Title "Let People's Preconceptions Hang Themselves" : in the Life ofa Bilingual Person

Author(s) Miyahira, Katsuyuki

Citation 言語文化研究紀要 ： Scripsimus(3): 13-38

Issue Date 1994-08

URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12000/14289

Rights

言語文化研究紀要SCRjPSJMUSNO3,１９９４

“ＬｅｔPeople,sPreconceptionsHangThemselves"：

RhetoricalStrategiestowardCulturalStereotypesintheLifeofaBilingualPerson1

KatsuyukiMiyahira

Untroductlon

WatsonandWatson-Franke（１９８５）definelifehistoryas“anyre‐

trospectiveaccountbytheindividｕａｌｏｆｈｉｓｌｉｆｅｉｎｗｈｏｌｅｏｒｐａｒｔ，ｉｎ

ｗｒｉｔｔｅｎｏｒｏｒａｌｆｂｒｍ，ｔｈａｔｈａｓｂｃ“ｅ"“ｔｅｄｏｒＰｌｍｌｏｔｅｄｂｙα”0t〃eγPc7smz,，

(p、２)．Thestudyofaperson，includinglilehistory，autobiographies，

dreamreports，diarieSandlettershavebeenusedasaresearchmethod

productivelyiJｌｔｈｅｆｉｅｌｄｏｆａｎｔｈｒｏｐｏｌｏｇｙａｎｄｅｄｕＣationandcontributed

toourunderstandingofhumanbehavior（SeeWasilewski，１９８２；Ｗat‐

Ｓｏｎ＆WatsonFranke11985)．Thefindingsoflifehistorieshavehelped

researchers“generatehypotheses，testhypotheses，andrefineextant

claimsabouthumancommunicativeactivities，,（Philipsen，１９８２)．Turn‐

ｉｎｇｔｏｔｈｅｆｉｅｌｄｏｆｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｃａｔｉｏｎStudies，researchershaveusedtheir

versionoflifehistorymethod("communicationmthelivesofpeople｡,）to

illustrateadz4gP'jspeakingritual（Katriel，１９８６)1ｔothematizeNacirema

communicatio、ｃｏｄｅ(Katriel＆Philipsen，１９８５),andtosubstantiatethe

NaciremacommunicationｃｏｄｅｉｎｔｈｅｌｉｆｅｏｆＪＯａｎｎａＫｒａｍｅｒ（Philipsen，

１９９２)．Thestudiesdiscoveredculturallysituatedwaysofspeakingand

revealedtheintricatewaysinwhichspeakingisinterwovenwithself，

society，ａｎｄａｐｅｒｓｏｎ,sstrategicactions・

Ｔｈｅｐｒｅｓｅｎｔｓｔｕｄｙｆｂｌｌｏｗｓｔｈｉｓｌｉｎｅｏｆｉｎｑｕｉｒｙａｎｄａｔｔｅｍｐｔｓｔｏｌｏ‐

cateculturallydistinctivewaysofspeaking・Inparticular，ｉｔｅｘｐｌａｉｎｓ

ｔｈｅｕｓｅｆｕｎｃｔｉｏｎｓｏｆｓｕＣhspeechwithspecificmicro-1evelｃａｓｅｓｉｎｔｈｅ

ｌｉｆｅｏｆａｂｊＪｉ"gl4Qlperson、Myprimaryinterestforthisprojecｔｉｓｔｏ

－１３－

ａｃｃｏｕｎｔｆＯｒｔｈｅｗａｙｓｉｎｗｈｉｃｈａｂｉｌｉｎgualpersonexpresseshisidiosyn‐

craticculturalexperienceandawarenessinhisconceptionsofself,Soci‐

ety，andcommunicativeinteractionswithothers・

Theextantresearchontheethnographyofspeakingsystematically

demonstratesthatspeaking，ｓｏｉｎｅxtricablyinterwovenwiththelocaｌ

ｍｅａｎｉｎｇｓ，rules，andpremises，ｃｏｎｖｅｙｓｉｎｄｉｇｅｎｏｕｓｐｅｏｐｌｅ，ｓｓｅｎｓｅｏｆｓｅｌｆ，

socialorganization，andendsandmeansofcommunicativeactions（See

Geertz，１９７３ｌＨｙｍｅｓ，１９６２，１９７２；PhiIipsen，１９９２）Abilingualper‐

ｓｏｎｅｍｂｏｄｉｅｓｔｗｏｏｒｍｏｒｅｓｕｃｈｄｉｓｔｉｎctivespeakingpatternsandiscog‐

nitively，affectively，andbehaviorallycompetentinmanaｇｉｎｇｔｗｏｄｉｓ‐

tmctiveculturalcodesofspeaking、Bilingualpeoplepresentveryin‐

terestmgcasestudiesoflifehistoriesbecausetheyconstantlymaneuver

betweendifferentcodesofspeaking・Ifspeakingrevealstheintricate

andculture-richworldofaperson，abilingualperson，ｓｗａｙｓｏｆｓｐｅａｋ‐

ingshouldtellussomethingsignificantaboutinterculturalinteractｉｏｎ

ａｎｄｉｔｓｉｍｐａｃｔｏｎｏｒｉginalspeechcodesandsubsequentculturalchange・

ThislineofresearchisespeciallyｉｍｐｏｒｔａｎｔｉｎｇｌｏｂａｌａｎｄｃｕＩｔｕｒａｌ‐

lydiversesocietieswhereincreaｓｉｎｇｉｎterculturalinteractionisanexi‐

gentissueDescribingthepointsofconflictsandcongruencebetween

twoculturalcodeswillenlightenusandmotivateinterlocutorsfor

furthernegotiationsofcommongroundltwillsimultaneouslyimprovｅ

ｏｕｒｕｎｄｅｒｓｔａｎｄｉｎｇｏｆｔｈｅｌｏｃａｌｃｏｎceptionofself，society，andrhetorical

actionsineachconstituentculture，

Ｔｏｐｕｒｓｕｅｔｈｉｓｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｉｎｔｈｅｗａｙｓｏfspeakinginthelifeofa

bilingualperson，Iconductedethnographicobservatｉｏｎｓａｎｄｉｎｔｅｒｖｉｅｗｓ

ｗｉｔｈａｎｉｎｆｏｒｍａｎｔｗｈｏｒｅｃｅｎｔｌｙｃａｍｅｂａｃｋｔｏｔｈｅＵＳａｆterIivingin

JapanforfiveyearsThｉｓｐａｐｅｒｉｓａｐａｒｔｉａｌａｃｃｏｕｎｔｏｆｈｅｒｌifehistory

whichispartlyconstitutedbyherinterculturalexperienceFirst，it

addressesthedetailsoftheresearchmethodandproblematizessome

－１４－

methodologicalissueswhichconfrontethnographicfieldwork・Using

Hymes，ｓ（１９６２，１９７２）andSaville-Troike,ｓ（1989）analyticalframe‐

ｗｏｒｋｓｏｆｓｐｅｅｃｈｅｖｅｎｔｓＤｔｈｅｐａｐｅｒｄｅｓｃｒｉｂｅｓｔｈｅｂａｃｋｇｒｏｕｎｄｏｆｔｈｅｉｎ‐

fOrmantandoutlinestheethnographicinterviewsasaspeechevent、

Finally，thefindingsoftheresearcharepresentedasanarrativeofthe

informant,slife、

Inbrief，thestudyuncoVeredthattheinfOrmaｎｔｈａｄａｓｔｒｏｎｇｓｅｎｓｅ

ｏｆｓｅｌｆａｓｎｅｉｔｈｅｒｍｏｒｅｎｏｒｌｅｓｓｔｈａｎａｓｅｌｆ－ｄｅｆｉｎｅｄｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌｗｈｏｉｓ

Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ・Theinformanfsconceptionofsocietyisbestcharacterized

assomethingbeyondherimmediatecontrol；“itoslikeweather,,,sheonce

mentionedintheinterview、FurtherotheinformantosconceptioｎｏｆSoci・

etyorcultureisanabstractionwhichdefiesany“authentic”representa‐

tionLastly，beingpredisposedinsuchconceptionsofselfandsociety，

ｔｈｅｉｎｆｏｒｍａｎｔｅｍｐｌｏｙｓｉｄｉｏｓｙｎｃｒａｔicrhetoricalstrategiestomanageｉｎ‐

terpersonalconflictsby“lettingothers,preconceptionshangthem‐

selves.”

Method

DataweregatheredthroughintrospectionoobservationofMary2at

work，ｉｎclass，ａｎｄｉｎｓ〃0dｏ（Japanesecalligraphy）１esson，andfinally

ethnographicinterviews3Theintrospectionandobservationdatawere

recordedmfieldnoteswithspecialattentiongiventoobservational，

theoretical，andmethodologicalnotes・Theinterviewsweretape-re‐

cordedeachtime，ａｎｄｐａｒｔｓｏｆｔｈｅｉｎｔｅｒｖｉewswerelatertranscribed

accordingtoJefferson，stranscriptionconventions‘（Beach，１９８９)．The

researcheragreeswithMishler，ｓ（１９９１）contentionthatatranscript

servesrhetoricalfunctionsandpresentsthediscourseinordertomaxi‐

ｍｉｚｅｔｈｅｐｅｒｓｕａｓｉｖｅａｐｐｅａｌｏｆｔｈｅｓｔｕｄｙ・Ｆｏｒexample・thetranscripts

recordparalinguisticfeaturesincludingtone，ｖｏｌｕｍｅ，andpitchofvoice，

－１５－

andrelativelengthofpauses・ａｓｗｅＩｌａｓｓｏｍｅｅｘｔｒａｌｉｎｇｕｉｓｔｉｃｆｅａｔｕｒｅｓ

ｓｕｃｈａｓｌａｕｇｈｓａｎｄｎｏｎｖｅｒｂａＩｇestures・Thetranscriptsarepositioned

inoｒｄｅｒｔｏｓｈｏｗｏｖｅｒｌａｐｓｏｆｓｔａｔｅｍｅｎｔｓbetweeninformantandinter‐

viewer・Thefieldnotesandtranscriptswerｅｅｘａｍｉｎｅｄｉｎｏｒｄｅｒｔｏｌｏｃａｔｅ

ｃｕｌｔｕｒallysaliｅｎｔｔｅｒｍｓｆｏｒｔａｌｋ，ｋｅｙｓｙｍｂｏｌｓ，andothermetacommu‐

nicativecommentsthatprovidedanefficaciousdevicetoanalyzetｈｅｒｅ‐

lationshipbetweencommunicationandinterculturalexperience、Specifi‐

cally,Iattemptedtodescribehowmyinforｍａｎｔ１ｗｈｏｈａｄｌｉｖｅｄｉｎＪａｐａｎ

ｆｏｒapproximatelyfiveyearsandrecentlyreturnedtoSeattle，conveys

herculturalexperienceinＪａｐａｎｉｎｈｅｒＡ"ＩＣ減cα加EPDgJjshcommunica‐

tionlpaidspecialattentiontothecommunicationpatternswhich

appearedtobeaffectedbyinformant，sinterculturalexperienceandto

"theinformant，smentalworldandpersonalbeliefs,．（Skinner，１９７３）

whichwerematerializedinherspeeｃｈ

Ｔｈｅｓｔｕｄｙｖｉｅｗｓａｎｅｔｈｎｏｇｒａｐｈｉｃｉｎｔｅｒｖｉｅｗａｓａｓｐｅｅｃｈｅｖｅｎｔｉｎｉｔｓ

ｏｗｎright(Briggs，１９８６）Ｈｙｍｅｓ（１９７２）definesaspeecheventas“acti‐

vities，oraspectsofactivities，thataredirectlygovernedbvrulesｏｒ

ｎｏｒｍｓｆｏｒｔｈｅｕｓｅｏｆｓｐｅｅｃｈｏ，（ｐ５６)．ThisisconsistentwithBriggs,

(１９８６）conceptionthattheinterviewisaformofspeecheventgoverned

byindiｇｅｎｏｕｓｒｕｌｅｓａｎｄｎｏｒｍｓｏｆｓｐｅａｋｉｎｇＨｅｒｅｍｉｎｄｓｕｓｔｈａｔｉｎｔｅｒ・

ｖｉｅｗｓａｒｅｍｏｓｔｕｎｕｓｕａｌｅｖｅｎｔｓｉｎｔｈｅrealmofcommunicativeroutines，

callingformoresophisticatedunderpinningoftheoreticalandmethodo‐

logicalissuesregardingintervieｗｓａｓｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｃａｔｉｖｅｅｖｅｎｔｓＨｅａｒｇｕｅs

