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Language revival and conflictingidentities in the Irish IndependentAoife Uí Fhaoláina

a School of Irish, Celtic Studies, Irish Folklore and Linguistics,University College Dublin, IrelandPublished online: 05 Feb 2014.

To cite this article: Aoife Uí Fhaoláin (2014) Language revival and conflicting identities in the IrishIndependent, Irish Studies Review, 22:1, 63-79, DOI: 10.1080/09670882.2013.872388

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Language revival and conflicting identities in the Irish Independent

Aoife Uı Fhaolain*

School of Irish, Celtic Studies, Irish Folklore and Linguistics, University College Dublin, Ireland

An important feature of the Irish Independent newspaper at the turn of the twentiethcentury was its use of a bilingual platform for the promotion of the Irish languagerevival movement. Having pledged its “heartiest support . . . to the Irish Language andIndustrial Revival Movements, as to every movement for the National and materialregeneration of Ireland” in its first edition (Irish Independent, January 2, 1905), it wasclear from the outset that the Irish Independent would foster the core values ofnationalism, economic progress and cultural revival as promoted by the “Irish-Ireland”movement. However, the Irish Independent was also aware of its vital role as theharbinger of news and information within the realm of the British Empire. In the periodimmediately preceding political independence, against the backdrop of the First WorldWar, the Irish War of Independence and the co-operation movement, the IrishIndependent promoted the “Irish-Ireland” ideology and its related aims of language andcultural revival, while also functioning within the paradigms of the imperial regime.Through an analysis of both Irish and English language articles, along with bilingualadvertisements, announcements and reports concerning the Irish-speaking districts, therole of women and the high moral tone of the nationalist movement, this article willexplore the function of this bilingual forum as a voice for the emerging new Irishlanguage community. Conflicting identities and cultural variances within the IrishIndependent during this period mirror the framework created for nationalist identity,while also retaining cultural and economic links with the British Empire.

Keywords: newspapers; Irish Independent; Irish language; revival period; “IrishIreland”; imperial affiliations

In Ulysses, James Joyce’s character “The Citizen” offers the following description of the

Irish Independent newspaper:

And look at this blasted rag, says he. Look at this, says he. The Irish Independent, if youplease, founded by Parnell to be the workingman’s friend. Listen to the births and deaths in theIrish all for Ireland Independent, and I’ll thank you and the marriages.1

The Citizen then goes on to read out a selection of birth, death and marriage notices from

the Irish Independent, most of which refer to members of the upper echelons of society

who are based in England:

—Cockburn. Dimsey, wife of David Dimsey, late of the admiralty: Miller, Tottenham, agedeightyfive: Welsh, June 12, at 35 Canning street, Liverpool, Isabella Helen. How’s that for anational press, eh, my brown son! How’s that for Martin Murphy, the Bantry jobber?’2

Here Joyce gives the impression that the Irish Independent had a very distinct imperial

tone, despite claiming to be the “Irish all for Ireland Independent”. In order to address this

commentary, or indeed ridicule, it is necessary to examine the hybrid identity of the Irish

Independent newspaper in the early twentieth century. Through such an examination, this

article will outline concepts of identity as represented in the pages of the Independent,

q 2014 Taylor & Francis

*Email: aoife.whelan@ucd.ie

Irish Studies Review, 2014

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reflecting the conflict between a Gaelic, nationalist identity and that of West-Britonism.

It will also serve to underline the important role played by newspapers such as the Irish

Independent in an emerging hybrid society in Ireland at this time. If Joyce saw fit to

include this commentary in his writings of this period, the role of the Independent as the

harbinger of news and information within the paradigms of the British Empire, while also

creating a nationalist framework, certainly merits review. This article will also

demonstrate the increasing importance of the Irish language in the public sphere during

this period of cultural and political upheaval.

The background to the founding of the Irish Independent throws some light on how

this conflicting identity emerged. The original Irish Daily Independent was founded by

Charles Stewart Parnell and his political supporters in 1891. The paper originally

functioned as the mouthpiece of the Parnellite Party but suffered from financial difficulties

as business considerations were overshadowed by political motivations.3 In 1900, the

Irish Daily Independent was purchased by the prominent businessman William

Martin Murphy, best remembered for his role as leader of the employers’ group during

the Dublin Lockout of 1913. Murphy first amalgamated the paper with the Healyite

Daily Nation and later oversaw the redesign and relaunch of the merged paper as the

modern-day Irish Independent in 1905. With this new venture, Murphy sought to create

a popular, non-partisan daily newspaper along the lines of the Northcliffe Press in

England.4 The new Irish Independent was launched on 2 January 1905 and soon proved a

commercial success, quickly overtaking the circulation of its main competitor, the

Freeman’s Journal.5

Building the nation

Thevital role of the revised Independent in fostering nationalist identity and promotingGaelic

culture was apparent from its first editorial on 2 January 1905 which pledged to support “the

Irish Language and Industrial Revival Movements”.6 This support of the Irish language

revival was most evident through the Independent’s inclusion of a regular Irish column. The

Irish Daily Independent had previously attracted attention in An Claidheamh Soluis for its

publication of a regular Irish language column, and Irish language material also appeared

regularly in the Freeman’s Journal during this period.7 It is therefore not surprising

that Murphy and his editor, T.R. Harrington, sought to demonstrate the new paper’s support

for the language movement from the outset. The central role of the Gaelic column in the

revival of the Irish language cannot be underestimated; Uı Chollatain explains that the

