your children go to school or work the land with you?"

Ingrid (Indian):

40. One of my children works the land. He is a donkey, he never wanted to

study. He has no other choice but work on the land. The other two work in the

city . Harry : (Criol Lo):

41. No. my children are ail grown up, none of them work the land, they are

professionals [university educated]. 1 have two engineers. No, they don? corne to

the chocra, unless to visit. 1 work here because 1 don? know how to do anythmg

else. 1 do this because 1 have nothing else to do. If 1 l ave this 1 wilI die of

hunger. '' Pedro adds that parents rnaintain this attitude toward foxmal education in spite of their

children continuously failing to meet the requirements to advance through school grades.

42. Almost 70% have to repeat the grade again and again.

He reports that parents keep sending their children to school long a e r they have

exceeded the official age lirnit for finishing elementary education.

Summarv

This section, which reviewed various perspectives on integrated reform, focused

on research questions # 2 and # 3, the fist of which examines how stakeholders perceive

the role of indigenous agricultural knowledge in the implementation of PEF, and the

"AS it does in North Amenca the expression "I will die of hungei' among CrioZlo Peruvians need not be taken literally: it is an exaggemtion indicating that ones cesources will decrease, though not to nothing. A figurative reading rnay be less appropriate in the case of Indian speakers, who are less given to theamcali ty .

second, how stakeholders perceive the benefits of an integrated reform. The section was

organized into two subsections in order to differentiate perspectives of administrators

and educators on one hand, and indigenous people on the other.

In the first subsection, Pedro and Errol, and to a lesser extent Cannen, contended

that the howledge that indigenous parents have about agriculture is vital for an

integrated approach in Andean schools. They believe that such knowledge is the most

efficient for agricultural practices in the Andean regions, and Pedro and Errol actively

seek to recover it: they know it is being forgotten and replaced by modem technology.

Pedro, who agrees with Indian parents that this type of knowledge is an obstacle for

development, also recognizes its value, and hence seems to perceive that the issue is

cornplex, that some contradiction is unavoidable.

Pedro, Errol, and Carrnen, in reporting the opinions of some teacher trainers for

PEF, perceive PEF as beneficial for the community, children, and parents. Pedro and

Errol said that PEF's goal is to transform children into environmentalists, to teach them

better care for Andean natural resources. specificdy ancestral trees. Although Errol

agrees with Pedro in this goal, he believes that it is just a prelude to a larger goal which

is to teach indigenous farmers to care for the environment and to stop exploiting and

misusing the trees fiom Andean regions. This, Errol says, is a task in which the Ministry

of Agriculture has failed. Pedro also believes that the program addresses another issue:

the relevance of the Andean cumcuium to the Andean leamer's world. And Cannen

reports that the programs address the need to stop rural urban migration.

The second subsection showed parents' perceptions on the role of indigenous

agricultural howledge, and other types of indigenous knowledge, in the school

curriculum. Hany, the Criollo fmer , and Ingrid the Indian farmer, believe that farming

is an occupation for those who have no education or chance to do better in me. Both

believe that formal schooling provides their children with knowledge to enter the

modem sector of Peruvian society. They saw this howledge as being the opposite pole

frorn Indian language, knowledge, and culture. Pedro's second-hand report coincides

with the reports of the farmers 1 interviewed. According to Pedro, indigenous parents

believe that school should not include indigenous knowledge, specificaliy, indigenous

languages and tconomic occupations such as farming. Even Pedro's own perceptions

agree with those of the parents he talked about regarding the importance of Criollo

education in opening doors for development. The perspectives presented by Harry,

Ingrid, and Pedro described farrning as an activity synonymous with punishment for

those with no intellect.

The fmidings of this study identiQ various econornic, educational, and cultural

limitations in the implementation of PEF in Andean schools in Perm These aspects of

PEF implementation relate to the three categones that emerged in data analysis, which I

then related to the three research questions of this snidy. These findings, which are from

my data from Peni, will be discussed in Chapter 5 in the light of information in Chapter

2. Economic and educational factors include teacher salaries, school and program

resources. and supervision, monitoring, and advising of teachers' practices. Economic

and educational factors are complexly intenvoven with the result that fixing a problern in

one area would rnean also addressing problems in other areas. Substandard education in

Andean schools, for instance, is clearly linked to teacher performance, which is tied on

the one hand to teacher education, and on the other to economic realities driving teachers

to hold many jobs. It is dso comected to scarcity of matend resources available for

teachers to use. Econornic and educational factors are linked in tum to individual

perspectives, to differences in how the actions and attitudes of others are understood by

teachers and other education officials on one hand, and indigenous students and parents

on the other. The findings point to several difficulties of perspectives: conflicting

understandings by parents and school staff (including teachers, administrators. and

officials) about their presumed roles in school activities; teachers' lack of knowledge

about indigenous agriculhval practices; teacher education and its role in maintaining

obstacles to understanding across various social divides; and the irrelevance of the PEF

integrated approach with respect to parents' own agendas for the social and economic

development of their chikiren.

It is important to emphasize ways in which the perspectives presented in this

Chapter may be systematic rather than merely incidental. Not only would this provide a

better sense of the scale of perspectives and their interaction, but also a chance to see

certain differences that may otherwise rem& obscure. Chapter 5, which discusses the

data in Chapter 4 . therefore proceeds in iight of the idea that economic and educational

activities are camied out through the medium of culturally located individuals.

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion

As discussed in Chapter 2, educational researchers have identified various

economic and cultural factors as crucial to high quality education in deveioping

countries, particularly in elementary education. Chapter 2 also discussed some

educational strategies for improving the quality of science education of culturally

rninority groups, to allow them to learn Western knowledge reducing the nsks of

acculturation. In Chapter 4 1 then presented kduigs fkom Peru, which 1 collected during

fieldwork in the summer of 1996.1 organized Chapter 4 under headings that emerged

during data analysis, and related each heading to the research questions stated in Chapter

1. It was important in Chapter 4 to represent the emergent categories faithfully because

the process of categorizing, described in Chapter 3, was itself a kind of fidelity to direct

reporting of data, which was the primary task of that Chapter. In this Chapter the task is

to discuss rather than directly report, and to relate my data to research beyond the

confines of my field site. This shift of focus d o w s a further reorganization of the

discussion, this time using the research questions themselves as main headings. This

chapter cornes to the heart of the theoretical issues this thesis raises.

Research Ouestion #1: How Do Various Stakeholders Perceive the Availabilitv of

Material and Ornanizational Resources. and the Effect of that Availability on the

Imdernentation of the PEF?

The cornrnon thread binding this question is that it focuses on resources. This

includes material resources such as books, money, jobs, food, land, schools, and people;

and organizational resources like econornic systems, educational programs, and

government and non-government organizations. These resources are materially or

organizationally available to people; their presence or absence in society is perceived to

influence the PEF implementation.

Books

Chapter 2 found support for the general idea suggested by Faml and Heyneman

(1989) and Haron (1995) that textbooks help improve leamers' academic achievement,

specificaily in poor d schools where teachers have minimal professional training.

Carmen expressed the same idea, noting that at the secondary level leamers' academic

achievement and teachers' practices improved when leamers acquired their own books

for doing their homework.18 This suggests that the h t e d number of science books

(ciencias naturaies and nantraleza y communidàd) where the theory underlying PEF is

included, affects the children ' s leaming and teachers ' teaching practices. Conversely,

Cannen also suggested that for primary education, low academic perfoxmance resulted

from the relaxation of demands on children in recognition of the scarcity of books.

Overall, she believes that teachers and students benefit when books are available in the

school and that books can improve the content of the lessons covered.

Textbooks certainly are important in practice: teachers do rety heavily on books in

their teaching, either to complement or to supplement their howledge (Toms, 1996).

Certain problems could occur if teachers rely too heavily on textbooks, because of the

poor quality of the majority of textbooks in tenns of content and its presentation. In poor

schools in developing countries, however, teachers and principals are not pnmarily

womed about how many biased, irrelevant, or simplistic books there are (Lockheed Br

Verspoor, 1992)--such worry would be a luxury. They are only concemed with how to

obtain books (regarciless of the quality) in the fmt place.