thatacquisitionofmetacommunicａｔｉｖｅｃｏｍｐｅｔｅｎｃｅｍｔｈｅｆｉｅｌｄｉｓｍｄｉｓ、

pensablefOrasophisticatedmethoｄｂｅｃａｕｓｅｔｈｅｉｎｔｅｒｖｉｅｗ“encapsulates

ourownnativetheoriｅｓｏｆｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｃａｔｉｏｎａｎｄｏｆｒｅａｌｉｔｙ.,，

TosensitiｚｅｍｙｓｅｌｆｔｏＭａｒｙ,smetacommunicativecommentslin‐

itiaUycontactedherasanon-threaｔｅｎｉｎｇａｎｄｕｎｏｂｔｒｕｓｉｖｅｐｅｒｓｏｎｗｉｔｈ‐

outtakinganoutrightinterviewer,sstanceThemterpersonalrapport

－１６－

ｗｈｉｃｈｄｅｖｅＩｏｐｅｄｄｕｒｉｎｇｔｈｅｐｒｏｃｅｓｓwascrucialinestablishing“ecolo‐

gicalvalidity/,thedegreetowhichthecircumstancescreatedbythere-

searcher，sproceduresmatchthoseoftheeverydayworldofthesubjects

(Neisser，１９７６citedinBriggs，1986,ｐ､２４）Theimprovedvalidityin

turncreateｄａsettingwhichisefficacioustoconceptualizeaninterview

asanaturallyoccurringspeechevenLFurther，aHymesianframework，

illustratedbelow，ｓｕｐｐｏｒｔｓｔｈａｔｔｈｅｉｎｔｅｒｖｉｅｗａｓａｓｐｅｅｃｈｅｖｅｎｔｉｓａｆｉｔ・

ｔｉｎｇｃｏｎｃｅｐｔａｎｄｔｈｕｓｈｅｌｐｅｄｓｅｎｓｉｔizetheinterviewertomicro-level

metacommunicativemessagesoftheinformanL

lqzI池c秒α秘kTheinformantisaJapaneseAmeｒｉｃａｎｗｈｏｗａｓｂｏｒｎｉｎ

Ｓｕｍｍｉｔ，ＮｅｗＪｅｒｓｅｙｉｎｌ９６４Ｍａｒｙ'smotherisoriginallyfromTexas、

Mary,sfatherisofJapanesedescentandwａｓｂｏｒｎｉｎＥａｓｔＥｌｙ，Nevada

andspenthischildhoodinNevadaHewenttoColumbiaUniversity

andbecameadentist，ｗｈｉｃｈａｐｐｅａｒｅｄｔｏｂｅａｇｒｅａｔｓｏｕｒｃｅｏｆＭａｒｙ，ｓ

ｐｒｉｄｅＭａｒｙｈａｓｔｗｏｙｏｕｎｇｅｒｓｉｓｔｅｒｓShekeepsclosecontactwithher

extendedfamily1especiallywithhergrandmothers，auntsanduncles、

MarywenttoanEpiscopalprimaryschoolinNewJersey・Ｈｅｒ

ｍｏｔｈｅｒｅｎｃｏｕｒａｇｅｄｈｅｒｔｏｇｏｔｏｃｈｕｒｃｈｗｈｅｎｓｈｅｗａｓｓｍａｌｌｎｏｔｂｅcause

ofareligiouspurposebutbecauseofthesocializingfunctionachurch

offersinacommunity・Shedoesn，tsubscribetoanyparticularreligion

now・Ｓｈｅｌｉｖｅｄｉｎａｌａｒｇｅｈｏｕｓｅｉｎａｓｕｂｕｒｂduringherchildhood・She

recalledthatherhousewasconstantlyunderrenovation，ａｎｄｓｈｅｄｉｄｎ，ｔ

ｒｅｍｅｍｂｅｒｈａｖｉｎｇｔｈｅｌｕｘｕｒｙｏｆｌｉｖｉｎｇｉｎａｌａｒｇｅｈｏuse，Althoughher

motherdidn，tliketocook,shesaidherfamilyalwaysatericeand

otherJapanesefoodShereminiscedaboutherchildhoodmemoryofher

motherpaintingapumpkinlikea幼腔sAjdoll（aJapanesecylindrical

woodendoll）onHalloween・Ｓｈｅｕｓｅｄｔｏｄｏｆｉｇｕｒｅｓｋａｔｉｎｇｆｏｒｃｏｍpeti‐

ｔｉｏｎｗｈｅｎｓｈｅｗａｓｉｎｈｉｇｈｓｃｈｏｏｌａｎｄｏｎｃｅｗｏｎａｔｈｉｒｄｐｌａｃｅｃｈａｍｐｉｏｎ‐

shipinthestateofNewJersey、Ｋｎｏｗｎａｓａｂｏｏｋｗｏｒｍｏｎｅｏｆｈｅｒ

－１７－

ｆｒｉｅｎｄｓｒｅｍｅｍｂｅｒｓｈｅｒｈａｖｉｎｇｈｅｒｅｙｅｓｇｌｕｅｄｔｏｂｏｏｋｓａｌｌｔｈｅｔｉｍｅ・Ｂｅ‐

sidesreadingbooksoshehadmanyextracurricularactivitiessuchas

piano，figureskating,andviolin

MarywenttoJbhnsHopkin，sUniversityandmajoredininterna‐

tionalrelations・ＳｈｅｓｐｅｎｔｏｎｅｓｕｍｍｅｒａｔＪｂｃｈｉＵｎｉｖｅｒsityinTokｙｏ

ｗｈｅｎｓｈｅｗａｓｌ９ｙｅａｒｓｏｌｄ・Ｉｎｈｅｒｒｅｃｏｌｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｉｔｗａｓｓｕｃｈａｓｈｏrt

staythatshecouldn，tmakemanyJapanesefriends；ｓｈｅｕｓｅｄｔｏａｌｗａｙｓ

"hangoutwithAmericanfriends..,Ａｆｔｅｒｓｈｅｇｒａｄｕａｔｅｄｆｒｏｍｔｈｅｕｎｉ‐

versity，sheappliedtobeanAssistantEngliｓｈＴｅａｃｈｅｒａｔｈｉｇｈｓｃｈｏｏｌｓ

ｉｎＪａｐａｎｗithaprogramadministeredbytheJapaneseMinistryof

EducationSheappliedtotheprogramnotbecauseofherinterestin

thatcareerbutbecauseofhergeneraｌｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｉｎＪａｐａｎＳｈｅｔａｕｇｈｔａｔａ

ｓｍa1lcoastalvillageinOkayamaPrefecturefortwoyearsThenshe

traveledandfoundajobatafinancialoffiｃｅｉｎａｌｏｃａｌｆｉｒｍｗｈｅｒｅｓｈｅ

ｗｏｒｋｅｄｆｏｒｔｗｏｙｅａｒｓ

ＭａｒｙｃａｍｅｂａｃｋｔｏｔｈｅＵｎｉｔｅｄＳｔａｔｅｓｌａｓｔＡｕｇｕsLCurrently，sheis

apart-timestudentlearningJapaneseatalargeNorthwesternuniversity

andworkspart-timeataretailstoredowntown・Sheisthinkingabout

applyingtoapost-baccalaureateprograminJapanesestudiesthiｓｆａｌＬ

ＩｎｔｈｅｆｕｔｕｒａｓｈｅｗａｎｔｓｔｏｓｔｕｄyJapaneselanguagetogetherwithlａｗｏｒ

ｂｕｓｉｎｅｓｓｓｏｔｈａｔｓｈｅｗｉｌｌｂｅａｂｉlinguaIprofessional；ｈｏｗｅｖｅｒｐｓｈｅｆｉｎｄｓ

ｂｕｓｉｎｅｓｓｕｎinteresting・

Ｍａｒｙｈａｓｂｅｅｎｍａｒｒｉｅｄｔｏａｎｌｒｉｓｈｍａｎｆｏｒｍｏｒｅｔｈａｎｆｉｖｅｙｅａｒｓ・

TheywenttoJapantogetherandplanｔｏｓｐｅｎｄｓｏｍｅｙｅａｒｓｉｎＩｒｅｌａｎｄ

ShejogsoccasionallyforexerciseEveryMondayandThursdaynights

ShepracticesJapanesecalligraphywithtwoolherstudentsunderthein、

ｓｔｒｕｃｔｉｏｎｓｏｆＭｍＹａｍａｄａ・

SCC"Cｓ（Settj〃gTqPic，Ｅ〃｡s，Ｃｅ加妙Fourinterviewstookplaceat

cafetｅｒｉａｓｉｎｖａｒｉｏｕｓｐｌａｃｅｓｏｎｔｈｅｕｎｉｖｅrsitycampus・Usually，ｔｈｅ

－１８－

cafeteriaswerebusywithaheavytrafficofpeopleWesatface-to-face

ａｔａｔａｂｌｅｏｒｉｎｌａｒｇｅｃｈａｉｒｓ、Thecafeteriaswerefamiliarplaceｓｆｏｒ

ｂｏｔｈＭａｒｙａｎｄｍｅ伸噸'09)．Theinterviewslastedfromonehourａｎｄ

ｆｉｆｔｅｅｎｍｉｎｕｔｅｓｔｏｔｗｏａｎｄａｈａｌｆhours・Ｔｈｅ”,仰ｓｅｏｆｔｈｅｉｎｔｅｒｖｉｅｗｓ

ｗａｓｔｏｕｎｒａｖｅｌｔheparticipant,ｓｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｗｏｒｌｄＴｈｅｇ跡形ofspeech