Gaelic column functioned not only as a platform for communication but also as a literary,

linguistic, philosophical and critical forum for the leading literary writers of the twentieth

century.8

From the outset, the Independent’s first Gaelic columnist, Eoghan O Neachtain,

praised the work of the Gaelic League in promoting the Irish language.9 A native Irish

speaker from Spiddal, Co. Galway, O Neachtain was himself an active member of the

Gaelic League and had held the position of editor with the League’s weekly newspaper, An

Claidheamh Soluis, from 1901 until 1903.10 It is noteworthy that his column in the

Independent was entitled “Irish Ireland. A Leaguer’s Point of View. Eire na nGaedheal.”

and purported to discuss matters from the perspective of a Gaelic Leaguer. In his first

column, O Neachtain stated that although international events would be considered, Irish

affairs would take precedence in his section of the paper:

An rud a gcuireann an duine suim ann cuireann an tEireannach suim ann; acht imtheachta nahEireann, nach bhfuil suim ag daoinibh eile ionnta & nach raibh suim ag a lan dar muinntir

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fein ionnta go dtı le goirid anuas, sin iad a bheas mar ughdar cainte san roinn seo, thar einnidheile.

(That which interests all men interests Irishmen; but Irish affairs, which don’t interest others& which didn’t interest a lot of our own people until recently, will be the main talking point ofthis section, above all else.)11

A similar viewpoint had been proposed by P.H. Pearse in his first editorial inAnClaidheamh

Soluis inMarch 1903 as he pledged: “Our ideal is to place in the hands of the Irish speaker in

Glenties or Aran a newspaper giving him, in vivid idiomatic Irish, a consecutive and

adequate record of the home and foreign history of theweek.”12 O Neachtain’s column dealt

with many issues affecting the language movement, chief among them being the status of

Irish in the education system, the promotion of cultural events such as the annual Oireachtas

competitions and reviews of recently published works.13

Throughout the early years of the column, O Neachtain also imparted knowledge of

Irish history and Gaelic heritage to his readers through the inclusion of historical and

martyrological information from sources such as Feilire na Gaedhilge, published by the

Gaelic League in 1904, and Feilire Oenghusa.14 These sources provided O Neachtain

with material for a kind of “On this day” feature which echoed the aim expressed in the

Independent’s first editorial that the paper would provide “what a modern

newspaper should be – the ‘biography of a day’ . . . ”15 Examples of this historical

material include:

Marta 4. – “Do rugadh Roibeart Emmet, 1776.” Feil. na G.(March 4 – “Robert Emmet born, 1776.” Feil. na G.)

Aodh Ruadh O Domhnaill do thainig fa thır san Spainn, 1602.(Hugh Roe O’Donnell landed in Spain, 1602.)

“Do briseadh ar Ghallaibh ar bharr Spıon Cop ‘san Aifric, 1900.” – Feil. na G.(“British defeated at Spion Kop in Africa, 1900.” – Feil. na G.)16

The inclusion of this historical information in O Neachtain’s column can be perceived as

an attempt to redress the balance between a version of Irish history that had been taught in

Irish schools under British rule and that of a native, Gaelic past. This was another

important feature of the Gaelic column of the day, as confirmed by Legg:

But there is no evidence that the main readers of Irish-language columns were the Gaelic-speaking peasantry . . . It was clearly more effective for those intent on raising nationalconsciousness to concentrate, not on printing in the Irish language, but on the dissemination ofIrish history and recounting the lives of heroes.17

An emphasis on “the dissemination of Irish history and recounting the lives of heroes” is

also evident in a 1918 Sinn Fein advertisement entitled “Why did they die?” which calls

for the release of Sinn Fein political prisoners. This front-page advert in the Irish

Independent lists generations of Irish heroes dating back to the Viking period, including

Brian Boru, Hugh Roe O’Donnell, Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmet, P.H. Pearse and others.

The text of the advert reminds readers that these patriotic figures sacrificed their lives “to

secure the liberation of the oldest political prisoner in the world – Ireland!”18 This type of

historical and martyrological material was fundamental in creating a platform for

nationalist identity through the Irish Independent newspaper. A similar awareness of

ancient Irish heroes and patriots is expressed in the 1916 Proclamation of the Irish

Republic that invokes “the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of

nationhood”.19 O Conchubhair has described this notion of looking to the past not merely

in terms of reclaiming or re-imagining the Gaelic nation, but rather as an attempt to

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understand the crisis of nationhood that was generated by the linguistic shift towards

English:

Nı filleadh ar arsaıocht na nGael na dearcadh primitıbheach a bhı i gceist ach, mar a dheinnach mor gach grupa san Eoraip, feachaint siar chun gearcheim an naisiuin a mheas agus androchthionchar tionsclaıochta agus eacnamaıochta a lean an t-athru teanga agus treigean nateanga a thuiscint.

(It did not represent a return to the antiquarianism of the Gael or a primitive viewpoint butrather looking back, as almost every group in Europe did, in order to consider the crisis ofnationhood and to understand the negative industrial and economic influence that followedlinguistic change and the abandonment of the language.)20

I have discussed the influence of the “Irish-Ireland” mentality on the Irish Independent’s

Gaelic column and related material in a previous article that highlights the dual language

approach to the Irish language and cultural revival promoted by the Irish Independent

during this period.21 This dual language approach added further substance to the notion of

Gaelic identity as being rooted in both linguistic domains and both linguistic cultures. The

Irish Independent was not unique in its approach to the promotion of nationalist ideals

through English rather than through Irish alone. The “Irish-Ireland” movement was more

often promoted through the medium of English, for example, in D.P. Moran’s newspaper

The Leader, which was first published in September 1900.22 In his seminal work The

Philosophy of Irish Ireland, Moran had previously claimed that: “For many years to come

we must have an active, vigilant, and merciless propaganda in the English language” to

promote the revivalist cause.23 This use of a dual language platform to promote the revival

of the Irish language and all things Gaelic is mirrored in the Irish Independent and

epitomises its dual identity. The following examples from the Irish Independent with

regard to representations of the Gaeltacht, the role of women and anti-British propaganda

also demonstrate this clearly.