Aikrnan (1995) and Torres (1996) have criticized the overemphasis placed on

resources such as textbooks by the World Bank when approving and implementing

educational reforms in developing nations. Books are viewed as the key to improving

primary education (Torres, 1996). As shown in Chapter 2, teacher performance ranks as

less critical than books in assessing eligibility for financial support.

'8Homework is the third elexnent in a list compikd from investigations of how to iiiiprove educational outcornes on children (see Table 2).

Teacher Training

In Carmen's school, secondary education is seen as more important than primary

education. One way this is expressed is that primary school teacher qualifications are

lower. Carmen believes that most primary teachers do not have a good command of the

subjects they are supposed to teach and, moreover, are poorly trained for implementing

PEF. There seems to be a lack of scholarly data to support or challenge the second claim.

The fifit claim is addressed by Burke (1996) and Gagliardi (1995) as a common problem

in developing nations. They Say that most rural teachers do not have even a complete

secondary education or are poorly trained as teachers. The data from my nomparticipant

observations provide some support for this claim.

Tied up with the concern expressed by Pedro and Carnien about lack of teacher

training is a common perception that teachers, especially rural Andean teachers, are not

professional. The effect of poor teacher education has led institutions to trust teachers

less and less with the task of shouldering the educational enterprise. Accordingly,

institutions have shifted the burden of learning increasingly away from teachers and onto

print mareriais. This may accounî for the high value placed on textbooks noted above. It

may also explain the Limited teacher training provided for implementing PEF. Minimal

annual teacher training in theoretical and practical knowledge is summed up in the

teachers' manual, which is expected to serve as overseer and director for the rest of the

year, presumably because funds to support human versions of these roles are lacking.

Pedro and Carmen believe that this level of training is not sufficient. Not everyone

agrees, however. Haron (1995) suggests that in a society with a limited budget,

textbooks should be given preference over human support for teacher training. Although

Errol agrees with Pedro on the need for indigenous cultural trainhg for teachers, he

alone among my participants believed that the curent level of in-service teacher training

is adequate in preparing teaches to implement PEF. That is, the training is necessary,

but indigenous experience is what made the training adequate. In Errol's view, the

problern is not teacher training but money for material resources to support the

implementation of the reform. Pedro and Carmen, on the other hand. maintain that

teacher training is more crucially important and must be undenaken more senously, on

its own terms rather than as a bit of fine Nning of indigenous experience. Pedro also says

that the inadequacy of cumnt teachers* programs have been known for some Mie, as

have the advantages of an improved program, but that such problems do not seem to be a

prirnary issue for the current govemment.

Results from the 1985 programs on inter-cultural bilingual education, for instance,

have not been cause for optimism. The chronic shortage of teacheis, trainers, specialists,

and policy developers with training in indigenous culture, knowledge and language.

shows the iimited importance that such training has had in Peru for the last 13 years.

This point was also raised by the 1992 Amencan Association for the Advancement of

Science conference as a critical issue in the development of efficient multicultural

science education programs in developing countries (Porneroy, 1994) .Moreover, the fact

that most of the people 1 interviewai were of Indian origin (except one, Timoteo, whose

work is to "improve9* indigenous peoples lifestyleslp suggests that only Indian people

are involved in such training. Based on the status of indigenous peoples in Peruvian

society, however. this might not be because they choose that profession, but because it is

one door for indigenous people that seems "less hard to open" than the others. This

conclusion is consistent with Burke's (1996) notion that the teaching profession has

became a cornrnon tool for Indian youth to enter modem sectors of society in Latin

Amencan countries. As Pedro said, these peoples' initiatives and chances are

subordinated by poiicy developers, who are the ones making the decisions. Although I

did not see or interview any policy developers. Pedro portrays them as educated men and

women, with degrees in anything but teaching, some of them educated overseas. Frorn

my own expenence as a Peruvian, such an education is mostly the prerogative of Criollo

rniddle-class people, who are rarely involved or interested in indigenous people or

19swift (1992) and Knamiller (1984) report that most pmgrams intendhg to improve the iifestyle of indigenous people in developing countries have focussecl on health, agriculture and diet. KnamiUer notes that indigenous people do not consider such knowledge necessary for their sociaI and economic development.

culture, unless to use them as subjects of study, sources of income. " or domestic

servants. Policy makers enjoy a position in society that places them above indigenous

peoples.

Pedro suggests that this lack of this knowledge does not allow policy makers and

teachers to develop a socio-cultural sensitivity to indigenous peopie. He says that lack of

in-field expenence among poLicy makers and curriculum developers for Andean schools

leads them to underestimate the contribution of those who live and operate in the field.

They are committed instead to conceptions of Andean reality acquind solely through the

lens of theories learned through professional training and practice, topdown theories

remote from local, grounded cornmunities. Leach's (1996) definition of "expatriate" and

"national" fits Pedro's description well. Pedro is a national who is told what to do by

expatriates-economists, anthropologists, and engineers whose supposed expertise in

Indian education and developrnent is completely consistent, as a pattern, with the

hegemony of Western knowledge over that of its subordinated societies (Leach, 1996).

Pro- Resources

Levin (1976) notes that lack of resources makes the implementation of any

program reform difficult. A case in point is the building of tree nurseries, where Errol

notes problems in acquiring building materials. Such problems affect the whole project

because tree nurseries are the means by which PEF goals are transmitted. But Errol sees

one positive aspect to this deficit of materials: it is a chance for improvization. In this

sense, he said, it contributes to the program's underlying aim of providing the leamers

with educational experiences.

I contend that this type of improvization rnight not be an educational experience,

at least in terms of the type of integration sought by this reform: instead of stimulating

'% a personal conversation with an officer from the Ministry of Agriculture I learned that some Indian parents, who were made part of the economic prograrns impIemnted &y national and international organizations, have said that they know that the officers use them to make mney. A famier, the officer said, reporteci how an officer found a beggar on the steps of a church, coUected his bistory then told the story to people, who gave him rmney to help the beggar. After some tinr; the officer showed up wearing a new suit and nice shoes, and the beggar was still by the church step wearing his old rags.

the learners' imagination and creativity, it might perpetuate indigenous learners' way of

Iife by requiring them to irnprovize at school as they do at home, thus increasing the

development of practical skills, particularly farming skills, at the expense of cognitive

development. Education in Andean schools thus becomes a forum for reproducing the

realities of indigenous rural Life. This is a major objection among many community

members, for whom the only thing being taught is what they are trying to escape from.

The lack of program resources such as books. teacher training, and materials for the

construction of the tree nurseries not only affect the feasibility of a successful

implementation of the PEF integrated program but aiso take away the cognitive

dimension that the pro- is supposed to develop.

Another aspect of program resources is the direction in which program resources

flow and the position of indigenous laborers within that flow. 1 already noted that parents

and their children are expected to contribute to working the school land which is referred

to as the school huerto, and to mallitaining the school facilities, on the grounds that it is

their children who get educated. According io Carmen the hirerto is the school's only

source of money. Carmen noted that the parents do not want themselves or their children

to work the land. Ansion (1 990a) reports that the indigenous parents have said that

teachers act like owners of that land, treating the parents as peons.*' It is uncertain

whether such compensation qualifies. in indigenous terms, as a benefit to the indigenous

communi ties.

This description of the huerro dynamics resernbles the hacienda system in Peru

during colonial times. Through much of colonial history the hacienda was a primary

institution through which econornic, social, cultural, and racial divisions were

maintained. Cumnt institutions and prograrns therefore may, in certain respects,

represent history fincihg one more way to repeat itself. Based on the above explanation

of huerto and hacienda, parents' refusal to work the land might be explained by the

similarities of the dFarnics of huerto and hacienda.

2 1 ~ peon is usually an uneducauxi Indian niale who works the land of others for a daily salary, which in Peru is currently 15 to 20 soles (about 5 or 6 dollars) per day.

Other Constraints on Teaching

On the bais of the litmature review and the testimony of Pedro and Carnien. 1

have suggested that teachers' performance could improve, given more textbooks and

better training. But several factors complicate the issue. First, the efficient use of these

resources will depend on whether teachers have adequate time on top of their other

obligations outside the school. Carmen believes that low salaries have pushed teachers to

take on additionai jobs (two or three sometimes) to be able to fulfill basic needs for their

families. This leaves very liale time for class preparation. and even less for learning how

to use new resources. One barely has tirne to use resources one is already f d a r with.