coincideswithBrigg，ｓ（1986)conceptionofinterviewasaspeechevent

(p､２６)．

Ｋ”Theinterviewswereinformal，person-to-personconversations・

Characteristicallyotheywererelaxedandcongenialmeetings・Such

characteristicsweresignaleｄｂｙＭａｒｙ,sexpressivenonverbalgestures；

sheｗｉｄｅｎｅｄｈｅｒｅｙｅｓｔｏｓｈｏｗｓｕｒｐｒｉｓｅ，ｌｅａｎｅｄｏｖｅｒｔｏｍｅｔｏｓａｙｓｏｍｅ

ｔｈｉｎｇｉmportant，moveｄｉｎｆｒｏｎｔｏｆｍｅｔｏｅｘｐｒｅｓｓｃｈｉｌｄｈｏｏｄexcitemento

andtoldherstoriesveryfastwithexcitemenL

ActSe9解“Ce､Usually，Iinitiatedaquestionaboutherexperience畑

酔gljshandsheresponded跡EiCglishveryextensively・Sheintroduced

manypersonalexperｉｅｎｃｅｓｏｒｓｔｏｒｉｅｓｉｎｈｅｒｌｉｆｅｔｏｒｅｓｐoｎｄｔｏｍｙｑｕｅｓ‐

tions・Occasionally，Inoddedandrespondedverybrieflywhileshewas

elaboratingonhercommentsBetweenhercommentslquerieｄｈｅｒｔｏ

ｃｉｔｅｍｏｒｅｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓ，toclarifyandrepeatwhatshesaid，toelaborate

further，andtodescribewhathappenedbefOreandaftertheincidents

sheintroduced・MaryusuaIlystartedspeakingonceshegraspedthe

gistofmyquestions・Thuspurconversationsoverlappedｍｏｓｔｏｆｔｈｅ

ｔｉｍｅ・Ｍａｒｙａｃｋｎｏｗｌｅｄｇｅｄｔｈａｔｓｈｅｔｅｎｄｓｔｏｇｏｏｎｔａｎｇｅｎｔｓｂｕｔｓｈｅ

ｕｓｕａｌｌｙｓｕｍｍａｒｉｚｅｄｈｅｒｐｏｉｎｔｓａｔｔｈｅｅｎｄｏｆｈｅｒｔｕｍ．

〃stlw沈鄙taljtfes・MarycharacterizedheraccentasthaｔｏｆＥａｓｔ

Ｃｏａｓｔ（"ＩｓｏｕｎｄｌｉｋｅＩａｍｆｒｏｍｔｈｅＥａｓｔＣｏａｓｔ'1).However,nodifference

inaccentwasdiscernｉｂｌｅｔｏｍｙｅａｒｓｂｅｔｗｅｅｎＭａｒｙａｎｄｏｔｈｅrpeoplein

thecity・OnepeculiaraspectofMary'sspeakingisthatshespeaks

fasterｔｈａｎｍｏｓｔｏｆｔｈｅｐｅｏｐｌｅｌｋｎｏｗ・InterestingIy，ｓｈｅｕｓｅｄｓｏｍｅ

－１９－

Japanesetermsinherspeechsuchas腕bej（second-generationJapanese

AmericanwhoreturnedfromJapanaftertｈｅＷｏｒｌｄＷａｒｌｌ)，ｍｑｈｉ認s腕

(rolledsushi)，ｈｏ彫s姉（Japanesecylindricalwoodendoll）shjs“．

sﾉl”"teishD(astatementofassets),lFosehfl”ﾉｐｏＭａｃｏｐｙｏｆｈｅｒｆａｍｉｌｙｒｅｇ‐

ister)，kenkou-shindansho（astatementofmedicalexamination）Ｓｈｅ

ｄｉｄｎ，thesitatetousethoseterms，ａｎｄｔｈｅｔｅｒｍｓｃａｍｅｏｕｔｖｅｒｙｓｍｏｏｔｈ・

ｌｙ‐

ノＷｍｏｓ（」V､）ｍｓｑ／Ｊ)o蛇mctimc；ｊＶＷｍｓｑ／ｂｚ蛇?ｱﾜｾﾞ、"0？@)．WhenMary

spoke，ｓｈｅｕｓｕａｌｌｙｍａｄｅｅｙｅｃｏｎｔａｃｔｗｉｔｈｍｅＷｈｅｎｌａｓｋｅｄｈｅｒｑｕｅｓ‐

tions，sheattendedtomystatementcloselybymaintainingeyecontact・

SheusedmanyJapanesewordsandphraseswhileshespokeabouther

experienceinJapanandaboutherfamily、Theobservationmademein‐

ferthatitwasacceptａｂｌｅｆｏｒｈｅｒｔｏｕｓｅＪａｐａｎｅｓｅｔｅｒｍｓｉｎplaceofdiffi‐

cultEnglishtranslationswhenthehearerwasanativespeakerof

JapaneseMarymentionedduringtheinterviewthatshedidn'tfavor

speakinginJapanesewithsomeonewhocanunderstandEnglishbecause

shecouldn,tforceherselftothinkintheJapaneselanguageThus，ｔｈｅ

ｎｏｒｍｗａｓｔｏｓｐｅａｋｔｏｐｅｏｐｌｅｉｎＥｎｇlishiftheyunderstandEnglish，and

inJapaneseiftheydon,tunderstandEnglish

Tomakeafamiliarpointexplicit,ｔｈｅｒｏｌｅｏｆｅａｃｈｐａｒｔｉｃｉｐａｎｔｉｎｔｈｅ

ｉnterviews，onebeingaSlenlFFγａｎｄｔｈｅｏｔｈｅｒａｈｅａ花泌hadasignificant

impactonourinteractioｎｓＷｈｉｌｅｓｈｅｅｌａｂｏｒａｔｅｄｏｎｈｅｒｃｏｍｍｅntsex‐

tensively，asaresearcher，IprimarilylistenedtohercommentｓＴｈｕｓ，

ｓｈｅｄｉｄｍｏｓｔｏｆｔｈｅｓｐｅａｋｉｎｇ．

Self,Society,andRhetoricalStrategiesinaBilingualLiね

Theprecedingdescriptivedetailshelpsituate『ｉｎthecontmgencyof

interviewevents，ｔｈｅｃｌａｉｍｓａｄｖａｎｃｅｄｉｎｔｈｅｅｎｓｕｉｎｇｓeCtion・Ａｓｗｉｌｌｂｅ

Ｓｅｅｎ，伽ｔｈｃＪｉ/i2q／Mzl[yb（エノ。`ﾉｸi21Wzccsけ晦卯…Ｓｍo“。‘洲Ｃ卯ﾉﾉＷｍＪＤｚ”

－２０－

α“↑℃POessQ”ｊ妬wPm”"ｍｂｌａｑ〃。t他ｓα惚れ0t加0？『ﾉｌＱ７ｇＴ４伽ｇﾉｂｒ…”cilm‐

liO秘.（２）ＢｅｃａｚｃｓｅｔｈｅｍｌｙｔＬ１ｑｙ…Ｃａ”ｂｅc”ｅα…”ｑ/α"。”…”ｅ”６，ｓ

、｡,”ｃ郡j”、J”cO1cc”ｔｆｍｓｉｓｂｙｍ(Jhj秘ｇｃ郡Jt秘γｑＪｍ“ｐａｑＭｔｚ１ｐｙｑｄ〃tsme‐

tmCqJstmt‘gｿﾞごｓ⑫ﾊｲc〃打、陸ｐｅ”ＪｅｍＪｍｉｅｑ/thcj7c郷"zJmJjg〃｡７，２Ｃｅ・Iwill

firstdescribeMary,sconceptionsofself，society，andcultureinorderto

foregroundtherhetoricalstrategieswhichreflectMary，sintercultural

experienceandawaｒｅｎｅｓｓ

Ｓｅｌｆ－ＤｅｆｉｎｅｄＩｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌ

“Whodefinesone'ｓidentity?,,Maryaskedspontaneously，“Iｓｉｔ

ｔｈｅｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌｏｒｐeoplesurroundingtheindividua1?｡，Ｍａｒｙ，sanswersto

thesequestionsrevealedherconceptionofselfvividly、Ｓｈｅｅｘｐｌａｉｎｅｄ

ｈｅｒｎｏｔｉｏｎｏｆｓｅｌｆｂｙｉntroducinghersister，sexperienceenteringlaw

school、ＡｓａｐａｒｔｏｆｔｈｅＬＳＡＴｅｘａｍｈｅｒｓｉｓｔｅｒｒeceivedaphonecall

fromalawschooｌａｓｋｉｎｇｈｅｒｗｈｙｓｈｅｍａｒｋｅｄ“AsianAmerican,,inher

applicationfOrm，ｗｈｉｌｅｓｈｅｄｉｄｎ,tmentionanythingaboutherethnic

backgroundinheressay・Shefoundthemcidentveryinteresting；ｔｈａｔ

is，“ｃａｌｌｉｎｇｕｐｓｏｍｅｂｏｄｙａｎｄａｓｋｉｎｇｗｈｙｔheythinktheyareAsian

American”ｉｓｖｅｒｙ“strange.，，Ｆｏｒher，peopleconstantly“peg”ｏtheｒ

people，ｔｒｙｉｎｇｔｏｆｉｎｄｏｕｔａｂｏｕｔｏｔｈｅｒｓ，familybackgroundThenonce

theyfindsomethingverypeculiaraboutsomeone，“peoplewanttomake

youbther.',’

ShesharedanexperienceintheUnitedStatesshoppingwithher

Japanesefriendswhovisitedher、Whileshewasexplainingtoher

frienｄｓａｂｏｕｔｓｏｍｅmerchandiseinJapanese，asalesclerksaidtoher

(becauseMarylookslikeherJapanesefriends)；“GeeyourEnglishis

just,really,almostunaccented,ＡＬＭＯＳＴ.，,Sheconcludedfromtheepi‐

sodethat“ｐｅｏｐｌｅｗａｎｔｔｏｍａｋｅｙｏｕＯＴＨＥＲ.,，‘UBecausetherearen,t

manyAmericanswhospeakJapanese，ｙｏｕａｒｅｏther.'，Ｓｈｅｆｏｕｎｄｉｔｉｎ‐

terestingthatpeopleperceiveherａｓ“lessAmerican01justbecauseshe

－２１－

speaksJapanese、Maryclearlyunderstandsthatpeoplearecompelledto

defmeothers,ｉｄｅｎｔｉｔｙａｎｄｓｐｅｃｕｌａｔｅｄｔｈａｔｔｈｅｏｔhers，perceptionofone

selfmayoccupyaconsiderablepartofaperson,ｓｓｅｌｆ

Ｈｏｗｅｖｅｒ，ａｇａｉｎｓｔｓｕｃｈｏｄｄｓ，Ｍａｒｙｃｌｅａｒｌｙｐｏｉｎｔｅｄｏｕｔｔｈａｔ，ｆｏｒher，

sｅｌｆｉｓｗｈａｔａｎｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌｄｅｆｉｎｅｓｉｔｔｏｂｅ．“1t，ｓｎｏｔｙｏｕｒｐｒｏｂｌｅｍ;.，ｓｈｅ

said，“it'stheirproblem.”“Ｙｏｕｈａｖｅｔｏｌｅａｍｈｏｗｔｏｄｅａｌｗｉｔｈｐｅｏｐle、

ＹｏｕｊｕｓｔｈａｖｅｔｏｓｅｅｙｏｕｒｓｅＩｆａｎｄｌｅｔothersknowhowyouseeyour・

self,，

Ｍａｒｙ,ｓｃｏｎｃｅｐｔｏｆｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａＩｌｙｄｅｆｉｎｅｄｓｅｌｆｉｓｓｕｐｅｒｉｍｐｏｓｅｄｏｎｈｅｒ