Representations of the “Gaeltacht”

In the context of language revival, much emphasis was placed on the Irish-speaking or

Gaeltacht districts which were seen as the true embodiment of the Gaelic nation.24 The

Irish Independent fostered this idealised notion of the Gaeltacht and an article in the

“Matters of Moment” column claimed that “Nuair a bhı an Ghaedhilg da labhairt ar fuaid

na hEireann go leir bhı sı mar a bheadh brat mor ioldaite, brat aluinn ina raibh dath fe

leith ann o gach ceanntar fe leith” (When Irish was spoken all over Ireland it had been

like a great, multicoloured flag, a beautiful flag on which each region had its own specific

colour).25 This idealised depiction of the past and of the power of the Gaelic language to

create a utopian society correlates with O Torna’s assessment of the “Gaeltacht” concept

during the revival period as the Irish-speaking Gaeltacht regions were considered

symbols of Gaelic identity: “Tuigeadh gur shiombail ı den fhıor-Eireannachas, den

duchas onar shıolraigh an tır uile. Tuigeadh chomh maith gur gha an Ghaeltacht sin a

chaomhnu, mar b’ionann ı agus freamh agus bunus thodhchaı na hEireann i gcoitinne”

(It was seen as a symbol of true Irishness, of the heritage from which the whole country

sprang. It was also understood that that Gaeltacht must be preserved, as it was akin to the

root and foundation of the future of Ireland in general).26 The Independent’s columnist

Liam O Rinn believed that it was the duty of the native Gaeltacht speakers to create a

national literature, as indicated by the following extract from an article entitled “Litriocht

na Gaedhilge”:27 “Is eagal liom na beidh aon litriocht cheart nadurtha againn sa

Ghaedhilg go mbeidh muintir na Gaeltachta ina nduiseacht, nı hamhain i dtaobh na

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Gaedhilge ach i dtaobh an tsaoil mhoir bhraonaigh” (I am afraid we will not have any

proper, natural literature in Irish until the people of the Gaeltacht awaken, not just in

relation to the Irish language but as regards the world around them).28 The representation

of the Gaeltacht community was not always consistent within the Irish Independent,

however, and numerous articles discussed the economic hardship experienced in these

regions.29 The conflicting attitudes of revivalists towards the Gaeltacht communities are

expressed in a report on an outbreak of influenza entitled “An Urgent Appeal for

Connemara Islanders”:

For the past three years some members of the Gaelic League who are interested in theseIrish-speaking peasants have subscribed to provide a lunch for the children attending theschools. This is still being done, but funds are not sufficient to extend relief beyond theschools.30

Here we see the Gaelic Leaguers’ efforts to offer relief on the one hand, while their interest

is rooted primarily in the preservation of Gaeltacht tradition and culture. This attitude

towards the Gaeltacht was echoed by the newspaper’s management, which set up the “Irish

Independent” Connemara Fund to relieve the hardship of the residents of Gorumna and

Lettermore in the Connemara Gaeltacht. The paper’s readiness to come to the aid of these

communities was certainly admirable and no doubt reflects the high esteem in which

native Irish speakers were held by nationalists at the time. However, in response to a letter

from the Congested Districts Board, the Independent’s editor, T.R. Harrington, replied

“intimating that the more that is done for the poor people of this district the greater will be

his satisfaction”.31 Again, reference is made to the “poor” status of these Gaeltacht

inhabitants vis a vis their urban counterparts. In a linguistic context, it is in fact the urban

counterparts who are considered poor, yet the notion of the “ignorant Gaeltacht peasant” is

still to the fore. A letter from J.T. McGinley published in the Independent includes the both

reverent and irreverent statement that “The most ignorant peasant in the Gaedhealtacht is a

better guide in Irish phonetics than the O’Growney lessons could ever have been.”32

Although the Gaeltacht regions were revered as the true founts of native language and

culture, the attitudes towards Gaeltacht inhabitants expressed in the Irish Independent

appeared to be elite and discriminatory at times. The result of this is that the Gaeltacht was

perceived as yet another symbol of the conflicting identity of the Irish nation in the revival

period, as opposed to a pure concept of “Irish-Ireland” or Gaeldom, which is in fact

fairly indicative of the attitude of the Gaeltacht communities themselves at this time,

being Irish-speaking areas that were sullied by the presence and the pressure of the

necessity for English.

The role of women in the nationalist movement

Another aspect of the cultural conflicts surrounding Gaelic identity is evident in the

Independent’s portrayal of the role of women. From the outset, Irish women enjoyed a

prominent position in the revival movement and many occupied notable positions of

responsibility in the Gaelic League hierarchy. Such figures included Countess Markievicz

and her sister Eva Gore-Booth, Maud Gonne, Hanna Sheehy-Skeffington, Alice Milligan

and Agnes O’Farrelly, to name but a few.33 The central role of Irish women within the

household was emphasised repeatedly in the Irish Independent, which also published a

regular women’s page. The power of Irish women to influence both the language

movement and the wider cultural and industrial revival was encouraged and endorsed by

the Independent’s publication of material such as the following extract from an

aeridheacht report: “Countess Plunkett appealed to the women to refuse to feed their men

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folk unless they asked for food in Irish.”34 This was undoubtedly a reflection of the

proactive engagement of women with the revival movement at large.