Carmen said that teachers often irnprovize the classes and that their energy level is low

because they corne to school tired.

Second, Levin (1 976) suggests that improving educational resources is important,

but that alone it will not bring about better education. Other factors, like the political

agendas of policy makers and incentives to embrace change. also need to be evaluated.

Although most of my participants do not make this point explicitly, one exception is

Carmen. She noted that the only copy of the teachers' manuals for implementing PEF in

the school is rarely used by teachers. This prompts one to conclude that mere availability

does not solve the problem. What else is needed to encourage teachers to actualiy pick

up the book? This scenario also echoes Dyer (1996) and Ezpeleta and Weiss (1994) who

report on Operation Blackboard in India and the PARE project in Mexico. In both cases,

resources (books, posters, pencils, notebooks, blackboards, dictionaries, maps, musical

instruments, puzzles and garnes, manuais, science and math kits, and so on) were made

available to teachers but never used.

A third issue is that the low status of teachers, especially nual Andean teachers, is

a structural dimension of Peruvian society (Paulston, 1971), a question of pattern rather

than simply of resources. As Burke (1996) observes, teachers are not considered capable

of making academic decisions. but are viewed as nansmitters of cmiculum content

mandated by the state. Although their pedagogies are not questioned, and they are

neither monitored nor chailenged by rninistry officiais, it is because education budgets

do not allow such activity; the autonomy resulting from this incapacity to monitor

teachers certainly does not translate into higher status. The lack of recognition from

others, and a conviction among teachers themselves that their low status is either

deserved or simply inescapable, leads them into passive acceptance about poor

education. According to Pedro and Carmen, they do no more than what society believes

them capable of.

In sum, various material and organizational resources were identifieci by the

participants as crucial to the success of PEF but lacking in its implementation. This

testimony is supported by a substantial literature on educational development on other

developing couniries, particularly Latin Amenca, as reviewed in Chapter 2. It is also

confirmed by SECPANE initiative, which had greater access to the resources just

discussed and was remarkably successful. But resources alone are only part of a more

complicated picture that examines further the ways in which a given resource actually

signifies differently to different people, especiaiIy considered across social and cultural

divides. 1 retum to this point later.

Research Ouestion #2: What Do Various Stakeholders Perceive to Be the Role of

Indigenous Knowledge in the Irn~lementation of the PEF Intemted Reform for Andean

SchooIs?

Persoectives of Administrators and Educators

The importance of indigenous cultural know ledge in teac her education, especiall y

for science teachers, bas been well documented in education (Aikenhead, 1997; Burke,

1996; Gagliardi, 1995; Jegede & Okebukola, 199 1) and in educational anthropology

(Aikenhead, 1 997; Aikrnan, 1995; Gagliardi, 1 995; Knamiller, l984a, b; Maddock,

198 1 ; Ogbu, 1992; Rengifo, 1989 Swift, 1992). Other researchers have stressed the

crucial role of indigenous cultural laiowledge for parents in the process of development

(Aikman, 1995; Ansion, 1 99Oa; Gagliardi, 1995; Horton, 1971; Jegede, 1994;

Knamiller, 1984a. b, 1994; Rengifo, 1989).

These positions are consistent with what ce- participanîs perceive to be the

role of indigenous knowledge in PEF irnplementation. Their field experience led to a

sensitivity toward indigenous people and helped thern iden- issues which otherwise

would have been invisible. As former members of indigenous communities, Pedro,

Errol, and Tyrone have lirst-hand expenence with indigenous agriculture and indigenous

communities. In Pedro's case this assists him in training teachers and supervishg their

practice to make sure they are pursuing the goals of the refom. Although Errol disagrees

with Pedro about the adequacy of current practice, he nonetheless admits to depending

upon his knowledge of uidigenous agriculture when training teachers for implementing

PEF. Tyrone's indigenous background helped him to establish connections between

what he teaches and leamers' social and natural surroundings. The importance of this

knowledge is not unknown by the educational system in Peru, as is shown by the

opening of inter-cultural bilingual graduate schools for Indian teachers in 1985. As

discussed above, these efforts have been weakened by the current govermnent

educational reforrns for Andean education (Palacios, 1995).

Regarding indigenous knowledge more generally, Pedro and Errol believe that

important knowledge about indigenous agricultural practices relevant to the development

of Andean communities and their people lies with indigenous fanners. But they also

believe. with Carmen, that indigenous parents are not capable of transrnitting such

knowledge in the education of their children; they believe, rather, that the f m e r s are an

obsolete vesse1 frorn which lcnowledge needs to be extracteci and applied to new

educational concepts. The maximum involvement they advocate for parents is to tell

their children, as part of their homework, about native trees in their communities.

Stronger support for indigenous voices cornes fkom Bacchus (1995), Kann (1989). and

Shaeffer (1 995), who challenge the idea that parents are good only for physical labour in

the school and suggest instead that with appropnate training, parents could be capable of

understanding a proposed reforrn and contributing to it. Shaeffer proposes that they

could help the children with their school work by improving the home environment to

foster school leaming. Kann even proposes that they could help in planning educational

material, and becoming involved in school p o l i ~ y . ~

Pers~ectives of Indinenous Parents

What the perspectives discussed above have in common is that indigenous

knowledge is considered objectively, that is, as a kind of object considered for its effect

in or on the world. What has been made problematic is not what indigenous people in

fact know, but the relevance of a category of knowledge to the issue of education. There

is another dimension to indigenous knowledge, however: How d a s indigenous

education, and the world within which that education occurs, appear through the Iens of

indigenous knowledge? What do indigenous people know to be their world. and within

it. the issues that characterize education? In terms of this subjective dimension. the

question of role identified in the research question is not about the role of some category

in the world, but rather what the world looks like or is. It suggests that the constitution of

the world is critically bound up with the different perspectives examined here. The next

task, then, is to gain a sense of those differences.

Recall that indigenous parents are expected to contribute to school activities and

to the education of their children by maintaining and improving the school buildings and

grounds, and attending school meetings to discuss the needs of their children and the

school. When they refuse to oblige or ask to be paid for their t h e , they are cailed "lazy"

and "money pbber ." Their status as Indians no doubt aggravates this view, especially

in lighr of the pattern of econornic and material subsidies given to Indians by

govemment and non-government institutions, which has earned them an additional

derogatory label "dependent." Al1 of the educator participants in this study referred to

indigenous parents using these three adjectives.

Econornic and cultural observations of indigenous people's behavior suggest

alternative understandings. Brute economic conditions alone should give critics pause.

%e miturai question, however. is not whether parents physically, mataUy or economicaily can contribute but w!w;fier they should. It is about specific ways of king reasonable.

As noted earlier, the average annual income of an Andean family is less than 500 US

dollars (COPASA, 1996), or 675 new soles in Peruvian currency (exchange rate fkom

December 1997). This amount is approximately four times the minimum monthly

s d f l in Peru. Based on an Amencas Watch report from 1992 regarding the cost of a

basket of food. this amount is sufficient to buy enough food to last a family of four

approximately eight weeks. Added to that, the recent economic crisis in Peru in 19WL4

has sunk unempioyed indigenous people and other ethnic poor people into greater

hardship. Their most fundamental a h is m g to make enough rnoney to keep from

starving (Shaeffer, 1995). In purely economic ternis, volunteering for unpaid activities is

completeiy out of the question, even for those living in large coastal cities where there

are also limited chances of getting a well-paying job.

Even brute econornics, however, does not consider the possibility of different

cultural understandings of exchange. It is apparently assumed that the mechanisms of

exchange are self-evident. Recent work in the Andes (Assadourian, 1995; Orlove. 1974;

Stern. 1982) refbtes this assumption, showing instead the variety of exchange forms in

indigenous pesant communities and the expectations each involves. Orlove, for

exarnple. looking at an agricuitural population in Espinar (near the site of my study).

distinguishes between three kinds of reciprocity, each involving its own set of

expectations about how, how much, and when reciprocity should occur and how close an

accounting is to be kept. Where these systems operate, successful interaction requires

that expectations be met, which in tum requires that expectations be known. In

interactions between indigenous and non-indigenous people, one can see the potential

for conflicting assumptions about how interaction should proceed. The problem is not so

much that indigenous people necessarily misunderstand European systems of exchange.