ｓｔｏｒｙｏｆｈermother、OnegreatsourceofconflictinMary，ｓｆａｍｉｌｙｈａｓ

ｂｅｅｎｔｈａｔｈｅｒｍｏｔｈｅｒｂｌａｍｅｄｈｅｒｈｕｓｂａｎｄｆｏｒｈｅｒｌａｃｋｏｆｓｔｒｏｎgself

esteemTheself-esteemandself-worthofMary,smothersufferedbe‐

causehehabituallyhumiliatedherｉｎｐｕｂｌｉｃ．“ＢｕｔａＩｍｏｓｔ３０ｙｅａｒｓｌａ‐

ter,”Maryrecounted，“ｎｏｗｌｄｏｎ，ｔｔｈｉｎｋｉｔｗａｓａｌｌｍｙｆａｔｈｅｒ'sfault・

Mymotherdidn'tdisagreeordivorcehim”（eventhoughshecouldhave

doneso)．People，sself-esteemandself-worthareincumbentupontheir

ownchoices・Ｔｈｕｓｉｔｉｓｔｈｅｉｎｄｉｖｉｄｕａｌｔｈａｔｄｅｆｉｎestheself

Furthermore，Mary，sexpressedneedfor“justbeingbyherself

lendssupporｔｔｏｈｅｒｃｏｎｃｅｐｔｉｏｎｏｆｓｅｌｆＥｖｅｎｗｈｅｎsheistraveling

withherhusbandshesometimesneedstododifferentthingssothat

shecanbebyherselfHerpersonaltheoryaboutthisphenｏｍｅｎｏｎｗａｓ

ｂａｓｅｄｏｎｈｅｒｃｈｉｌｄｈｏｏｄＨｅｒｍｏｔｈｅｒｓｉｇｎｅｄｈｅｒｕｐｆｏｒｍａｎｙｌｅｓｓｏns

likepiano，figureskating，ａｎｄｖｉｏｌｉｎ，ａｎｄｓｈｅｆｅｌｔ“sheneededtoenter‐

ｔａｍｐｅｏｐｌｅｗｈｅｎｓｈｅｉｓｗｉｔｈｓｏｍｅｂｏｄｙelse､０，Ｗｈｅｎｓｈｅｗａｓｎｏｔｉｎ‐

clinedtoentertainothers,ｓｈｅｃｈｏｓｅｔｏｂｅ“justbyherself,，Whatisde‐

ｐｉｃｔｅｄｉｎｔｈｉｓｓｙｎｏｐｓｉｓｏｆｈｅｒｓｔｏｒｙｉｓａｓａｃｒｅｄｐｌａｃｅｇｗｅｎｔｏａｓｅｌｆ－ｄｅ‐

ｆｉｎｅｄｉｄｅｎｔｉｔｙｉｎＭａｒｙ，ｓｌｉｆｅＳｅｌｆｉｓｍｏｒｅｉｍｐｏｒｔａｎｔｔｈａｎｈｅrrelation‐

shipwithhersignificantother，“people,，,ａｎｄｔｈｕｓｓｏｃｉｅｔｙｉｎｇｅｎｅｒａｌ．

－ワワー

Ｕｎｔｅｎａｂｌｅ“Authenticlty，,ｏｆＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎａｎｄＪａｐａｎｅｓｅＳｏｃ１ｅｔｉｅs

MaryrecountedherentrytoJapanandreentrytotheUnitedStates

withdisappointment：

Ｉｔｈｉｎｋｙｏｕｋｎｏｗｉｔｄｏｅｓｎ,treallymatterwhereyougo・People

aren，tinterestedinwhat,shappeningsomewhereelse・ＳｏｌｆＯｕｎｄ

ｗｈｅｎｌｗａｓｌｉｖｉｎｇｉｎＪａｐａn．Ｗｈｅｎｌｗｅｎｔｂａｃｋｈｏｍｅａｎｄｔａｌｋｅｄｔｏ

ｆｒｉｅｎｄｓｉｎｈｉｇｈｓｃｈｏｏｌＤｔｈｅｙｗｅｒｅａｌｉｔｔｌｅｂｉｔｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｅｄｉｎｗｈａｔｌｉｆｅ

ｉｓｌｉｋｅｉｎＪａｐａｎ，ｂｕｔpeople，ｓｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｉｓｗｈｅｒｅｔｈｅｙａｒｅ、Ｓｏｗｅ

ｅｎｄｅｄｕｐｔａｌｋｉｎｇａｂｏｕｔｔｈｉｎｇｓｈappeningmNewYorkandabout

peopleｗｈｏａｒｅｎｅｗａｎｄｔｈｉｎｇｓｌｉｋｅｔｈｑｋ

ＴhestoryembodiesakeytoMarysnotionofsociety・People,con-

ceivedasabasicconstituentofasociety，aTeinterestedinonlythings

happeｎｉｎｇｎｏｗａｎｄｗｈｅｒｅｔｈｅｙａｒｅ，Peoplearetiedtoeachotherand

bouｎｄｂｙｔｈｅｉｒｏｗｎｃｏｍｍｕｎａｌｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｓａndculturalawareness・Ｓｗｅｅｐ‐

ingａｌｌ（speech）ｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｔｉｅｓｂｙｔｈｅｎａｍｅｏｆＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎorJapanesecul‐

turethereforepresentsaseriousillusionforMary・Peoplewhoare

onlyinterestedinWheretheyareoughtnotrepresenttheoverallAmer‐

icanorJapaneseculture、

SocialorganizationinMary,slifeisbeyondherimmediatecontrol

aswell、Ｓｈｅｅｘｐｌａｉｎｅｄｈｏｗｓｈｅｌｅａｒｎｅｄｔｏｂｅｄetachedfromthe“sexist

view,，prevalentamongolderJapanesemenTheyperceivewomentobe

solelyresponsibleforhousekeepmgandchild､raising・Despiteher

strongaversiontowardtheattitudes，gettingcaughtinadebateover

sexisｍｗａｓｎｏｔａｓｍａｒｔｔｈｉｎｇｔｏｄｏｆｏｒＭａｒｙ．“Itislikeweather;”ｓｈｅ

said,“youcanneverchangetheirdeep-rootedprejudice.,，Sheexplained

onanotheroccasionthat“onecaneithercomplainaboutthewhｏｌｅｔｈｉｎｇ

ａｌｌｔｈｅｔｉｍｅｏｒｆｉｎｄａｗａｙｔｏｇｅｔｗｈａｔｏｎｅｗａｎｔｓ.，，

SuchattitudestowardsocialorganizationledMarytoquestionthe

authenticityofJapaneseculture、Thefollowinginterviewsegmentde‐

－２３－

monstratesclearlyherattitudeabｏｕｔｔｈｅ“authenticity"：

Ｍ：ＩｍｅａｎｅｖｅｎｉｎＪａｐａｎ（yougetthisthingforanotherthing)．People

whoaremarriedtoAmericansorEuropeansornon-Japanesepeo‐

ｐｌｅｉｎＪａｐａｎｓｐｅｎｄａｌｌｔｉｍｅａｎｄｓａｙ，ＯＨ,ｔｈｉｓ（isarealJapan)，，it,s

like《（.）THIS1butlmean・thedifferencebetweenHokkaidoanｄｏｋｉ‐

ｎａｗａｉｓＨＵＧＥ１Ｙｏｕｍｉｇｈｔｈａｖｅ，ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ，ｔｈｅｄｉｆｆｅｒｅｎｔｔｈｍｇｌｉｋｅ

ｓｏｍｅｄｉｓｈｅｓ（.）

Ｋ：ｙａ，ｙａＹＡ

Ｍ Ｂｕｔｔｈｅｔｈｍｇｉｓｆｏｒｎｏｎ－ＪａｐａｎｅｓｅｉｎＪａｐａｎｙｏｕ

ａｓｓｕｍｅｔｈａｔｗｈａｔｙｏｕｌｅａｒｎｅｄｉｓＪＡＰＡＮＥＳＥ

Ｋ： Isee

M Notnecessarilyfrom

OkinawaorHokkaidQYouseewhatlmean？((pause)）

Ｔｈｉｓｉｓｑ”heDz"ｃノヒ迩加ｅｓｅｖｉｅｗｏｆ上”"ｅｓｅｗａｙｔｏｄｏｔｈｉｓ，ｙｏｕ

ｋｎｏｗ､１t'ｓｍｙｔｈｅｏｒｙｏｎａ（.）ｃｍｓＤｍＷｉｏ'１ｑ/c叫触花,youknowhow

youtravel：Well，ｗｈａｔｉｔｔｕｒｎｓｔｏＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓａｎｄ

Ｋ： okay．

Ｍ： Europeanｓ

ｔｏｂｅｅｘｏｔｉｃｐｌａｃｅｌｉｋｅｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ（）WhilelwaslivinginJapan，

ｉｔｗａｓａｓｍａｌｌｒｅｓｏｒｔｔｏｗｎ、Ｔｈｅｔａｌｌｅｓｔｂｕｉｌｄｉｎｇｉｎｔｈｅｔｏｗｎｌｔｈink

wasthree-story，four-story，ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ，there,ｓＯＮＥ１ｈａｈａＡｎｄｕｍ

，Ｉｔｈｉｎｋｔｈｅｙ'rebuildinganewone〈Ｂｕｔｔｈｅｗｈｏｌｅｐｏｉｎｔｉｓいｐｅｏｐｌｅ

ｗｏｕｌｄＣｏｍｅａｎｄｖｉｓｉｔａｎｄｔｈｅｙcanstayonteachinginOsaka,ＳａＤ

ｐｏｒｑｏｒｓｏｍｅｂｉｇcities、Ｔｈｅｙｃｏｍｅａｎｄｇｏ、ＨＥＹｌｏｏｋａｔａｌｌｔｈｅｓｅ

ｌｉｔｔｌｅｏｌｄｈｏｕｓｅｓｉｎｔｈｅｔｏｗｎ１ＶＥＲＹＶＥＲＹｐｒｅｔｔｙｌｉｔｔｌｅｔｏｗｎａｎｄ

ｖｉｌｌａｇｅＴｈｉｓｉｓｓｏｒｔｏｆＲＥＡＬＪＡＰＡＮ１Ａｎｄｌｗａｓｌｉｓｔｅｎｉｎｇａｎｄｉｔ'Ｓ

ｉｍ、""ｇbecause（.）ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ~TokyoisnotlessREALthanYana‐

ｇａｗａｌｔ，ｓｊｕｓｔ：：１t'sdifIerent1It'sthishugeurbanmetropolisand

Yanagawaisalittlevillage、ＢｕｔｔｈｅｃｏｎｃｅｐＬｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ，ｑｕａｉｎｔｔｒａ．

－２．１－

ditionalli企ｉｓｂｅｉｎｇｍｏｒｅＲＥＡＬ，ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ，Ｉｔｈｉｎｋｉｓａｖｅｒｙｒｅａｌｌｙ：