However, the role of women was not always addressed in these terms. A most striking

example of the conflicting representations of women’s role in society can be found in

extracts from the Irish Independent published in February 1905 where Kathleen

M. O’Brennan discusses the contribution of women to Irish industries. O’Brennan,

an active Gaelic Leaguer and regular contributor to newspapers and journals, also

published articles in An Claidheamh Soluis on the role of Irish women in society,

demonstrating the use of media in both languages to promote the revival cause.35 In the

following extract from the Independent, O’Brennan extols the importance of Irish women

in the emerging industrial movement: “Nothing can be clearer than the position of Irish

women in the industrial movement. A large amount of expenditure lies in their hands, with

the entire power of supporting the home article, and refusing the foreign.”36 O’Brennan

emphasises the power of Irish women to promote native industries and praises the efforts

of the “women workers” in the cultural movement:

Our higher schools from an academical point of view welcomed the Irish Revival, and it isthose schools that have sent forth the best women workers we have in the Irish Irelandmovement. They are earnest Gaelic Leaguers, and indefatigable workers in promoting ourindustries . . . 37

Nonetheless, the same edition of the Independent also carried an advertisement for Hall’s

Wine entitled “The Indoor Life. Why women need a nerve tonic.” The Hall’s

advertisement, which emphasises the frailty and inactivity of women, contrasts starkly

with O’Brennan’s article on the importance and vitality of Irish women and is clearly

aimed at an entirely different readership:

While the winter months drag wearily by, it is not uncommon to find the indoor life exerting abaneful influence upon the human system. Weeks and weeks, perhaps, have passed withoutthe woman in the house ever having had any genuine healthy exercise; dull rooms are herdaily habitation; she breathes a close, vitiated air, and the inevitable consequence often is thatthe lengthening days find her depleted of her customary tone or vitality.38

The role of women expressed through advertising in the Independent is far removed from

that described by O’Brennan. Although the Independent broadly supported the role of

women in the revival movement and recognised their standing within the industrial and

economic sphere, the paper also functioned as a commercial interest and was happy to

accept advertisements that contrasted with the nationalistic rhetoric of the day.

Despite the central role of women in the revival movement, Irish women were at times

criticised in the Independent in relation to “indecent fashions”. Those same women who

were actively engaged in the nationalist movement through learning the Irish language,

buying Irish-made goods and refusing British imports were nevertheless criticised for their

observance of indecent fashions, deemed inappropriate by the Catholic hierarchy in

Ireland and even by the Pope himself: “A Catholic Women’s League to combat the evil of

indecent dress is urged by his Holiness the Pope.”39 In a letter published in the

Independent, Most Rev. Dr Hallinan, Bishop of Limerick, complained that: “It is painful to

observe, too, that our Irish-Irelander women and girls who profess their abhorrence of the

Anglicisation which is going on in our midst, fall victims to it themselves in this very

question of indecent fashions.”40 Hybrid or conflicting notions of what it meant to be a true

nationalist, Gaelic Leaguer or Irish-Irelander were raised in the press, this time as regards

the role of women in the nationalist movement. The resounding message here is perhaps

not that of Catholic or even moral propriety alone, but that Anglicisation, in all its forms,

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must be met head on. This was echoed in a later article entitled “Disgrace to Irish

Womanhood” in which a Catholic priest declared that “many of the present-day dances

and ladies’ dresses were fruitful of terrible crime”.41

The “high moral ground” of Irish nationalists

The theme of moral propriety was continued in a number of articles relating to crime and

inappropriate conduct that appeared in the Irish Independent during this period. The high

moral ground adopted by Irish nationalists during the early twentieth century was

evident in many elements of Irish society and was in stark contrast to the moral code and

conduct of British society, as highlighted by the Independent’s propagandist

material. This theme was particularly emphasised in the Independent’s coverage of

criminal cases in Britain. As Dublin Castle censorship of political articles continued even

after the Great War, much of the criticism of British authority expressed in the

Independent took a more subtle form. While condemning the anti-Irish propaganda put

forward by the British authorities and denouncing the censorship of the Irish press under

DORA, the Independent regularly published anti-British material during the post-war

period.

Repeated reference was made to the lower moral tone that was responsible for the

prevalence of crime in England, a problem that did not affect Irish society due to the moral

fortitude sustained by the Catholic Church and the Gaelic revival movement, according to

contemporary sources. In one such news report entitled “Appalling Crimes in England.

Rampant Immorality. Dance Hells: Divorces by the Thousand”, the perceived “immoral

conduct” which was rampant in England at the time was highlighted through coverage of

112 upcoming court cases at the Old Bailey:

They include 2 charges of murder, 4 of manslaughter, and 2 of shooting with intent to murder.In the London courts, there are 1,554 divorce petitions for disposal at the Hilary Sessions, and1,325 of these are undefended.42

Although this is a news report, a distinct moral tone is detectable, and the report goes on to

describe the sensational case of the owners of a club in Leicester Square who were brought

before the courts to answer charges of immoral conduct at the club, “which was formed for

the benefit of members of the theatrical profession and Bohemian inclined people” and

was described as “‘a dancing hell,’ frequented by women of a certain class who were

found jazzing”.43 This type of sensationalist coverage no doubt made an impact on the

middle-class readers of the Independent and created a clear contrast between the “loose”

morals in England and the conservative behaviour of the Irish people who adhered to a

stricter moral code. This type of anti-British coverage increased during the War of