Larson (1997) makes clear that the markets introduced by Europeans did not overwhelm

% Pem people are usuaiiy paid by a fiied salary, which varies dependhg on the type of work one does. A minimum salary refers to an occupation for which a university d e p is not required.

'$ was brought on in 1995 during Fujimori's second t e n when the subsidy no longer included basic food items and taxes were increased on other products.

incompatible indigenous systems, but were readily adapted to those systems. The

problem would be a lack of shared understanding of what khd of exchange is cailed for

or assumed in a given situation.

One begins to see how various cornplaints may rest on evaluating indigenous social

life through non-Indigenous eyes. as in participants' assessments of indigenous parents

as "lazy" and uncommitted to the school activities and to the education of their children.

Regarding the donation of time to the school cause, both economic hardship and culture-

specific understandings of exchange may make such an expectation absurd. What might

be reasonable is for the contribution to be balanced by direct, though not necessarily

immediate, compensation to the person rendering service. It may also be that the kind of

exchange expected is not a reciprocal one, that non-indigenous institutions such as

schools are not even eligible for reciprocal relations according to an indigenous view,

and that the money expected from the school would amount to a wage rather than

reciprocal exchange.

Another factor to consider in locating the indigenous world is the deep distance

between Criollo and Indian expenence. As people socialized for centuries into the

lowest ranks of society. indigenous people now suffer no illusions about the possibility

of Criollo and Indian values coming together. They should hardly be expected to act as if

cooperation and altruism were really the keys after all. More reasonably. they recognize

the practical opportunity implied by access to Criollo culture, and know that trying to

mediate that oppomuiity by promoting indigenous lmowledge simply will not help.

That is not to say that dl indigenous parents categorically oppose indigenous

education for their children. We have seen that some do, as exemplified by Pedro's

cornments fiom the Andean indigenous parents. By experiencing how their own

knowledge, Ianguage, and culture maintain their econornic plight, they are eager to leave

such knowledge as far behind for their children as possible, often to the extent of

opposing any plans for integrating it into the school curriculum. Ansion (1990a) reports

cases where members of indigenous parent associations (mociaciones de padres de

familia) demanded that principals oniy hire teachers from the city. Ingrid's, Harry's, and

Pedro's narratives representing indigenous parents show opposition to the inclusion of

indigenous language and econornic activities, agricultural practices in particular. in the

school c ~ c u l u m . Agriculhiral practice, the activity most relevant to this snidy,

devaluates its practitioners on account of what it represents: arnong both indigenous and

Criollo people, and indeed, comrnon in rnany developing countries (Swift, 1992).

physical occupations are perceived as employrnent scraps left over for those seen as

lacking in intelligence. Among physical occupations, farming is usually the booby prize.

That view is bolstered by histories of colonization in which indigenous people were

conscripted as laborers for dominant newcomers, through slavery, tribute, or the systems

of exchange.

In addition to mere practicality, then, or culturai views of exchange, the stigma of

fanning and indeed of being indigenous is another possible road block to parent

contributions to school activities. Many indigenous parents, fulfilling their stigmatized

role (and thus stigmatizing it themselves), do not believe they have anythmg to

contribute to the non-indigenous education of their children (Ansion, 1 WOa; Haron,

1995), a belief which produces resistance to programs such as PEF. This position is

merely antagonized and strengthened by contrary views such as Carmen's, who uisists

that parents are expected to contribute to school with their physical work. It is also

antagonized by arguments, apparently supportive of the indigenous voice, that

indigenous wisdom has its place and should be valued.

Other indigenous views are not so extreme in shunning indigenous knowledge, but

fmd room for both Criolla and indigenous ideas in the education of indigenous children.

Ansion (1990a. p. 105) reports one farmer as saying that, "It is better that they leam

everything. Sooner or later, if they do not become professionals, they will know

something else." Such parents do believe they have something to contribute to their

children's education. What is at issue is how their lmowledge should articulate with the

school c d c u l u m ; this is one of the main concems of the Peruvian educational system

(Ansion, 1990a, b). For some parents, it is not a problem if indigenous lmowledge is part

of school activities, as long as it remains ext rac~cular . Others contend that school

should be focused exclusively on instruction the students cannot get at home. AU such

views have in common the belief that indigenous knowledge has its place, mainly as an

occupation to fall back on when all else fails. In other words, even these views accord

with the general devduation of indigenous Me ways observed above.

Research Ouestion #3: How Do Various Stakeholders Perceive the Benefits of the

PEF Intemted Reform for Indi~enous Children and Comrnunities?

There has been much educational research on developing countries regardhg the

relationship between integrated approaches in science education on one hand, and

children ' s academic achievernen t, their environment, and community economic

development on the other (Aikenhead, 1994. 1997; Ansion. 1990a, b; Driver, Guesne, &

Tiberghien, 1985; Encinas, 1986; Horton, 197 1; Jegede, 1994; Jegede & Okebula, 199 1 ;

Knamiller, 1 984a, b; Maddock, 198 1; Swift, 1992; Yabuku, 1994). Participants suggest

that PEF tries to target al1 three of these areas for irnprovement.

With the exception of Ansion (1990b), none of these authors talks specificaily

about PEF, but the implication is that both indigenous and Westem science should be

uicorporated into reforms like PEF to achieve the improvements just noted. Pedro

supports this general idea: he believes that one of the benefits for the children will be to

bener understand the school knowledge because it will be made relevant to their world,

which would register as improved academic achievement. But relevance alone is not

sufficient: this thesis dso shows that the quality of both indigenous and Westem

knowledge in the PEF, as introduced by the teachers, was poor. Children thus finish high

school poorly trained. a result which does not help them get well-paying jobs in the city

or enter tertiary education. Jegede (1994, p. 225) concurs, saying that science is the

"international cumncy for national and global development," and encourages

developing countries not just to sit on the fence but to enter the field and play. Swift

( 1992) and Newman (1 988) corroborate this by noting ways in which local agriculnval

knowledge is systematically stigmatized: the entrance examination for higher education

in developing countries does not include local agricultural lcnowledge (Swift, 1992). and

male graduates from rural schools in Peru, if hired, always earn Iow salaries. Swift adds

that employers do not trust the acadernic proficiency of d y trained graduates,

suspecting instead a lack of high quality education, even in agriculture. This

stigmatization of rural Iife is probably why parents make efforts to send their children to

the city. oppose educational reforms that seek to include indigenous practices such as

farming, and prefer teaches from the city to teach children in their communities, as

noted by participants in this study.

Regarding ecological and economic benefits, the PEF seeks to benefit children

and parents by improving their attitude towards the management of naniral resources and

conservation of the environment. According to m o l , this is one of the biggest problems

for the Ministry of Agriculture in Peru. Pedro, too, sees environmental education for

children as a crucial benefit of PEF. This thesis has suggested, however, that such

teaching would require that teachers at least have familiarity with the Andean geography

and flora, and aiso a personal interest in the program. In general, teachers lack those

attributes.

As a route to indigenous cornrnunity development, this kind of approach has been

criticized by Swift (1 992) and International Labour Organization (1986) as irrelevant to

indigenous peoples' agendas for development. It is not surpnsing that this program is not

very popular among indigenous people. If they could afford it, they would rather send

their children to study in the city where the school emphasis on environmental and

agricultural issues is superficial and ideas about integration mainly absent. As far as

possible. it seems, many indigenous people seek the greater oppominity they believe

follows leaving their own knowledge and socieq behind. Their suspicions about

integrated reform seems bome out by Cmen, whose reports about tacher trainers

suggest that PEF seeks to prevent rather than encourage d - u r b a n migration. The

suspicions also seem bome out by -01. Although Errol supports the PEF and overtly

States the benefits of integrating indigenous knowledge into the Andean curriculum, his

position simultaneously devalues the indigenous point of view, which Errol sees as

embodying bad habits regarding the management of natural resources and environmental

conservation. Errol thus sees the correction of certain indigenous practices and attitudes

as a crucial benefit of the PEF.

My data do not provide me with information on indigenous parents' ideas of the

integrated approaches or their attitudes toward the environment or management of

naniral resources, but they do deal with the benefits of having indigenous agricultural

practices formally integrated into Andean education. Parents have made it clear, as noted

in the previous section, that education for development should not include indigenous

agricultural knowledge, but rather, the knowledge respected and used in the modem

sector of Peru (Ansion 1990a).