Imperialswouldhavethisnotion（Underlinedemphasesmine）

ＦｏｒMary，theauthenticityofJapanesecultureisanuntenable

abstraction，ａｎｄａｎｙｏｎｅｗｈｏｉｍｐｏｓｅｓａｎｉｍａｇｅｏｆ“realJapan,,ｉｓｉｍ‐

perialistic、Again，ｂｅｃａｕｓｅｐｅｏｐｌｅａｒｅｂｏｕｎｄｂｙｓｍａｌｌ－ｓｃａｌｅｃｏｍｍｕｎａｌ

ｗｅｂｓ，ａｌｉｔｔｌｅｖｉｌｌａｇｅｌｉｋｅＹａｎａｇａｗａｉｓｎｏlessrealthanthemetropolis

Tokyoｉｎｔｈｅｅｙｅｓｏｆｌｏｃａｌｐｅｏple、However，outsiders“consumeforeign

cultures”ａｃｃｏｒｄｉｎｇｔｏｔｈｅｉｒｐＴｅｃｏｎｃｅｉｖｅｄｉｄｅａｓａｎｄｉｍａｇｅｓＴｈｉｓａｐ‐

pliestotheconsumptionofAmericancultureaswell・Ｄｕｒｉｎｇａｎｉｎｔｅｒ‐

view,MaryreflectedonheTThanksgivingDayexperienceinJapan，Ｓｈｅ

ｈａｄａｎｏｐｐｏｒｔｕｍｔｙｔｏｃｏｏｋａｌａｒｇｅｔｕｒｋｅｙｆｏｒｈｅｒｆｒｉｅｎｄｓａｎｄｈｏｓｔｆａｍｉ‐

ｌｙ，ａｎｄｏｎｅｏｆｈｅｒＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｆｒｉｅｎｄｓｔｏｌｄｈｅｒｔｈａｔｔｈｅｗａｙｓｈｅｃｏｏｋｅｄ

ｔｈｅｔｕｒｋｅｙａｎｄｇｒａｖｙｗｅｒｅｎｏｔＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓｔｙｌｅＭaryexplained：

Ｍ：ＷｅｌＬｍｙｆｒｉｅｎｄ(.）lookedatthegravyandsaid,ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗｏｔｈｉｓｉｓ

ｎｏｔＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｇravyMymotherneverputvegetablesｉｎｈｅｒｇｒａｖｙ・

Andlsaidyouknow,what，sthematterwithyou?haahahasAs

farasrmconcernedthaｆｓｔｈｅｗａｙｗｅｄｉｄｉｔｉｎｍｙｆａｍｉｌｙａｎｄｌ

ｄon,ｔｒｅａｌｌｙｃａｒｅｂｕｔｓｈｅ（usedtosay）thatosnotAmerican2THIS

wouldhavebeenAmerican1＞ｒｍｌｉｋｅｔｈａｔ,sOhio‘ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ，ｙｏｕ

canpt::：１t，ｓｖｅｒｙｆｕｎｎｙｐｅｏｐｌｅｈａｖｅｔｈｉｓｖｅｒｙｄｉfferentideaabout

whatthetypicalAmericanmeans.（Underlinedemphasesmine）

Thesesymbols，“Japanese,，ａｎｄ“American｡｡,areabstractionswhich

peopleconstructedforthepurposeofefficient“consumptionofcul‐

tures.”GivenMary，schildhoodstorieswithculturallydiverseparents

andherlivingexperienceinJapan,sherejectsamonolithicviewofcul‐

tureSuchamonolithicviewleadstoastereotypicalviewofpeopleand

societiesWhileｉｔｗａｓｎｅｖｅｒａｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎｆｏｒｈｅｒｗｈｅｔｈｅｒｓｈｅｗａｓＡｍｅｒ‐

icanornotopeopleperceivedherandhersisterveryinaccurately．

"People,especiallymen,”ｓｈｅsaid,“projecttheirimagesandperceiveus

－２５－

ａｓ･ｓｈｙａｎｄｑｕｉｅｔ,ＡｓｉａｎｇｉｒＩｓｗｈｅｎｗｅｗｅｒｅｕｎｉｎｔｅｒｅｓｔｅｄａｎｄｕｎｉｎ‐

ｖｏｌｖｅｄａｔａｐａｒｔｙ.”Sheemphasizedthattheperceptiｏｎｗａｓｉｎａｃｃｕｒａｔｅ

ｆＯｒｈｅｒａｎｄｆｏｒｈｅｒｆａｍｉｌｙ・Onanotheroccasionshespeculatedｏｎａ

ｌａｃｋｏｆ“emotionalattachment”ｗｈｉｃｈcompeIspeopIetostereotypes．

"Ｆｏｒexample，ａｌｏｔｏｆＪａｐａｎｅｓｅpeopIesaythatAmericaisadangeroｕｓ

ｐｌａｃｅＷｅｌＬＩｗａｓｂｏｒｎａｎｄｇｒｅｗｕｐｉｎＮｅｗＪｅｒｓｅｙｂｕｔｌｄｉｄｎ'ｔｔｈｉｎｋｉｔ

ｗａｓｔｈａｔｄａｎｇｅｒｏｕｓＴｈｅｙｄｏ、,ｔｋｎｏｗｅｘａｃｔｌｙｗｈａｔｉｔ,ｓｌｉｋｅｂｕｔｔｈｅｙ

ｍａｋｅｏｖｅｒｌｙｇｅｎｅｒａｌｉzedremarksabouttheUnitedStates・Also，Iused

tohateitwhenAmericanpeoplesaythatallJapanesepeoplelookalike

orJapanesewomenareoppressｅｄａｎｄｓｏｆｏｒｔｈＴｈａｔｏｓｎｏｔｒｅａｌｌｙｔｈｅ

case・AllJapaneselookverydifferent・Ｆｏｒｓｏｍｅｗｏｍｅｎｉｔｏｓｏｋａｙｔｏ

ｓｅｒｖｅｔｅａforothers、ｓｏ，ｉｔ，ｓａＩａｃｋｏｆｅｍｏｔｉｏｎａｌａｔｔａｃｈｍｅｎｔｔｏｏthercul．

turesthatmakespeopIesaystereotypedthingsaboutotherculturesOp

Peopleprojecttheirpreconceptionsintowhattheysee・Theydon,ｔｈａｖｅ

ｍｕｃｈ“emotionalinvestment,,ｉｎａｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｔｙｏｒａｃｕｌｔｕｒｅｔｈｅｙａｒｅｎｏｔａ

ｍｅｍｂｅｒｏｆ，andthereforecanbecontentwithstereotypedconversation

(underlinedemphasismine）

Theseconceptionsofpeople，society1andculturepredispoｓｅＭａｒｙ

ｔｏｔａｋｅｓｏｍｅｕｎｉｑｕｅａｃｔｉｏｎｓｉｎｈｅｒｌｉｆｅ・Ｉｎｔｈｅｎｅｘｔｓｅｃｔｉｏｎ，Ｉｗｉｌｌｅｌａｂｏ‐

rateonherrhetoricalstrategiestonavigatebetweenthetwodistinctｉｖｅ

ｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｃｏｄｅｓｌａｄｖａｎｃｅｔｗｏｉｎｔerrelatedclaimsaboutMary，ｓｌｉｆｅｈｉｓ‐

toｒｙａｎｄｓｕｐｐｏｒｔｔｈｅｍｂｙｕｓｉｎｇａｆｏｒｍｏｆreasoningcalledanalyticin‐

duction(Blumer，１９７９;Jackson，１９８６）

Jacksonexplainsthereasoningprocessofanalyticinduction：

Theprocessofanalyticinductionisamethodofbothdiscovery

andtesting．［It1beginswithcollectionofasetｏｆｃｍ”lｅｓｏｆｔｈｅ

ｐｈｅｎｏｍｅｎｏｎｂｅｉｎｇｓｔｕｄｉｅｄ・Ｔｈｅｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓａｒｅｕｓｅｄｔｏｂｕｉｌｄ，ｉｎｄｕｃ‐

tively，qlqyPot"esis,Thehypothesismaybeaboutthepropertiesof

aclass，ｔｈｅｒｕｌｅｓｔｈａｔｇｅｎｅｒａｔｅａｐａｔｔｅｒｎｏｆinteraction，thesequen‐

－２６－

ｔｉａｌｃｈａｒａｃｔｅｒｉｓｔｉｃｓｏｆａｋｉｎｄｏｆｉｎteraction，orsomeotherempirical

issue．…ThemethodofanalyticinductionreｑｕｉｒｅｓｔｈａｔｅｍｐｉｒｉｃａＩ

ｃｌａｉｍｓｂｅｔｅｓtedthroughactive，proceduraIIydiversesearchfor

counterexamples(emphasismine;Jackson，１９８６，ｐ、１２９)．

InthefO11owmglwillpresentexamples，generatetwohypotheses

(claims)，andtestthemagainstcounterexamples、Theanalysesdescribe

andconsequentlyexplainMarysrhetoricalstrategiestoward

stereotyped（intercultural）interactions

RhetoricalStrategiｅｓｉｎｔｈｅＬｉｆｅｏｆＭａｒｙ

Ａｆｔｅｒｔｈｅｅｐｉｓｏｄｅｏｆ“American'１ｇｒａｖｙ，Ｍａｒｙcontinued：’0Ｗｈａｔａｒｅ

ｙｏｕｇｏｎｎａｄｏ？You，regonnaargue？１t'spointless.”ＦｏｒＭａｒｙｉｔｉｓ

"pointless,，ｔｏａｒｇｕｅａｂｏｕｔｗｈａｔｔｈｅｒｅａｌ“American”ｓｔｙｌｅｇｒａｖｙｉｓｂｅ‐

cause“American,，ｉｓａｎａbstractionwhichdefiesanymonolithicrepre‐

sentationOnanotheroccasion，Maryexplainedtomeaboutherfriend

whorecentlyreturnedfromJapan・Herfriendinsistedthataparticulａｒ

ｊｏｋｅｏｎＴＶｗａｓｎｏｔｆｕｎｎｙ・Maryfeltthatshedoesn1thaveａｎｙｐａｔｉｅｎｃｅ

ａｎｄｃｏｍｍｅｎｔｅｄ

ＭＢｕｔｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ：ｔｈｅｒｅｉｓａｔｈｉｎｇｙoucan1t:：ｙｏｕcan'ｔｓａｙｔｏＡｍｅｒ‐

ｉｃａｎｓｗｈｏｌｉｖｅｄｉｎＪａｐａｎａｎｄｔｈｅｎｃａｍｅｂａｃｋｔｏＡｍｅｒｉｃａ，that〈ｙｏｕ

ｄｏｎ，tunderstandAmericaanymore

K： Ｕ:：m

M Peoplegetreallyupse「ｓｏ￣

Ｋ： ｓｏ：

soinsteadhahwhat:whatdoyousaW

Mgljustletitgo〈ｈｅｈｈｅｈｌ

ｓｔａｒｔｅｄａｎｄｔｈｅｎｌｗａｓｌｉｋｅＮＡ:：that，ｓｎｏｔｗｏｒｔｈｔｈｅｔｉｍｅ．（under‐

linedemphasismine）

Ｍａｒｙ“ｊｕｓｔｌｅｔｓｉｔｇｄ，ｗｈｅｎｔｈｅｐｏｍｔｏｆａｒｇｕｍｅｎｔｉｓｒｏｏｔｅｄｉn

whethermterlocutorshaveaccessｔｏｍｆｏｒｍａｔｉｏｎｏｆｐｏｐｕｌａｒｃｕｌｔｕｒｅｏｒ

－２７－

not・Further,astereotypedviewofAmericancultureisdistastefuLand

itis“pointless,’ｔｏｔａｌｋａｂｏｕｔａｓｉｎｇｌｅｕｎｉｔａｒｙｆｏｒｍｏｆ“American”