Independence, and one edition of the Independent in January 1920 carried three major

articles relating to the increase in crime throughout Britain – in the “Matters of Moment”

editorial column, on the news page and also in the “Latest News” section on the back

page.44 The intertextual discourse between these various articles adds to the overall sense

of anti-British propaganda prevalent in the Irish Independent during the struggle for

political independence.45

Low British morals were also criticised in relation to unsuitable literature that was

being imported from Britain. Again, this anti-smut rhetoric increased greatly during the

War of Independence and was not only an indication of the conservative attitude of Gaelic

Leaguers but also represented an undisguised attempt at anti-British propaganda. The

revival of the Irish language was repeatedly tied to the “fight for purity”, leading to the

publication of statements such as the following:

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Mr. T.P. O’Donaghue, A.O.H., supporting, said as far as the organisation to which hebelonged was concerned it was always heart and soul behind the vigilance movement. One ofthe most potent influences for checking the evil was by the revival and universal use of theIrish language

When there was no English spoken in Ireland there was no smut.46

The use of bold font to emphasise O’Donaghue’s statement regarding the devastating

impact of Anglicisation on the moral tone of the country represents a conscious

decision on behalf of the Irish Independent editorial team to add weight to this declaration.

This theme was reiterated in numerous other articles, reports and letters from readers. A

letter from R.F. O’Connor called for local censorship to ensure “clean theatres” and

warned that “What might pass muster in England would not, or should not, be tolerated in

Ireland. A distinctly different moral tone pervades society in this country.”47 This material

clearly represents a strong anti-British propaganda and also correlates with O Siadhail’s

assertion that members of the Gaelic League were influenced not only by Gaelicism and

Catholicism during this period but also by “bleaist mhaith den mheasulacht Victeoireach”

(a considerable amount of Victorian respectability).48

A report on an aeridheacht held at Finglas, quotes Father T.A. Fitzgerald, OFM, who

stated that “Gaelic Leaguers were the most self-respecting section of the population, and

were opposed to dirty plays, foul literature, double-meaning songs, immodest dances, and

shameless fashions.”49 The Independent saw fit to editorialise on this matter, declaring that

“The moral tone of Ireland is, we are glad to say, immeasurably higher than that of Great

Britain. Of later years there has been a welcome revival in Irish drama but long strides

have yet to be made if it is to supplant imported drama.”50 Anti-British propaganda was

also a feature of the Irish language content of the Independent during this period. This

propaganda even stretched to the music being used in concerts, with one article

recommending the establishment of Irish-speaking music groups in all Gaeltacht regions,

along the lines of that founded by Fionan Mac Coluim in Kerry:51 “Nior mhiste rud eigin

den tsort a chur ar bun i ngach Gaeltacht mar ta na daoine da lot ag Gall-chuirmeacha ceoil

na bion ar siul aca ach Beurla” (Something of this sort should be founded in every

Gaeltacht as the people are being corrupted by foreign-music concerts in which only

English is used).52 Very few areas of Irish life (if any) escaped the wrath of this onslaught

on low moral Britishness as opposed to high moral Irishness. Industry and manufacture

was another area of debate. Letters from readers condemned those who claimed to be

nationalists while consuming goods of English manufacture, as highlighted in a letter

signed “Lilliput” in which the reader expresses his outrage at the suppression of the

Aonach na Nollag Christmas Fair at the Mansion House in Dublin:

Sinn Feiners, breathing fire against the English Government, are not ashamed to be seen withEnglish cigarettes in their mouths, English matches to light them, English clothes and boots,English socks, shirts and collars, English hats, caps, gloves and ties, English jam for eating,English soap for washing, English papers for reading, etc., etc.53

Understandably, the promotion of home manufacture and the fostering of the native

economy were tied to the issue of political independence from Britain, as was the case with

the Irish language.

The hypocritical approach taken by the media towards such imported goods is

criticised in an article on Irish advertising by J.P. Colbert:

Always the cry of our politicians is: buy Irish Manufactures and support Home Industry, yeteverywhere our advertising media ask us to buy products which are imported from abroad.Take up any of the leading Irish newspapers or magazines and one finds that, excludingclassified and purely local advertisements, the greater part of the advertising space is filled by

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the messages of English advertisers, and not only do the advertisements of English firmspreponderate in number and size, but also the most attractive advertisements invariably comefrom across the water.54

This was certainly true of the Irish Independent itself during the struggle for political

independence as it carried regular advertisements promoting Irish-made goods while also

accepting adverts from international companies including Wrigley’s, Nestle and

Rowntree’s. An advertisement for Bournville Cocoa which was published in Irish in

1915 is most remarkable in that the Irish language was used to promote a British company,

thus compounding the conflicting nature of much of the Independent’s advertising during

this period: “An t-ainm ata os comhair gach uile bhean tuisgionach tighe. Coco Bournville.

712d. ar 1

4puint” (The name before every wise housewife: Cocoa Bournville. 71

2d. for 1

4

pound”) (see Figure 1).55 The advertisement appeals to Irish women in the role of

housewife whilst simultaneously acknowledging their power as consumers (see

O’Brennan). In this instance, however, Irish women are targeted, through their native

language, by a British company intent on promoting its goods among Irish consumers.