The benefits of the PEF integrated programs are visible through the lens of

peoples' experiences. A gap of "500 years" exists between hdian and Criollo worlds in

Peru. Although each group has developed its own path for development, a prevailing

goal seems to be shared: "a good education for a well-paying job." In the case of Indian

people the purpose is not ody to obtain a good job, but also to gain respect as human

beings. It is in ignoring this commonality that programs fail to fuifiil the indigenous

people's "paths" for development and instead push them down by t e b g them "stay in

your cornmuniry and work the land." The perceived benefits of PEF, even if realized, do

not represent the interests of the indigenous people but those of the CriolZo regarding

indigenous people.

Cha~ter Surnrnzuy

This Chapter has built on Chapter 4 by relating my findings from Peru to the

research Literature discussed in Chapter 2. The discussion thus far has reveded a variety .

of perspectives among the participants in this study, and noted that perspectives are

woven into a complex social hierarchy within refom institutions. By looking beyond the

refom institution itself and into indigenous society, an even greater contrast in

perspectives became visible. In essence, my hdings point to the inability or

unwillingness of elite groups located in the higher levels of Peruvian social structure,

including educational institutions, to accommodate or radically consider the perspectives

of people in lower social groups.

In a preceding section 1 noted that local teachers are not recognU:ed as

professionals by policy developers when developing educational reforms. Then 1

reflected on the systematic neglectTu among policy developers and implementea. of the

voices of local rninistry officiais and indigenous people in the development of

educational reforms. 1 suggested severai areas in which an indigenous world view was

systematically overlooked in branding indigenous people with stereotypes, considering

only one (non-indigenous) view of econornics, and taking no steps toward

comprehending how crucial interactions. for example those concerning contributions to

the school by indigenous parents. might be perceived kom culturally different vantage

points. By deepening one's sense of context, these unheard voices could improve the

implementation of educational reforms (Avalos-Bevan. 1995; Haron, 1995; Jegede,

1994; Knamiller, 1984a, b; Ogbu, 1992; Shaeffer. 1995; Swift, 1992). In addressing this

issue, my goal was not to provide an in-depth explanation of my hdings in culturally

relevant terms, for which much more data and time would be needed, but to show how

such an enterprise is relevant to issues of crosscultural educational reform.

Z S ~ mean systematic in a serise that made SECPANE a success: although the usual. stigmatizing social hierarchies continueci to operate in Penivian society at large, the SECPANE program achieved a certain independence from chat social system. It thus achieved a IeveI of sensitivity to indigenous voices that would otherwise have been impossible.

Chapter 6: Conclusions and Suggestions for Further Research

Conclusions

This thesis has looked at the perspectives of seven people, each with a particular

stake in the implementation of an integrated educational reform in Andean schools in

Peru. Two main conclusions can be drawn fiom the saidy. First, an educational reform

can be viewed from various social and cultural perspectives rather than one dominant

perspective. Second, blindness to such differences of perspective cm compromise the

implementation of an educational refom, despite good intentions. Consideration of the

various perspectives at play in the process of implementing a reform, on the other hand,

could provide the reform implementers with tools to achieve the desired outcomes of the

reform, and more fundamentaily, the capacity to better determine what constitutes a

desirable outcome in the fmt place. It would allow the various policy malcers and

implementen a better chance to see what is really at stake for the various people

involved in a reform program, and would help these oficials to develop understanding

pnor to judgement across culturai divides, for exarnple in assessing the actions of

indigenous parents who resist donating their tirne or energy to the school. It could also

engender a more workable and responsibie plan for the distribution of program funds. It

could reduce resistance from various groups as they corne to develop and understand

common goals and means, as well as the specific areas in which irreconcilable

differences should be conceded.

Any solution to these dilemmas of perspective, however, faces a great obstacle:

centuries of sustained devaluation of indigenous people and indigenous knowledge in

Pem. On one hand, ail the best intentions on the part of non-indigenous people--if best

intentions they are-cannot erase the centunes over which indigenous peoples have been

maintained as the lowest rank of Peruvian society. It would seem foolish for this

stigmatized group to suddenly believe reformes mean them well and act accordingly,

just as they are surely aware, in their own terms, of the possible advantages that access to

Western knowledge has to offer. On the other hand. it would be fwiish to imagine that

cross-cultural sensitivity is something one merely decides about. as if turning on a radio.

Comprehending indigenous worlds involves more than simply deciding to look at them.

It also involves knowing how to look, and knowing that default ideas about the world

kick in whenever this task is not considered difficult For these tasks of comprehending

significance cross-culturally, anthropological research is especially relevant.

Sueestions for Further Research

This thesis is not intended to be a compIete investigation of my field site in Peru,

let alone generalizable to a l l Peru or beyond. It is prirnarily a device for rethinking the

possible dimensions of a cross-cultural refom and the broader crosscultural interaction

such a reform implies. As a tentative presentation of the issues, this shidy would benefit

from complementary research in the following general directions

1. Investigation should be carried out on the PEE integrated reform, which could

be more broadly informative than studying the PEF: the PEE is a cross-cumcuIar

approach in which almost all the science subjects have been integrated with indigenous

agicultural science and technology. It would thus provide a broader view of how reform

is atternpted.

2. Further fieldwork should be carried out in other locations in the Peruvian

Andes, in order to help assess what is typical and what is anornalous about my snidy of

Sonko. On the bais of those funher studies, comparison should be extended to research

in other developing nations, again to determine more accurately the peculiarities of

Andean Peru.

3. Close attention should be paid to sampling. Sheer numbers are one factor:

rather than base a study on a few voices in a given sampling domain, there should be

many, enough to achieve a statistically significant statement. There should also be more

sampling domains-for instance, a greater range of indigenous voices which differentiates

occupations, gender, generations, kin groups, levels of ducation, places of residence,

and so on. Better sampling would make any of the statements made in this thesis either

erroneous or more sound.

4. A closer anthropological view of indigenous views of schm~. interaction and

the indigenous world is invaluable. Indigenous loiowledge must corne to life for the

educatodreformer as more than simply a category of howledge non-indigenous people

apply to their world and their problems: it must become a primary s t~~cnir ing apparatus

that determines what world one is even talking about. Issues that appear a certain way in

the fvst scenario may appear differently, or not at dl, in the second. Failure to account

for this in specific, grounded terms can only irnpede effective dialogue, and hence the

success of a reform.

5. Participants in this study have pointed out various ways in which the PEF

refom is being cornpromiseci. A conclusive assessrnent of PEF or any other refom,

however, would require a much more rigorous determination and measurement of

indexes of success, like differences in the employability of graduates fiom rural versus

urban schools, or between identifiably Uidigenous versus identifiably non-indigenous

students, or concrete signs that the kind of integration sought has been achieved. Such

assessments, of course, presume that the goals of the reform are clearly understood. In

the case of PEF, then, one would want to concretely mesure the level of integration

officially sought through PEF against the isolating effects of the program noted by

Carmen.

This point is intimately bound up with suggestion 4, which stresses the need to

comprehend the indigenous worldview as a fundamental context for understanding what

is at stake for indigenous people in educational reforms, as well as differences among

indigenous people. That is, however irrelevant worldview and other metaphors for deep

cultural understanding may seem to the narrower, practical business of educational

refonn. in mth it is precisely the opposite.

6. This thesis notes the involvement of foreign funds in Andean educational

refom. The economic and social implications of that involvement should be

comprehensively studied. What are the foreign contributors' interests in Peru, and what

specific capacities do those contributors have to exercise their interests? What, exactly,

does foreign investment in Peru, or its absence, determine? What coercive effects are

there, and where do they register? How does foreign investment in Peru articulate with a

broder, and ultimately global, economy, and what implications does that breadth have

for indigenous education in Peru specificaiiy?

7. Generalizing the last point M e r , another concem is to be able to detemine

more precisely what benefits anthropological research would have, and what

impediments to success in reform would remain after relevant cross-cultural perspectives

were achieved by a i i concemed. I have argued that lmowing relevant perspectives nom

the various cultures concemed is crucial. but it is also not the complete solution. What

are realistic limits to the effects of crosstulturai understanding?