Thanksgivingdinner・Ｉｎｂｏｔｈｃａｓｅｓｉｔｉｓｔｈｅｒｅｆｏｒｅｎｏｔｗｏｒｔｈｗｈｉｌｅｔｏ

ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｔｈｅｍａｔｔｅｒｆｏｒｆｕturereconciliation・

ＩｆＭａｒｙｒｅｓｐｏｎｄｓｔｏａｈｙｐｏｔｈｅｔｉｃａｌｓcenariothatdepictstheconflict

rootedincｕｌｔｕｒａｌｕｎａｗａｒｅｎｅｓｓｉｎｔｈｅｓａｍｅｗａｙｓｈｅｄｉｄａｂｏｖｅ，ｍｙｃｏｎ‐

ｔｅｎｔｉｏｎｔｈａｔｔｒｙｉｎｇｔｏｃｏｍｅｔｏａｎａｇｒeementontheauthentic“American”

culturaIpracticeispointlesswillbepartiallyconfirmedForatest，I

madeahypotheticalscenarioandasｋｅｄＭａｒｙｈｏｗｓｈｅｗｏｕｌｄｒｅｓｐｏｎｄｔｏ

ａｆｏｒｅｉｇｎｆｒｉｅｎｄｗｈｏｓｔｏｏｄｈｅｒｕｐＢesidessayingthatshealways

makessurethateverythingisunderstood，sheelaboratedbeyondthe

scenario・ＷｈａｔｓｈｅｄｉｄｔｏｄｅａｌｗｉｔｈａＳｏｕｔｈＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｆｒｉｅｎｄｗｈｏｉｓ

ｈａｂｉｔｕａｌｌｙｌａｔｅｉｓｔｏ“ｌｅａｒｎｎｏｔｔｏｅｘｐｅｃｔｈｅｒｕｎｔｉｌｓｈｅｉｓａctuallythere.，,

Ｓｈｅｌｅａｒｎｅｄｔｏ“jｕｓｔｌｅｔｉｔｇo,叩鋤Ｙｏｕｃａｎａｌｗａｙｓｃｏｍｐｌａｉｎａｂｏｕｔｉｔｏｒｔｒｙ

ｔｏｆｉｎｄａｗａｙｔｏｄｅａｌｗｉｔｈｉｔ・Ｉｌｉｅｌｔｅｌｌｔｈｅｍ７ｏ，ｃｌｏｃｋｗｈｅｎｌｗａｎｔｔｏ

ｓｅｅｔｈｅｍａｔ８ｏ'clock、Ｉａｌｓｏｔｒｙｔｏｌｅｔｔｈｍｇｓｇｏａｎｄｇｅｔｏｎｌｙinteresting

parts.，，

TheseexamplesenabledmetogeneratethefoUowinghypothesisor

claim

〃仇ｅノi/ｂｃＷＭｂｍｆ加蛇?窪rsoPzalcOﾅﾘﾌに妬、O陀。“ｃ郷Ｉ軸、Ｊ脚”α⑫α”‐

”ｅｓｓＱ”0打s…"“"、bに,α〃ｄ仇邪ｓｑγｅ”０t〃ｏｒt〃Q7gwi"ｇ””coDocfljα‐

〃叩．

ThehypothesisisconsistentwithMary，sconceptionsofselfandsocie

ty・Individualscandetermmewhetheroｒｎｏｔｔｈｅｙｓｈｏｕｌｄｍａｎａｇｅｏｒｒｅ‐

solvetensionsbetweenthemandothersSocietydoesn，treadilyallow

reconciliationbecausethesocialorganizationthatisrenectedonsuch

interpersonalreｌａｔｉｏｎｓｈｉｐｓｉｓｏｕｔｏｆｈｅｒｉｍｍｅｄｉａｔｅcontroL

Thenextstepinanalyticinｄｕｃｔｉｏｎｉｓｔｏｔｅｓｔｔｈｅｈｙｐｏｔｈｅｓｉｓｂｙpit‐

ｔｉｎｇｉｔａｇａｉｎｓｔａｌｔｅｒｎａｔｉｖｅｅｘａｍｐles．Ｔｏｃｏｎｄｕｃｔｔｈｅｔｅｓｔｏｆｆａｌｓｉｆｉｃａｔｉｏｎ

－２８－

Isearchedcounterexamplesintherecordeddataandgeneratedalterna‐

tiverivalhypothesestoelicitcounterexamplesfromMary、Ｏｎｅｓｏｒｔｏｆ

ｃｌａｉｍｔｈｅｅｘａｍｐＩｅｓｍｉｇｈｔsupportcanbeformulatedwithinthethemeof

culturaItoleranceIntheｌｉｆｅｏｆＭａｒｙ，interpersonalconflictsrootedin

culturalunaｗａｒｅｎｅｓｓｓｈｏｕｌｄｂｅｔｏﾉemjuu；ｔｈｕｓ，reconciliationofacon‐

flictisaccomplishedbybothparties，toleranceforculturalunaware‐

ness・Ｔｈｉｓｃａｎｂｅｅｍｐｉｒｉｃａｌｌｙｔｅｓｔｅｄｉｆｏｎecancollectmultiplecasesof

interpersonalconflictsfromdifferenｔｓａｍｐｌｅｓａｎｄｅｘａｍｉｎｅｔｈｅｖａｒｉａｂｉｌ‐

ityofconflictresolutionstrategies・However1withinthelifestudy

method，theparameteroftheclaimisstrictlydefinedwithinthelifeofa

persoｎ．Theethnographicfieldobservationandinterviewslendsupport

totheoriginalhypothesis・ＩｎａｎｅｘａｍｐｌｅｏｆａｆｒｉｅｎｄｗｈｏｆＯｕｎｄａＴV

joke“notfunny,”shedescribedheras“veryimpatient.”Further,ｉｔｉｓ

"irritating'1ｆｏｒＭａｒｙｔｏｌｉｓｔｅｎｔｏｐｅｏｐｌｅｗｈｏｊｕｍｐtoaconclusionand

say；“Ｏｈ，ｔｈｉｓｉｓｓｏｒｔｏｆｒｅａｌＪａｐａｎ.”Likewise，Ｍａｒｙ“ｕｓｅｄｔｏｈａｔｅｉｔ

ｗｈｅｎＡｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓｓａｙｔｈatallJapanesearealikeo,Theseclearlyshow

Mary,sdisinclinationtowardstoleranceIftolerancereferstospecific

acts，ｎｏｎｅｏｆｔｈｅｓｅｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓａｒｅｖａｌｉｄｒｅｆutationHowever，thesecases

areconsistentwiththeclaimlproposed；ｔｈａｔｉｓ，ｔｈｅclaimisessentially

avalueclaim，notabehavioraloneTherefore，ｔｈｅｃａｓｅｓａｒｅｕｓｅｆｕｌｅｘ‐

ａｍｐｌｅｓｔｏｔｅｓｔｔｈｅｃｌａｉｍ

Ａｎｏｔｈｅｒｓｏｒｔｏｆｃｌａｉｍｔｈｅｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓｍｉｇｈｔｓｕｐｐｏｒｔｉｓｔｈｅｉｄｅａｏｆｒｅ‐

spect（EricAoki，personalcommunication)．Theinterestinrespect

wouldreformulatethecIaimfollowingly・ＩｎｔｈｅｌｉｆｅｏｆＭａｒｙ，interper‐

sonalconflictsrootedinculturalunawarenessareinsurmountablaand

thusinterlocutorsmustrespectothers，ｏｐｍｉｏｎｓｉｎｏｒｄｅｒｔｏｒｅｓｏｌｖｅｏｒ

ａｖｏｉｄconflictsThispresentsnocontradictiohstomyargumentsbutit

doesraiseadefinitionalproblem・Ifconlormityisconceivedpartialｌｙ

ａｓａｆｏｒｍｏｆｒｅｓｐｅｃＬＭａｒｙ，sresponsesrepresenttheideaofrespect．

－２９－

Shelearnedtodissociateherselfwiththesexistattitudesprevalent

amongJapaneseoldmenbecauseshecouldfindnoprospectinchanging

suchadeep-rootedprejudiceagainstwomen．“Itislikeweather;,，ｓｈｅ

ｓａｉｄ，“ｙｏｕｃａｎ，ｔｃｈａｎｇｅｉｔ.”ＧｉｖｅｎｔｈｅｆａｃｔｔｈａｔＭａｒｙｒｅｓｐｏｎｄｅｄｔhis

waytomydirectquestionaboutherconceptionofrespect，ｉｔｉｓａｒｇｕｅｄ

ｔｈａｔｈｅｒｃｏｎｆＯｒｍｉｔｙｉｓｍotivatedbyherrespecttoolderJapanesemen

Theissueinthisalternativeclaimisaquestionofdefinition,ａｎｄｔｈｕｓｉｔ

ｄｏｅｓｎＩｔｐｒｅｓｅｎｔａｓｅｒｉｏｕｓｃｈａｌｌｅｎｇｅｔｏｔｈｅｏｒｉｇｉｎａｌｃｌａｉｍ

ＢａｓｅｄｏｎｔｈｅｆｉｒｓｔｃｌａｉｍｏＩｈａｖｅｄｉｓｃｏｖeredMary,ｓｉｄiosyncratic

principleofcopingstrategiestowardculturalstereotypes，ｗｈｉｃｈｉｓｆｕｎ‐

damentallyrhetoricaLThepTincipｌｅｍａｋｅｓｕｐｍｙｓｅｃｏｎｄｃｌａｉｍ：

ＭＥびゆｐｍｑｃＡｅｓｃ脚J帥ｍｌｓ陀花Otypcsb迦伽ｃｈｑ”ａｓ血沈ｅｑ/j"te稗沌oOmJ

cOPVJjcts,metO流caZlybhyheJpi打gpeqpJese秘sj"ｚｅｔ０仇ejγｃ"Jt”ＣＭイｇ７ｚＧ

γ、〃Ｃｅ･

ＴｈｉｓｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅｄｅｒｉｖｅｓｎａｔｕｒａｌｌｙｆｒｏｍＭａｒｙ，sattitudestoward

culturalu、awareness・Ｔｈｉｓｐｏｉｎｔｉｓｗｅｌｌｓｕｐｐｏｒｔｅｄｂｙｍｕｌｔｉｐｌｅｅｘａｍ、

ｐｌｅｓｆｒｏｍｔｈｅｆｉｅｌｄｎｏｔｅｓａｓｗｅｌＬＩｔｉsaclaimsubstantiatedbyherown

reportsofherrhetoricalactions・ThefoUowingexamplesdemonstrate

、ｙｐｏｉｎｔｗｅｌＬ

ＷｈｅｎａｍａｎａｓｓｕｍｅｄｔｈａｔｓhewasaJapanesebecauseofherlast

ｎａｍｅａｎｄｔａｌｋｅｄｔｏｈｅｒｉｎ“pidginEnglish,,（(aforeignertaIk)),ｓｈｅ

“ｐｕｎｉｓｈｅｄ”ｈｉｍｂｙａｎｓｗｅｒｉｎｇｏｎｌｙ‘yes,ｏｒ‘no，ｔｏｈｉｓｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎｓ・

ＳｈｅｄｉｄｎＤｔｗａｎｔｈｉｍｔｏｌｅａｒｎｍｏｒｅｔｈａｎｗｈａｔｈｅａｓｋｅｄｆｏｒ・Ｓｈｅｄｅ・

scribedthisattitudeasfollows：“Ｌｅｔpeople'spreconceptionshang

themselves.”