Hybrid identity – imperial affiliations

Notwithstanding the promotion of the Irish language and Irish economic endeavours, it

must also be remembered that the Irish Independent functioned, during the opening

decades of the twentieth century, within the confines of the British Empire. In his seminal

work on the Irish language revival and the fin de siecle movement, O Chonchubhair has

pointed out the manifold ways in which the Irish public was intrinsically linked to Britain

at the turn of the twentieth century:

Ba chuid d’impireacht na Breataine ı Eire, throid saighdiuirı na hEireann in aghaidh namBorach, mhair Eireannaigh i gcathracha Shasana agus leigh siad paipeir Shasana.

(Ireland was part of the British Empire, Irish soldiers fought against the Boers, Irish peoplelived in English cities and they read English newspapers.)56

This imperial identity is also referred to by Potter, who claims that “like imperial subjects

in the settler and crown colonies, and indeed in Britain itself, Irish men and women

developed an ambiguous, sometimes volatile, but often viable mix of identities as

members of a global empire . . . ”57 Although quick to criticise the British administration

and to publish material of an anti-British nature, the Independent acknowledged its links

with Britain in other articles. Certain aspects of the hybrid nature of the Irish Independent

during the early twentieth century can be traced back to its predecessor, the Irish Daily

Independent. McCartney has documented the Anglicised tone of much of the content in

the Daily Independent pre-1905, in spite of its foundation as a nationalist newspaper:

Figure 1. Advertisement for Bournville Cocoa. Irish Independent, November 24, 1915. (Imagereproduced from the National Library of Ireland’s collection.)

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Until 1905 the Daily Independent continued along much the same lines as its competitors . . .The news items were of the tit-bit variety, mostly from the English papers – “The King ondancing”, “Lady injured by bull”, “Madman in church”, “First lady pastor”, “Headless vicarsuicide”. Quaint captions like a “Curious story” or “Extraordinary explanation” werecommon. Breach of promise cases loomed large as did wedding reports, society notes, factsand fancies, and gossip of the day . . . Reports of Gaelic League activities and theendorsement of its philosophy reflected contemporary Irish-Ireland enthusiasm.58

Although the newly launched Irish Independent professed a non-partisan political stance

from 1905 onwards and was much more commercially viable than its predecessor,

elements of this conflicting identity first encapsulated by the Irish Daily Independent

continued on in the new Independent as the nationalist rhetoric and the Gaelic column vied

with society notes, advertisements and news from London.

It is not surprising that the Irish Independent promoted links with Britain, in particular

trade links, in spite of its concurrent support for the Irish language revival and the

nationalist cause. Indeed, the Independent’s owner, William Martin Murphy, had various

imperial business interests through his overseas railway companies. In 1907, Murphy

organised an International Exhibition in Dublin of which King Edward VII was patron,

reinforcing the Independent’s links with the UK and the British Empire, and yet when

offered a knighthood by the king for his involvement in the Exhibition, Murphy refused.59

This would seem to embody the hybrid attitude of the Independent itself before political

independence was granted, as Murphy was keen to encourage international trade and

strengthen ties within the Empire, but then later refused to accept an imperial award

acknowledging this involvement. Maume has argued that Murphy’s overseas business

interests shaped the attitude of the Independent towards Dominion status as an alternative

to partition as this would allow Ireland to remain within the Empire:

Murphy, whose business interests spanned the empire, distanced himself from “unamiableprovincialism” (i.e. separatism) and what he saw as the irresponsible opportunism of the IrishParliamentary Party. Nevertheless, he and his paper came to see Home Rule as insufficient,and campaigned for Dominion status as the only way to reconcile Irish self-respect with theconstraints and opportunities of empire.60

This imperial connection is portrayed in the Irish Independent through its regular inclusion

of rolls of honour or “Military Intelligence” from the First World War. Maume has noted

that

from the outset of the First World War the Independent repeatedly argued that Ireland’seconomic and political interests lay with the empire, urged readers to enlist for overseasservice and reminded them that war loans would be less costly than German victory.61

In the aftermath of the war, the Independent carried advertisements for subscriptions to an

Irish National War Memorial “To commemorate the imperishable deeds of Irishmen who

have made the great sacrifice.”62 The War Memorial advertisements informed readers that

subscriptions to the fund could be sent to the Irish Independent’s offices, thus illustrating

the active role taken by the paper’s management in commemorating the fallen who fought

for the British cause in the Great War. On 11 November 1919, an advertisement for the

official commemoration of Armistice Day by order of H.M. the King appeared in the

Independent,63 and yet in the next edition a photograph was printed showing students of

the National University who walked past singing the Soldier’s Song while Trinity students

observed the two minutes’ silence marking Armistice Day.64

Not all references to British authority and the imperial tradition in the Irish

Independent were of a positive nature, as one would expect. The apparent duplicity of the

British administration’s involvement in the Great War in the name of “freedom for small

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nations” was repeatedly referred to in articles and reports published in the Independent in

the aftermath of the war. An aeridheacht report from Kerry carried the following quotation

from a Killarney priest who lamented that “owing to the kind attentions of the champion of

small nations they were prevented from holding this legitimate gathering where they

intended” and asserted that the purpose of these aeridheachtaı was “to rescue the soul of

the nation from the imminent danger of becoming a creature of English formation and

manufacture”.65 The hypocrisy of the British government’s attitude to Ireland was also

manifest in Lloyd George’s public use of the Welsh language while the Gaelic League had

been outlawed, as noted in various articles and reports in the Irish Independent. A report on

the St Patrick’sDay celebrations in 1919 claimed that “AnmeidGaeilge a bhı le cloistint sna

sraideannaibh chuirfeadh se ionghadh ar Lloyd George an te a dubhairt le deanaighe nach

raibh teanga fe leith againn i nEirinn” (The amount of Irish that was heard on the streets

would surprise Lloyd George who stated recently that we do not have a distinct language in

Ireland).66 Another article in the “Items of Interest” column informed readers that “With the

exception of one sentence Mr. Lloyd George spoke inWelsh at a lecture given byMr. D.R.