Appendix A: Glossary: Foreign Words (Quechua and Spanish) and Acronyrns

Andean Indio or Serrano: Labels given to those people who are descended from

indians, live in Andean comrnunities and share Indian cultural values, Ianguage. etc. All

of them subsist mainly by agriculture and herding

Arequipa: A province located in the South-West of Peru, weil known for its majestic

countryside and extensive agriculnual activity. It is known as the "White city" because

dl the buildings since colonization and ais0 modem architecture are constmcted mainly

of sillar, solidified lava from volcanoes.

Campesino: This label was given. in 1970, to Indian fanners or Indian people to replace

the term Indio. The label Indio canies a negative connotation for the Andean peoples.

Campesino facilitates reference to the same people while obscuring somewhat the

negative dimension of the reference.

Chameros: This label is given to Criollo farmers in Peru.

Chacra: A piece of land owed by an individual or a family, used for cultivation and for

corrals for domestic animals. It is a place where Indian farrners are in contact with nature

and are free to practice their religion and beliefs.

Cholo: A Peruvian person of Indian ongin that has immigrateci to the city and acquired

Criollo speech, habits of dress and, if possible, life style.

Ciencias Naturaies: Natural Sciences. It is the science cumculum for the upper Grades

of elementary education.

Crioiio: A Peruvian person of mixed ongin (white and Indian, white and black) who has

always lived in the city and been educated there, usually in pnvate schools

COPASA: Pemvian-German Cooperation of Food Security.

DREA: Regional Office of Education of Arequipa.

Naturaieza y Cornunidad: Nature and community. It is the science curriculum for the

lower Grades of elementary education.

OFIRENA: Regional Office of Nature.

Ojo de agua: Natural water basin, literally translates into English as "eye of water."

PEE: Program of Ecological Education.

PEECC: Project of Ecological Education and Peasant Communities.

PEF: Project of Forestry Education.

Peon: Refers to a person who works others* land for a daily payrnent or j o m l (a day

wage). Most of the t h e a j oml includes one meal and drinks, usudly chicha (a

beverage made of femented dry red maize) or chimbango (a beverage made h m

femented dry black figs). The food is given to them either cooked and ready to eat, or

else raw for the peon to cook. It is usually a heavy soup made of potato. rice. and some

meat. In Peru, only Indian people work as peons.

PRATEC: Andean Project and Peasant Technologies.

Quechua and Aymara : Both are languages spoken by Indian people in Peru. The

majority of people however speak Quechua, the language of the Inca. Quechua is the

second official Ianguage in Peru.

Secano: Inigation by min. used in areas where rainfd is heavy

SECPANE: Peruvian-North Amencan Educational Services Cooperation.

Sequias: Channels built in and around the chacras to cany water for irrigation. This

system of irrigation is part of Inca agriculhuaI technology, and is widely used by

campesinos and chacareros.

USE: Unit of Special Services. Part of the Ministry of Education in Peru for the

province of Arequipa.

Appendix B: Schedule of Interviews

1 Participants 1 Iutewiew Dates/ 1996

1 Ingrid 1 22 July

24 July

1 Tyrone 1 12 August

Carmen

Carmen

1 Errol 1 21 August

29 July

09 August

1 Pedro 1 23 August

I - - - - -

Timoteo 1 26 August

1 Pedro 1 28 August

My non-participant observation date was on August the 19th.

Tyrone (did not take

place)

30 August

Appendix C: Sample of an Interview and Tuming Point

a) Carmen's intended interview

1. Do you know if the science curriculum includes indigenous practices, such as those

used in:

a) terracing b) crop rotation

C) staple crops d) food storage

e) soi1 management techniques f) irrigation techniques (sequias)

g) others (please mention hem)

2. To what degree is any of the above or other indigenous loiowledge included in the

science curriculum?

3. Do you consider it possible for indigenous agicultural practice and wisdom to become

part of the science curriculum? If so, what steps do you think could the educational system

undertake to achieve this task?

4. Could the integration of both scientific paradigrns in the science curriculum enhance

the science leaming by indigenous peoples?

5. Could this integration influence the appreciation of indigenous culture by Indian and

non-Indian peoples?

6. In your view, are there any reasons why such integration should not occur?

b) Fragment from Carmen's interview usina the above auestionnaire and showing - the

de~arture from it.

1: 1. Do you know if the science curriculum includes indigenous practices, such as those

used in?:

a) terracing b) crop rotation C) staple crops

d) food storage e) soi1 management techniques f) irrigation techniques (sequias)

g) others (please mention them)

C: Yes. but this knowledge is in the peasants' community, their members lmow

everything about it, but now they have become lazy, they have become dependant.

1: is this bowledge also taught in your school?

C: No, really, but 1 think it is taught in some agricultural schools.

1: Do you know where those schools are? Are there any in Arequipa?

C: Not in Arequipa 1 don't think. There may be some in Moquegua.

1: Do you know what they teach in those schools?

C: I think that the technology that they teach is about agriculture and herding, but with

modem technology, and also the peasants' technology. Here in the school also some

speciaiists came and gave some lectures to the teachers to teach the children about

agriculture. They [rninistry of education representatives] said that it was to reduce the

migration of people from Andean comrnunities to the cities. Then they taught the teachers

to better utilize natural resources.

1: Are these lectures part of a course for the teachers or for the students?

C: Yes, there is something similar in oui school. We have the prograrn of forestation. This

prograrn is implemented in the 1st three years of elementary education. But the teachers

are not interested in it. Moreover, they do not have time to prepare for the implementation.

1: What prograrn is that and how it is being implemented in your school?

C: The teachers collect seeds for the tree nurseries. They also receive training but it is

very poor. The teachers only receive a few hours of poor training kom the Unidad de

Servicios Especials (USE), the teachers are mostly on their own. The specialists do not

come to the school. Once we c d e d the specialist to help the teachers to begin a guinea pig

farm, but they never did corne.

1: What is the USE?

C: This is the office that trains teachers for the PEF. It is located in Arequipa Teachers

could give you more information about it than 1 can.

1: Do you think that we could arrange a meeting with one of the teachers who is

implementing the PEF in your school?

C: Of course, yes, we will fa that later.

1: How is this program implemented in your school?

C: You see, as 1 told you before, the teachers do not have much interest in the program. In

addition. our teachen hold two or three jobs per day to meet their basic needs and their

family needs. so when they come to school they are tired and often they improvise the

lessons. They [teachers] make less money than some of our dropouts who get jobs with

petroleum extraction companies or in mines. Their salary [the dropouts] is sometimes four

tirnes the salary of the teacher

1: What are other reasons why it is difficult to implement the program?

C: Also there is lack of economic support, there are no resources for the smdents to study.

We have very few books in the school: biology books, for instance for the secondary

level we only have three, and chemisûy books. we have two. For the elementary level we

have two boos on natural science. On one occasion. some students who dropped out of

school before frnishing their high school came back to obtain their hi& school diploma.

They worked making good money in the mines--they were Ioaded with money. They

bought their own books and did aii their work in the class. With the help of the teacher

they leamed a lot. It was a success.

1: What other problems are there that interfered with the implementation of the program?

C: Another problem that we have not only for the implementation of the program but that

affects the quality education of the children in generd is the lack of participation of the

parents in school activities. Their participation in school activities has deteriorated since

the inception of these programs. We ask hem to help to maintain the school and to build

walis to give more security to the school. They do not want to help, we have to push them.

And it is even worse when we cal1 them to talk about their children's acadernic

achievement or because theû children need school materials to snidy. M e n they corne to

school to help, they want us to pay them for their effort. But, when there are parties in

town, you see, they corne and bring money from anywhere to buy beer. Yet, they demand

that their children learn.

I: How do you relate this more specifically to the program?

C: We have land for the school where the snidents transplant their trees and plant other

domestic crops which are then sold for the benefit of the school and the cornrnunity. We

[school sraff and the parents] propose that with the profits from cultivating the school

land, we buy school materials and uniforms for the children, but neither the parents nor

the children want to work the land.

End of fragment

Appendix D: Spanish Version of Quotes

1. Profesores tienen dos O ires trabajos por dia asi éllos mantienen a sus familias.

Entonces cuhdo vienen a la escuela ha ensefiar, éllos e s t h muy cansados, rnuchas veces

improvisan las clases. Ellos [profesores] hacen menos dinero que muchos de los

estudiantes que h h dejado el colegio y se van a trabajar a los pozos de petroleo O a las

minas. Aveces los estudiantes hacen cuatro veces mis dinero que un profesor.