Ｔｈｅman，spreconceptionsaboutMary'ｓＪａｐａｎｅｓｅｎａｍｅａｎｄｈｉｓｓｕｂ

ｓｅｑｕｅｎｔｃulturalignorancewereeffectivelyshunnedbyMary0spassiv、

ity、Ｈｅｒｉｎｔｅｎｔｗａｓｆｏｒｈｉｍｔｏｆｉｇｕｒｅｏｕｔｔｈｅｒｅａｓｏｎｆｏｒｔｈｅａｗｋｗａｒｄ

ｎｅｓｓｂｅｔｗｅｅｎｔｈｅｔｗｏＳｈｅｃｏｎｔｉｎｕｅｄｔｈｅｓｔｏｒｙａｎdcharacterizedher

－３０－

rhetorjcalstrategiesas“ｈａｎｇｉｎｇｈｉｍｗｉｔｈｈｉｓｏｗｎｒｏｐｅ,,ｏｒ“ｈｏｉｓｔｍｇ

ｗｉｔｈｏｎｅ,ｓｏｗｎｐｅｔａｒｄ.'，

Ｍ：Ithoughtitwasastupidattitudefoｒｈｉｍｔｏｔａｋｅ、ｓｏ，Ipunished

him.((pause))YouⅢveneverdoneanythinglikethat？Ｌｅｔpeople，s

preconceptionshangthemseIves･Ｗｅｓａｙｈａｎｇｈｉｍｗｉｔｈｈｉｓｏｗｎ

ｒｏＰｅ

Ｋ： ＨａａＨａａ（）That'sinterestingHANG:hanghimwithwhat．

Ｍ： Ｈａｎｇ

ｈｉｍｗｉｔｈｈｉｓｏｗｎＲＯＰＥＨｏｉｓｔｉｎｇｗｉｔｈｏｎｅ１ｓｏｗｎＰｃｍｍ

Ｋ： hoistwith

one,ｓｐｅｔａｒｄ

Ｍ Ｉｋｉｎｄｏｆｒｅｍｅｍｂｅｒｉｔ，ｓｓｏｍｅｔｈｉｎｇｔｏｄｏｗｉｔｈｓｈｉｐ

ＢｕＬａｎｙway，ｙｏｕｈａｎｇｙｏｕｒｓｅｌｆｗｉｔｈｙｏｕｒｏｗｎｒｏｐｅ（(gestured

hangingherself))ＩｄｏｎⅡtdoanything,Ｉｊｕｓｔｗａｔｃｈｙｏｕｄｏｉｔｙｏｕｒｓｅｌｆ

Ｕｐｏｎｍｙｒｅｑｕｅｓｔｆｏｒｍｏｒｅｅｘａｍｐｌｅｓ，ｓｈｅｓｈａｒｅｄｍｏｒｅｉｌｌｕｍｉｎａｔｉｎｇ

ｅｘａｍｐlesofherrhetoricalstrategies：

Ｍ：Ｉｗａｓｉｎａｓｔｏｒｅ・Ａｖｅｒｙｎｉｃｅｏｌｄｅｒｗｏｍａｎｃａｍｅｉｎ，ｖｅｒｙｓｈｏｒＬａｎｄ

ｓｈｅｗａｓｌｏｏｋｉｎｇｆＯｒａｃeｒｔａｉｎｔｈｉｎｇＳｏｗｅｌｏｏｋｅｄａｔｔｈｅｗｈｏｌｅ

ｔｈｉｎｇａｎｄｆｏｕｎｄａｌｉｔＬｌｅｐｕｒｓｅｓhewantedAndthenshewanteda

littlewalletThenshegoesthisisn，t:thisisPLASTIQisn,tit?NC,

ｉｔ,swaterbuffaloIt,ｓｖｅｒｙｓｔｉｆｆｗｈｅｎｉｔ,ｓｎｅｗｂｕｔｔｈｉｓｉｓｗｈａｔｉｔ

ｗｏｕｌｄｌｏｏｋｌｉｋｅｌａｔｅｒｏｎＡｎｄｔｈｅｎｓｈｅｓａｉｄＯＨｔｈｅｐｏｏｒｗａｔｅｒｂｕｆ

ｆａｌｏＡｎｄｌｓａｉｄｎｏ蘂，Ｉｄｏｎ'ｔｔｈｉｎｋｓｏＴｈｅｙａｒｅａｃｔｕａｌｌｙｐｒｅｔｔｙＢIG

animalsahandthenshegoesrealI丁Wheredidyousee?Isaid,

ＯｈｌｗｅｎｔｔｏＣｈｉｎａｔｈｉｓｓｕｍｍｅｒ，ＳｈｅｓａｉｄＯＨｙｏｕｗｅｎｔｈｏｍｅ？Ｉ

ｓａｉｄｎｏ：＄ＴｈｅｒｅａｒｅｎｏｗａｌｅｒｂｕｆｆａｌｏｉｎＮｅｗＪｅｒsey＄ｈａａｈａａ

Ｔｈｉｓｉｄｉｏｓｙｎｃｒａｔｉｃｐｒｉｎｃｉｐleisnicelyconfrastedwithherrepoｒｔｏｆ

ａｂｌａｃｋｗｏｍａｎｗｈｏｉｓＭａｒｙｏｓｆｒｉｅｎｄａｎｄｃｏ－ｗｏｒｋｅｒ：

ＭＢｕｔｗｈａｔｗａｓｖｅｒｙｆｕｎｎｙａｂｏｕｔｔｈｉｓｉｓｔｈａｔａｂｌａｃｋｗｏｍａｎｗｈｏ

－３１－

ｗｏｒｋｅｄｗｉｔｈｍｅｗａｓｖｅｒｙａｎｇｒｙａｂｏｕｔｔｈｉｓＨｂｌ４）。α”ｓｈｅＨｂｌｊｄａ池

ｓｈｅ

Ｋ： Ｓｈｅｗａｓａｎｇｒｙ：ｆＯｒｙｏｕ？

Ｍ Ｙａ：Ｉｗａｓｌｉｋｅｎｏ￣ｎｄＳｈｅｗａｓｎ'ｔｒｕｄｅ

ｏｒａｎｙｔｈｉｎｇ,ｙｏｕｋｎｏｗ,ＮｑｌｗａｓｆｒｏｍＮｅｗＪｅｒｓｅｙａｎｄｔｈｅｒｅａｒｅno

waterbuffaloinNewJersey・Ｓｈｅｗａｓｔｈｅｗｏｍａｎｗｈｏｆｅｌｔａｌｉｔｔｌｅ

ｓｉllybecauseherprejudiceswereshoｗｉｎｇｈａｈｈａａＢｕＬｔｈｅｂｌａｃｋ

ｗｏｍａｎｗｈｏｗｏｒｋｅｄｗｉｔｈｍｅｗａｓＶＥＲＹＶＥＲＹｕｐｓｅｔａｂｏｕｔｔｈｅ

ｗｈｏｌｅｔｈｉｎｇＨｏｗｄａｒｅｓｈｅＨＯＷｄａｒｅｓｈｅＡｎｄｌｔｈｏｕｇｈｔｉｔｗａｓ

ｖｅｒｙｆｕｎｎｙｂｕｔｓｈｅｗａｓｓｏｕｐｓｅｔ１

ＭａｒｙＩａｔｅｒｅｘｐｌａｉｎｅｄｔｈａｔｏｎｅｓｈｏｕｌｄｌｅｔｔｈｅｐｅｒｓｏｎｔｈｉｎｋａｂｏｕｔ

ｓｕｃｈｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｆａｕｘｐａｓｌｔｉｓｎｏｔｈｅｒproblem；ｉｔ,ｓｔｈｅｉｒｐｒｏｂｌｅｍＳｈｅ

ｆｕｒｔｈｅｒｅｘｐｌａｉｎeｄｔｈａｔｗｅｈａｖｅｔｏｍａｋｅｐｅｏｐｌｅａｗａｒｅｂｙｔｈｅｍｓｅｌves；

that0showpeoplelearn．,`Peoplelearnfromtheirmistakes・伽Ｍａｒｙ,ｓ

ｂａｓｉｃｐｒｉｎｃｉｐｌｅｔｈｕｓｅｎｄｕｒｅｓｓｕｃｈaculturalblunder，ｕｎｌｉｋｅｈｅｒｆｒｉｅｎｄ's

expressedanger・ＦｏｒＭａｒｙ，ｏｎｅｓｈｏｕＩｄｌｅｔｏｔｈｅｒｓｂｅｃｏｍｅａｗａｒｅｏftheir

culturalignoranceby“hangingthemwiththeiｒｏｗｎｒｏｐｅｓ.,，

Conclusion

Thisstudyonabilmgualperson,swaysofspeakinghasseveral

importantimplicationstomterculturalinteractionslnthelifeofMary，

interculturalexperienceequippedherwithstrategicrhetoricalactions

whichdistilledthepassivityofculturalstereotypes（"Interpersonalcon‐

flictrootedinculturalunawarenessareinsurmountable，andthusare

notwortharguinglorreconciIiationO,）intoaself-inducedlearningoppor、

tunity（"Maryapproachesculturalstereotypesrhetoricallybyhelping

peoplesensitizetotheirculturalignorance，，)．Insteadofbeingsuc‐

ｃｕｍｂｅｄｂｙｉｎｓｕｒｍｏｕｎｔａｂｌｅ，deep-rootedculturalstereotypes，Mary

turnedthemaroundandstrategicallyre-directedthestereotypeｓｔｏｔｈｅ

－３２－

speakersthemselves、HerintercuIturalexperienceenabｌｅｄｈｅｒｔｏ“see，,

theculturalstereotypesofamembeｒｏｆｈｅｒｃｕｌｔｕｒｅｗｈｉｃｈｍａｙｎｏｔ

ｏｔｈｅｒｗisebenoticedFurthermore，withwittyactions，ｓｈｅｔｕｒｎｓｔｈｅ

ａｒｒｏｗｏｆｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｉｇｎｏrancebacktothespeaker，Therefore，oneofthe