Daniel at the Llanystumdwy Institute, Criccieth.”67 An article outlining the increase in

participation at the Irish summer colleges credited Lloyd George’s proclamation of the

Gaelic League and other nationalist organisations for the increased enthusiasm for the

language and carried the subheading “Premier as Propagandist”.68 While imperial links

were fostered by the paper on the one hand, criticism of the British administration abounded

nonetheless and the Irish language was utilised as a symbolic tool in the struggle against

both British authority and West-Britonism.

Joyce’s observations

Joyce’s observations on the Irish Independent’s births, deaths and marriages column show

that the newspaper provided a forum for the comings and goings of the Anglicised gentry

during its early years. However, the proscription of the Gaelic League by the British

administration in late 1918 appears to have actually strengthened the Irish language

movement. A report on the Oireachtas festival held in Cork in August 1919 indicated that

the proclamation of the Gaelic League had only increased its popularity among the people

of Ireland: “The proclaiming of feiseanna by the English authorities was a great benefit to

the Gaelic League, two or three feiseanna having been held where only one would have

taken place.”69 The dual language approach adopted by revival activists in order to

promote their cause among the wider community is epitomised by bilingual

advertisements and notices published in the Independent during this period, such as the

advert for an Oireachtas excursion to Glendalough, Co. Wicklow in August 1920 (see

Figure 2).70

This approach is also reflected in the marked increase in birth, death, and marriage

notices in Irish in the Independent frommid-1919 onwards.Many notices were published in

Irish with an accompanying English translation, offering further proof of the importance

attached to the Irish language during the struggle for political independence.

Announcements published in Irish during the post-war period included “Nı Chonchobhair

– La Samhna, ‘na dtigh fein . . . do bhronn Dia inghean og ar Mhaire Nı Chraith agus

Domhnall O Conbhubhair” (O’Connor – 1 November, at home . . . God bestowed a

daughter upon Maire Nı Chraith and Domhnall O Conbhubhair), issued in Irish only.71

Bilingual announcements included the marriage of Muiris O Cathain, Castlemahon, Co.

Limerick to Iudit Nı Dhonnagain, Kilkenny72 and notice of the death of NoraUı Chasaide of

Tigh Chluana, Berkeley Street, Dublin, which asked that “American and Australian papers,

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please copy”.73 These names and addresses alone show a disparity with those of the

Anglicised gentry parodied by Joyce inUlysses. The use of the Irish language in these later

notices in the Independent reflects a conscious decision by the families involved to utilise

Irish in their public announcements. This reflects the increased use of the Irish language in

the public sphere as the nationalist movement intensified during the War of Independence.

In conclusion, the Irish Independent newspaper presented a dual language forum for

the promotion of the Irish language and cultural revival in the early years of the twentieth

century, while also cultivating links within the British Empire. This dual language forum

comprised a regular Gaelic column, as well as news reports, individual articles, letters,

reviews and notices that debated and examined the major issues of the day regarding the

language movement. Horgan’s claim that “The media inform social and political change,

as well as reflecting it” accurately sums up the central role of the Irish Independent in

shaping public opinion and raising awareness of nationalist identity during the early

twentieth century, albeit a conflicting and, at times, hybrid identity.74 This “‘complex’

relationship between media and community” has also been examined by Uı Chollatain in

relation to the Irish language media of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which may

be said to be precursors to the use of English language media such as the Independent for

the promotion of the Gaelic revival during the early twentieth century.75 It is the format of

news coverage that demonstrates the role of the Irish Independent in the society of the day,

rather than the fact that the Independent printed material in the Irish language. The thrust

of the Independent’s Irish language material appears to have been of a personal nature

referring specifically to “community” news. It is interesting, therefore, that these notices of

births, deaths and marriages are the very essence of Joyce’s disdain for the paper.

However, the Independent’s awareness of its imperial identity during this period cannot be

ignored and the coupling of a Gaelic revivalist mindset with an acknowledgement of

imperial affiliations certainly combined to create a conflicting identity within the Irish

Independent in the years before the foundation of the Irish Free State. One wonders if

Joyce ever revised his opinion of the “Irish all for Ireland Independent”!

Figure 2. An example of the bilingual advertisements published in the Irish Independent, in thiscase promoting an Oireachtas Excursion to Glendalough. Irish Independent, August 2, 1920. (Imagereproduced from the National Library of Ireland’s collection.)

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Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Mr Joe Breen, Dr Elizabeth Dawson, Mr Justin Furlong, Mr Felix M. Larkin and DrRegina Uı Chollatain for their assistance with the material referred to in this paper and also to theIrish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences which has funded this research.

Notes

1. “And he starts reading them out:

—Gordon, Barnfield crescent, Exeter; Redmayne of Iffley, St. Anne’s on Sea: the wife ofWilliam T Redmayne of a son. How’s that, eh? Wright and Flint, Vincent and Gillett toRotha Marion daughter of Rosa and the late George Alfred Gillett, 179 Clapham road,Stockwell, Playwood and Ridsdale at St. Jude’s, Kensington by the very reverend DrForrest, Dean of Worcester. Eh? Deaths. Bristow, at Whitehall lane, London: Carr, StokeNewington, of gastritis and heart disease: Cockburn, at the Moat house, Chepstow . . . – Iknow that fellow says Joe, from bitter experience” (Joyce, Ulysses, 12: 220–3).