2. Unos de nuestros estudiantes que habian dejado la escuéla regresaron para completar

su seciindaria. EUos trabajaban en las minas y hacian buen dinero. Ellos estaban cargados

de dinero. Ellos se compriiron sus iibros y hiciéron todas sus taréas en el afila. Con la

ayuda de el profesor ellos aprendiéron mucho. Fué un éxito.

3. Uno de nuestros mayores problemas es que no tenemos una bibliotéca Nosotros solo

tenemos pocos libros. Por ejemplo para la secundka tenemos solo 3 libros de biologia y

3 de quimica eso en las materias de ciencias. Para la primiiria solo tenemos 2 libros para

cada asignatura, y esos son los libros que los estudiantes usan para hacer sus taréas.

4. El fondo que nos proporcionaba la FA0 Suiza nos daba para visitar las escuelas y

reunimos con los directores de escuela y también con los profesores. Yo enthces podia

salir y observar el progreso que los profesores tenian con el PEF, como se compenetraban

con la cornunidad. Yo podia enthces acomsejarles en formas de improvisar su trabajo.

Este dinero tarnbién nos daba para entrenar a los profesores. Pero ahora, este recurso ya no

10 tenemos desde Lima, nosotros no tenemos nin@ soporte economico.

5. No existen recursos econ6rnicos para la ejecucih del program Forestal, este es uno de

los factores limitantes que tenemos ahorita para que el program inclusive se ejecute con

la mejor posibilidad. Este es practicamente el trabajo de el alfimno y el docente y los

materiales que puedan existir en la cornunidad ... eiios tienen que crear sus viveros de nada

Eiios se autogestionan, buscan recursos de la mejor forma para poder trabajar. Pero si Io

miramos desde le punto de vista educacional, esta es tambikn ma experience educacional.

éllos aprenden como improvisar.

6. Algunos programas puestos por el gobiemo y por otras organizaciones no

governamentales en lugar de ayudar a el campesino a desarrollar su economia, 10 que

estan haciendo es volverlos asistencialistas, ya, quiéren todo por gratis.

7. Se est5 mal acostumbrando a la gente, existe un existencialismo. Enthces se cae el

andén, entonces si no hay recurso O aliment0 no les da la gana de levantarlo se pueden

quedar sentados y asi 10 hacen. Es que todo tienen a disposici6n y éso no ayuda a la

poblacion ruriil. EUos rnismos deben esfonarse por crear su pr6pio recurso O fiente de

vida no esperar que el el gobiemo les apoye con alimentos y otros recursos.

8. El gobierno les da dinero y comida gratis. Es una politica paternalista, en lugar de

darles todo gratis, el gobierno deberia crear trabajos para ellos.

9. Los padres de farnilia han sido cambiados, es dificil concentralos en el colegio, el

gobiemo da dinero y comida a los padres de famila a cambio de nada. Antes el padre

cooperaba, levantaba muros, ahora hay que presionarlos. Y se pone peor cuando les

llarnamos a reunidn de padres de farnilia para discutir las necesidades de la escuela y la de

sus hijos como cuhdo no les compran a su hijos los materiales que necesitan para

estudiar. Entonces cuhdo ellos vienen a la escuela quieren que les pagemos. Pero, si Ud.

vé cuhdo hay fiestas en al pueblo como vin y sach la plata de donde sea para la cervéza.

10. Se propuso que con la ganancia de trabajar la tiém tendriamos para gastos de

uniformes y utiles escolares para los esnidiantes, pero los padres no quieren trabajar y

tampoco quiéren que sus hijos trabajen la tiem de la escuela

1 1. Unos especialistas viniéron y nos enseiiaron a criari cuyes. Cuhdo t e e 6 el curso

nos regalaron unas parejas de productores para nosotros criarlos, yo pensé que podiamos

criarlos, hacer raza y venderlos y asi hacer dinero para comprar uniformes O libros para los

estudiantes. Pero los ninos le dijer6n sus padres y se metieron a la escuela y se robaron

unos de los machos. Yo Ueve el resto a la casa de un estudiante para mayor seguridad,

hasta que la seguridad de la esuela se aumente. Pero cuando fui a ver a los myes, los

padres me dijeron que se habian entrado y se los habian robando. Yo creo que éllos

rnismo se los robaron.

12. A la escuela nos regalaron un microsc6pio grande para los estudiantes. Pero ellos no

lo han usado todabia, nisiquiéra 10 han visto. Por razones de seguridad, solamente la caja

esta en la escuela, el microc6pio esta guardado en otra parte, hasta que la seguridad de la

escuela se mejore. Mis preocupaciones no s6n que los ninos 10 roben, pero que le digan a

sus padres y éllos enthces roben la escuela como 10 han hecho hntes.

13. La leche que nos daban por el programa "Un Vaso" de leche estaba b i e n d o afuéra

en el patio en una olla, la olla se volte6 y la leche se estaba cayendo toda al piso. Los

estudiante pasaban la miraban y no se acomedian a recogerla. Es que 6110s sabian que no

les cuesta, si les contara si se preocupan'an en recogerla.

14. Nosotros capacitarnos &O tras a80 a todos los docentes que aplican este programa,

ellos conocen todo 10 que s la metodologia del trabajo tanto curricular como tecnol6gico

forestal.

15. Yo se de la teoria y de la practica para la constmcti6n de viveros..si yo asisto a los

cursos que la USE pone cada aÎio.

16. El PEF es una propuesta iinica de trabajo en dos niveles: una en el aspécto de

contenidos cumculares, todo 10 que es el aspécto de contenidos currciculares, todo 10 que

es la teoria del aspécto forestal O ecologico, y el aspécto priictico el aspécto viveros,

concepto, enthces, irboIes, arborizar nuestra cornunidad. Pero lo que esta haciendo el

docente en estos momentos no es corrento. Y eso tambien es falta de capacitacih, falta de

orientati6n sistemitica. Los profesores no estan bién preparados, Y es que tampoco hay

técnicos especialistas, entrenadores O técnicos que trabajen en esta direccionalidad. A el

profesor nosotros le damos una guia y no la aplica como debio aplicarlo

17. Y es que nosotros no tenenos especialistas que mbajen en ésa direccionalidad.

Enthces la Direction Regional con un solo especialista no se da avasto para controlar 200

escuelas. Nuetra mision es crear cambio conceptual con respecto a el manéjo de nuestros

recursos naturales, con un foco particular en &botes. A nosotros no nos interesa produch

iirboles.

18. Los profesores solamente reciben unas pocas horas de entrenamient0 de la ISE,

generalrnente los profesores estas solitos. Una véz para el sector s e c u n ~ o pedimos a los

especialistas que vengan para que ensefien a los estudiantes y a los profesores como cria

cuyes, pero ellos nunca vinieron.

19. A nuestros maéstros en la uiversidad y en los pedag6gicos se les forma con una

cumcula con polvo para trabajar demepente en la ciudad. Trabajamos con una propuesta

cumcular desde hace 15 6 10 aÎios at&, osea yo pienso que no es justo, no, que

formernos a docentes y los mandernos a trabajar en iireas nirsles donde se encuentran con

realidades diferentes con problemas sociales, econ&nicos, familiares de idiosincracia, los

cuales el docente no 10 entiende. Entonces en este contexto el doente tiene pocas

herramientas, limitaciones. tiene deficiencias para trabajar dentro de este contexto

cultural.

20. Yo planteria que se forme al docente con un plan de estudios especificos. un docente

para trabajar en reas d e s . 5reas Andinas. Formar identidad, autoestima no es dificil en

el nino que esta adquirendo su desarrollo L6gico. matemlitico, su desarrollo de

comunicaci6n. su aspécto valorativo, no es dificil fomarle. Ahi es donde el profesor

tiene que saber como ensefiar a los ninos.

2 1. Yo ayudé a poner una propuesta para entrenar profesores que enseiiaban en la zona

Andina de Arequipa. Fue una propuesta de educacion intercultural y bilingue (Quechua-

Espanol). Y, si, fué implementado en el 1996, pero solo una sola véz . Esta propuesta

tenia la misma direccionalidad que el projecto de comunidad campesina Yo 10 vi con

buenos ojos. osas propuestas se hin hecho, pero ahi noma esth. es que el gobiemo no les

da mucha importancia a éste tipo de propuestas.