importantaspectsof“interculturarwaysofspeakingistomakeothers

cognizantoftheirownculturalignorance

Thisstudyalsosuggeststhatmterculturalwaysofsｐｅａｋｍｇｎａｔｕ‐

ｒａｌｌｙｅｎｃｏｕｒａｇｅｏｎｅｔｏｂｅｃｏｍｅｃｏｇｎｉｚａｎｔｏｆｃｕｌｔｕｒａｌｉｇｎｏｒａｎｃｅｆ””ごs

oujP9temzs、Ｍａｒｙ'srhetoricalactionstellusthatawareness-raising

oughttostartinternally・Ｉｎｏｔｈｅｒｗｏｒｄｓ，thelearningisaself-motivated

processwithoutexternalenforcementbytheauthority・Ｉｎｏｒｄｅｒｔｏｉｎ‐

formothersofculturalknowledgebilingualpersonsmaytactfullyfacili‐

tatetheotheT，sself-reflectionbyusingjokes,sarcasm,euphemisms,ａｎｄ

ｏｔｈｅｒｒhetoricalactions・Inconsequence，suchrhetoricalactionsmay

helpalleviatetherisksinvolvedininterpersonalface-workininter‐

culturalsettings・Thus，inpotentiallyconflict-riddeninterculturalen‐

counters，inteTculturalwaysofspeakingsensitizeinterlocutorstomini‐

ｍｉｚｅｔｈｅriskoflosingone，sfaceandthreateningotherIsface・

MoreresearchonlifehistoriesofbilingualpersonsisessentialfOr

solidifyingthefindingsaboutinterculturalwaysofspeaking・Other

casesoflifehistoriesofbilingualpersonswillenableustodiscover

macro-leveIrhetoricalactions，properties，principles，patterns，and

structuresofinterculturaldiscourseComparativeanalysesofacorpus

ofsuchresearchresults，ｗｈｉｃｈｉｓｆｕｎｄａｍｅｎｔａｌｔｏｔｈｅＨｙｍｅｓｉａｎ

ｆｒａｍｅｗｏｒｋ，willilluminatetheculturalvoicesenactedandrepressedin

interculturalinteractions・Itwillalsofurtheｒｌｍｐｒｏｖｅｏｕｒｕｎｄｅｒｓｔａｎｄ・

ｉｎｇｏｆｓｅｌｆ，society，andrhetoricalactionswhichareinterwovenwith

speechcodes．

－３３－

Ｎｏｔｅｓ

１Ｉｗｉｓｈｔｏｔｈａｎｋｔｈｅｉｎｆｏｒｍａｎtforherunsparingcontributionof

ｔｉｍｅａｎｄｅｎｅｒｇｙ・ＭｙｓｉｎｃｅｒｅｔｈａｎｋｓｇｏｔｏＤｒ・GerryPhilipsen，Dm

ValerieManusov，ａｎｄＤｒ，PeterPetrucciwhosevaluablecommentsand

critiquessignificantlyimprovedearlierversionsofthispaper、Ｔｈｉｓ

ｐａｐｅｒｗａｓａｌｓｏｉｍｐｒｏｖｅｄｂｙｔhought-provokingdiscussionswitｈＳａｎｄｙ

Ｈｕｎｔ，MelissaKane，andJulenePommerLAnearlierversiｏｎｏｆｔｈｉｓｐａ‐

perwaspresentedattheannualconventionoftheWesternSpeechCom‐

municationAssociation,SanJOse,California,February24－２７，１９９４．

２FortheconfidentialityofinfOrmanｔａｎｄｏｔｈｅｒｐarticipants，ａｌｌ

ｐｅｒｓｏｎａｌｎａｍｅｓｔｈａｔａｐｐｅａｒｉｎｔｈｉｓｐａｐｅｒａｒｅｐｓｅｕｄｏｎｙｍｓ、

３Saville-Troike（１９８９）makesanmsightfulpointpertinenttothis

specificprojecLShearguesｔｈａｔ“ethnographerswhoarethemselves

bilingualneedtodifferentiatebetweenbeliefs，values，andbehaviors

whichwerepartoftheirenculturation（firstculturelearning）andaccul‐

turation（secondculturelearningoradaptation),andthisexerciseinit‐

selfwillprovidevaluableinformaｔｉｏｎａｎｄｉｎｓｉｇｈｔｓｏｎｔｈｅｇｒｏｕｐａｎｄｏｎ

individuals，,（p、１１８)．Therefore,giventhesharedculturalexposureｂｅ‐

tweenLheinformantandtheinterviewer，Ｉｂｅｌｉｅｖｅｔｈａｔｍｙｏｗｎｉｎｔｒｏ‐

spectionuponmyenculturationinJapanprovidesausefulperspective，

whichotherwiseisnotavailable，insituatingtheparticipant，scomments

aboutselfsociety,andrhetoricalactions.

』Ｂeach（１９８９）laysoutthetranscriptionsystemadaptedfromGail

Jefferson'sworkinhisintroductiontothespecialissueofWesternJOur・

nalofSpeechCommunication（Spring，１９８９）whichfeaturestheinterac‐

tionalorganizationofconversationalactivities・Ｈｅｎｏｔｅｓｔｈａｔ“the

orthographyisdesignedtocapturehowwordssoundbutnotattheex-

penseofmakingthetranscriptunreadable.,（p、８９)．Sometranscription

symbolsadapteｄｆｒｏｍＢｅａｃｈ（1989）andtheirfunctionsarelistedbe‐

－３４－

low．

Symbol

l.(.）

２．：:：

NzumP

Micropause

Colon（s）

ＦｕｎＣｔｉｏｎ

ＢｒｉｅｆｐａｕｓｅｏｆｌｅｓｓｔｈａｎＯ２second

PriorsoundsyUable,orwordisprolonged

orstretched

Morecolonsindicatelongerprolongation・

ＦａＩ１ｉｎｇｖｏｃａｌｐｉｔｃｈｏｒｉｎｔｏｎａｔｉｏｎ、Ｐｕｎｃｔｕａ‐

tionmarkersdonotrefIectgrammaticalsta‐

tｕｓ(ｅ9.,endofsentenceorquestion）

Risingvocalpitchorintonatio､．

3．． Period

Question

Mark

Comma

４．？

Acontinuingintonation，withslightupward

ordownwardcontour、

MarkedrisingandfaUingshiftsinintona‐

tion

Animatedspeechtone

Vocalicstressoremphasis

Extremeloudnesscomparedwithsurround

ingtalk

Portionsofanutterancedeliveredataｎｏ‐

ticeablyquicker(江)ｏｒｓｌｏｗｅｒ(〈＞)ｐace

5．，

6.- Ａｒｒｏｗｓ

Exclamation

ltalics

CAPS

７．１

８．ｃｏｌｄ

9.0ＫＡＹ

１０．，〈〈＞ Greaterthan

Lessthan

Signs

H，ｓ Audibleoutbreaths『possiblylaughter、Ｔｈｅ

ｍｏｒｅｈ,s，thelongertheaspirationAspira‐

tionswithsuperscriptedperiodinｄｉｃａｔｅａｕ‐

dibIeinbreathsH'swithinparentheses

markwithin-speechaspirations，possibly

laughter．

lＬｈｈｈ

・ｈｈｈ

ｙｅ(hｍｓ

－３５－

１２.((noise)） Scenic

details

Parentheses

Transcriber0scomments(ｅｇ,gestures,non‐

speechｓｏｕｎｄｓ・

Transcriberisindoubtastoword，syL

1able，orsoundEmptyparenthesesindicate

indecipherablepassage

Relativeclosedoropenpositionoflaughter．

１３.（）

14.hahheh

hoh

l5．＄

Laugh

syllable

Smilevoice Laughingtalkbetweenmarkers．

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－３６－

Katriel，Ｔ・（1986)．Ｔ(Ｚｌｈｊ"ｇＳｔ７ｎｉｇﾉlホＤ邨郵ＳｐｅｅｃｈｊＰｚＪＳｍｅＪｊＳ(ｚｂｍＣ畔Ｌ

”花.Ｌｏｎｄｏｎ：CambridgeUniversityPress、

Katriel，Ｔ、＆Philipsen，Ｇ、（１９８１）“Whatweneediscommunication"：

“Communication,,asaculturalcategoryinsomeAmericanspeech、

Ｃｂ”mwllicα〃ｍＭｍ０ｇｍｐｈｓ,４３，３０１－３１７．

Mishler,Ｅ､Ｇ､（１９９１）Representingdiscourse:Therhetoricoftranscrip‐

tion.〃跡ｍｑＪｑ/１Vﾋｴﾌﾞ、灯惚α）ｌｄＬ砿磁st0b1,1,255-280．

Philipsen，Ｇ（１９９２)．SPeuhi1ZgCooltzumUlyBE妙町mtjo"ｓｆ〃Ｓ､“αＩＣ”‐

加況獅沈α施加・Ａ１ｂａｎｙ，ＮＹ：StateUniMofNewYorkPress・

Philipsen，Ｇ（１９８２)．Thequalitativecasestudyasastraｔｅｇｙｉｎｃｏｍ‐

municationinquiry、ＴｈｅＣｂｍ打皿"ｍｃａｔＤＸ５－２７・

Saville-Troike，Ｍ、（１９８９）ＴｈｅＥｔｈ"ｏｇｍＰ心'ｑ／ＣＷ"がlz4"icQtfo郷:Ａ〃比姉一

ｄｗｔｊ“２ｎｄｅｄ・Oxford，ＵＫ:BasilBlackwellLtd・

Skinner,Ｑ、（１９７３)．Motives，intentionsandtheinterpretationoftexts、

ノVbtDLitEmryHis〃r〕１３９３－４０８．

Wasilewski，ＪＨ（１９８２）Effectivecopingandadaptationinmultiple

culturalenvironmentsintheUnitedStatesbyNative，HispaniQ

BlackandAsianAmericans．（Doctoraldissertation，Universityof

SouthernCalifornia,１９８２)．Ｄis“)mti”Absjmcls血ｔＥｍｑ"o）tqZ．

Watson,Ｌ､Ｃ・andWatson-Franke,Ｍ・（１９８５)．肋陀秒形ｍＪｇＬ舵Hjsto流Cs：

Ａ〃Ａ御thmPolDg＊ｑＪｍ９２１妨１．NewBrunswick，NJRutgersUniv、

Press．

－３７－

瞼文要旨

生活史(lifehistory)を用いた記述研究によって、言語共同体の話しことばの

文化的特色がこれまでに多く解明された。従来の研究では、特定の言語共同体

のメンバーが分析の対象であるため、最近の国際社会を反映するようなバイリ

ンガルによる言語行動の生活史研究はまれである。そこで、本稿では日本文化

を異文化として体験したひとりの日系アメリカ人の生活史を記述し、バイリン

ガルによる話しことばの諸相を分析する。

生活史に「ことばのエスノグラフィ_」（ethnographyofcommunication)を

加えた複合方法論に基づく分析の結果、顕著にあらわれたのが被験者の抱く

「自己」と「社会」の概念である。「自己」とは「他」との関係によって決ま

るのではなく、自発的な定義づけにより確立されるものである。さらに､｢社会」

というのは常に画一化きれ、実像のない抽象化の産物にすぎないこともわかっ

た。日本社会やアメリカ社会ということばによって表象されるものは、極度に

一般化されたステレオタイプの世界にすぎないことになる。

バイリンガルの被験者はこうした「自己」と「社会」の概念に基づき、異文

化に関する無知から生じる誤解や個人間の不和に直面した場合には、独特なレ

トリックで事態を収拾する。つまり、異文化に関する無知に起因する個人間の

不和は克服不可能であり、和解に向けた協議も実を結ぶことがない。翻って、

被験者は「相手の先入観によって文化的無知を自己認識させる」レトリックの

手法をとる。本論では、こうした被験者のレトリックが、結果として他文化学

習の機会となることを論証する。

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