22. Yo he notado que algunos de los profesores de la primana no estan bien preparados

para ensefiar los contenidos de los cursos. Y eso repercute en la preparacion que los

estudiantes tienen cuhdo acaban su quinto de media.

23. Los estudiantes terminan con una mala base. En esta escuela los estudiantes que

terminan el quinto de media es corno si fuéran de el quinto de primaria, no estan bién

preparados.

24. Cuhndo hablamos de los directores de escuela 6 programa no tienen ésa capacidad de

querenciar toda la propuesta curricular de los programas especficos como en este caso el

prognima Forestal. Un tanto el se dedica al aspécto m8s adrninistrativo y es que no hemos

preparado al director. Los directores se h h hecho por antiguedad 6 por la p&a

experiencia que le da su trabajo en las diferentes escuelas que ha pasado.

25. Los professores estan expuestos a una realidad diferente cuhdo ensefian en las

escuelas Andinas. Enthces requiéren una constante supervision del especialista en zonas

Andinas para una mejor implementaci6n del programa.

26. Yo planteo un cumculum que tenga objetivos de alcanze y querencia que atraviése

todos los grados de estudio del 1 al 6, objetivos generdes. objetivos que v h ha dar unidad

regional O nacional, pero que tambien haya objetivos especificos de Iocalidad que incluya

la cultura regional. Con eso no quiero de& que estoy segmentando O que estoy creando

grupos, no, ensefiar a leér al ni50 en una zona urbana con la palabra derrepente mercado y

ensefiar a leér a un nino de una zona rural con la palabra feria O hato que es igual a

mercado. Entonces en ésta yo planteo una cmicula de acuerdo a la realidad, no, de

acuerdo a su contexto. El nino se desarrolla O se educa enzinenteménte en una interaction

con sus semejantes y con su ambiénte.

27. La mayoria de los docentes no tiene las costumbres ni los conocirnientos para

adquirirlo O valorarlo éstos conocirnientos de agricultura Andina, entonces en ese aspécto

fa1 ta también formacih pedag6gica.

28. Asi, en su mayoria los entrenadores tienen algo de conocimiento de agricultura

Andina. Ese conocimiento del capacitador téchnico forestal es adquirido por SU pr6pia

experiencia. Por exemplo he vivido y soy procedente de una zona Andina y 10 he

experimentado en mi misrno. eso hace que a mi me facilite el trabajo de capacitaci6n.

Enthces se relaciona y éso también ayuda para que los docentes, no, traten de recurrir a

los conocimientos que ellos tienen cuando ensefian.

29. Mi pr6pia expriencia y mi conocimiento en agricultwa y en la zona Andina me ayuda

a implementar el PEF y también a compenetrarrne con los esnidiantes.

30. El prograrna hé manejado eminenteménte por ingeniéros, antrop6logos y

economistas de Lima y de afuera que no entendian de enseiiar O de 10 Andino. Falto el

profesor que dirigiera el proyecto. A nosotros [profesores] nos imponian Io que teniamos

que hacer 10 que no éra correcto. Es que se necesit6 de un educador, especialista en zona

Andina ... Asi que asi, una buena propuesta hé puesta.

3 1. El PEF es una propuesta buena, es una propuesta para nosotros educar el nino niral

Anduio como ecologista como ambientalista desde el punto de vista actitudinal,

conductual que es nuestro trabajo en educatih, no .... Nosotros tenémos que crear en el

nGo un cambio conceptual y de aciûtudinal con respect0 a el manejo de recursos

naturales,especificamente de iirboles.

32. Yo opino que un prograrna de desarrollo del Ande debe comenzar con una tecnologia

intermedia, pero si hacer 6mfasis en toda la tecnologia ancestral recuperar su experiencias,

conociminetos de los campesinos, en el aspécto pecu6ri0, forestal, en al aspécto de

manejo de suelos, recursos naturales, de los bosques, de al agua, que h6y en dia hemos

conhindido, que estamos haciéndo para el desarrollo del Ande estamos llevando

tecnologia occidental solamente, que no trabaja en esta zona

33. El Ministrerio de Educacion acusa de dificiencias de la educacih en el k a Aral

andina pero eso tiene su justificaci6n el porque, no, el d o a la escuela t d e un month

de conociernientos empiricos no sistemziticos de su casa que los vive con con los vecinos

con sus paph con sus amigos, pero es su entorno cornunal enthces cuhdo se enfrenta a

la escuela a una propuesta que le minsteno ha elaborado derrepente sin tener en cuenta la

realidad , no bio-psico-social del educando enthces choca , enthces hay un desafo ...

Estos contenidos que les damos en la escuela no responden, pé, a su nive1 que el nui0

n5e. no corresponden a sus expectativas , ya no es su juego, su entomo, sus plantas , ya

no son sus aninales .... Pero acîualmente el sector esta tratando de hacer programs

currriculares locales. microregionales, és una propuesta con un program de articulacibn

que estamos empezando a educar al el nino en su entorno en su medio pero desde sus

interéses , desde sus necesidades, la propuésta ecol6gica con sus dos lineas resphde a

este problema: con la Educacih Forestal y la Educaci6n Ecol6gica

34. La technologia Andina los campesinos la conocen muy bién. y les dan buenos

resultados, pero se esta perdiendo, todo ese conocimeineto que roda a la agricultura

Ahonta la question de la agricultura. todo 10 que es el cultivo, los cultivas, los campesinos

Io manejan en funcion de las estacibnes lunares y eso no se esta dando en 10 que se viene

introduciendo en la escuela, no. Segundo, los campesinos trabiija. con espkies netamente

adaptadas a la zona, no introducen cualquiér espécie, aseguran su producci6n. Entbnces el

otro conocimiento es las estacibnes y los fenbmenos clim&icos que ellos los conocen bién

y tiene conocimento ha acerca de ellos. Otro conocimiento muy importante es toào 10 que

es sobre alimentaci6n. la tecnologia alirnenticia que existe y la medicina foklonca son

cosas que se viene ahorita cayendo.

35. El objetivo del programa es crear conciencia en los niiios sobre todo en los ninos

porque ellos son los que vin ha asumir el rnando. Es crear conciencia de la preservaci6n

de las espécies naturales, porque ya es th en la etapa de extinsibn. En cierto modo se esta

rescatando 10 que se esta perdiendo, las espécies y la forma en que los agricultores

cultiva esas espécies. Pasar ese conocimiento a sus padres para que ellos ya no corten

irboles y poluten el arnbiénte ... los de OFKRENA h h fiacasado completamente en ése

respect0 de enseiiar a los padres atravéz de el Miniseno de Agricultura

36. Aqui tenemos buenas t i é m y los campesinos saben como cultivaria y producirla

bién eso se vé en su excelente produci& de papas. Pero ya no quieren trabajar.

37. Los insmictores dicen que ensefian cuestiones de agricultura para que los ninos no se

esapen a la ciudad y mas bién trabajen en sus cornunidades.

38. Porque el campesino dice que ésto se aciibe en mi, porque A entiende que todo 10

niral Andino es para los que, no, no h h tenido progreso en la educacih, para los que h5n

sido desaprobados, los que h h sido desertores del systema Enthces Io relaciona el

trabajo del campesho, el trabajo agricola como sin6mimo de castigo, trabajo duro,

fracaso.

39. El padre de familia, asi como acalfabeto que es, tiene su propuesta de desarrollo y a

visto en el idi6ma castellano, y en el tipo de vida de la ciudad. Es una propuesta de

educacih superior, su alternative para el desarrollo de sus hijos, y no déjan de tener

razon, es correcto. El castellano esta en libros, sirve para hacer respetar sus derechos ....

40. Uno de mis hijos, pué, se dedica a trabajar la tiérra, si, é1 es un buno nunca quiz6

estudiar, que mfis le queda que trabajar la tiém.

41. NO, mis hijos son todos crecidos y ningiino trabaja la tiérra, ellos son profesionales.

Yo tengo dos ingeniéros, no ellos no viene a la chactu. Yo 16 trabajo aqui porque no se

nada rn6s que hacer, si no hago ésto me muero de hambre, pue.

42. ... van a tener un bajo nive1 de rendimiento escolar, casi un 70% de repitentes de d o .

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