2. Joyce, Ulysses, 12: 220–3.3. Maume, “Parnellite Politics and the Origins of Independent Newspapers,” 3. For biographical

information on W.M. Murphy, see Morrissey, William Martin Murphy.4. The Northcliffe Press was the term applied to the British newspapers owned and operated by

Alfred Harmsworth, who later became Lord Northcliffe. Northcliffe’s Daily Mail waslaunched in 1896 at the price of one halfpenny and soon proved a great commercial successwith a circulation of almost one million copies by 1900. See Manning, News and NewsSources, 83–5.

5. “The cheapness of the paper, and its attempt to cater for all, immediately gained a greater dailycirculation for the Independent than for its nearest rival, the long surviving Freeman’s Journal”(McCartney, “William Martin Murphy,” 35). The circulation of the Freeman’s Journal wasestimated at between 30,000 and 35,000 copies per day in 1915 while the Irish Independentclaimed a circulation of over 110,000 during the same period. See Larkin, “‘The OldWoman ofPrince’s Street,’” 21. The Independent regularly included its circulation total alongside itsmasthead and introduced the custom of publishing audited sales figures.

6. Editorial, Irish Independent, January 2, 1905.7. The journalist Maire de Buitleir penned a regular Irish column in the Irish Daily Independent

from 1899 onwards. The Daily Independent was praised by An Claidheamh Soluis for itspublication of such a column:

For some weeks past an Irish Language section has been appearing once a week in theIrish Daily Independent. Not only matter in English dealing with the movement in ahighly appreciative spirit, but also short Irish articles are printed in this section. Wecongratulate the Independent on its enterprise which will certainly not make the paperless popular with a vast number of its readers. (“Notes,” An Claidheamh Soluis,October 21, 1899, 10 (506), quoted in Uı Chollatain, An Claidheamh Soluis agus Fainne anLae, 58)

J.J. O’Kelly (“Sceilg”), Tomas O Maille and Piaras Beaslaı were among the contributors tothe Gaelic column in the Freeman’s Journal during this period. For further information seeMac Congail, “Saothru na Gaeilge ar Nuachtain Naisiunta Bhearla.”

8. Uı Chollatain, Iriseoirı Pinn, 13.9. For further information on the Gaelic League and the Irish language revival movement during

this period, see Mac Aonghusa, Ar Son na Gaeilge and McMahon, Grand Opportunity.10. Although he also held a full-time position in Dublin Corporation, O Neachtain remained as Irish

editor of the Irish Independent for almost ten years, and recorded his occupation as nuaidheachtoir(journalist) in the 1911 census. 1911 census return for Eoghan O Neachtain, http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000097440/; for further biographical information seeNıMhunghaile,“ONeachtain,Eoghan,”Dictionary of IrishBiography (http://dib.cambridge.org.eproxy.ucd.ie/quicksearch.do;jsessionid1

46741D383BF0DC5204EEC580DEEE7657C#); “O Neachtain, Eoghan,”

Ainm.ie, http://www.ainm.ie/Bio.aspx?ID¼357.

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11. Irish Independent, January 2, 1905. (unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own).12. An Claidheamh Soluis, March 14, 1903. For further reading on Pearse’s Irish language

journalism, see Uı Chollatain, “‘The History of a Century in a Generation.’”13. For examples of articles dealing with education, see Irish Independent, January 6, 1905;

January 10, 1905; January 11, 1905; for articles relating to the Oireachtas competitions,see June 26, 1905; August 12, 1908; for O Neachtain’s review of Poll an Phıobaire by PadraigPearse, see June 5, 1906; for his review of Sean O Cathain’s Ceachta Cainnte Gramadaigh, seeAugust 27, 1909.

14. See de Siunta, Feilire na Gaedhilge, and Johnston and O Corrain, The Martyrology of Oengusthe Culdee.

15. Editorial, Irish Independent, January 2, 1905.16. Irish Independent, March 4, 1905; January 16, 1905; January 23, 1905.17. Legg, Newspapers and Nationalism, 101.18. Front-page advertisement, Irish Independent, December 11, 1918.19. “Irishmen and Irishwomen: In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she

receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flagand strikes for her freedom.” Proclamation of the Irish Republic, 1916, quoted in Mitchell andO Snodaigh, Irish Political Documents, 17.

20. O Conchubhair, Fin de Siecle na Gaeilge, 8.21. See Whelan, “‘Irish-Ireland’ and the Irish Independent.”22. For further information on D.P. Moran and on The Leader newspaper, see Maume, D.P.

Moran, and Inglis, “Moran of the Leader.”23. Moran, Philosophy of Irish Ireland, 81–2.24. To facilitate recognition of Irish-speaking districts under the term “Gaeltacht” in the present

tense, these Irish-speaking areas will be referred to as “Gaeltacht” regions for the purposes ofthis article. For further clarification of the development of the Gaeltacht concept and thegradual adoption of the term to describe regions where only Irish was spoken, see O Torna,Cruthu na Gaeltachta, chapter 2.

25. Irish Independent, October 1, 1919.26. O Torna, Cruthu na Gaeltachta, 15.27. For biographical information, see “O Rinn, Liam,” Ainm.ie, http://www.ainm.ie/Bio.aspx?

ID¼106.28. Irish Independent, December 13, 1919.29. Examples of articles on economic hardship of the Gaeltacht areas include “Our Rural Slums,”

May 26, 1919; “Kerry Gaoltacht. Language Revival Economics,” October 13, 1919; “HomeIndustries. A Pioneer in Irish Manufactures,” October 31, 1919.

30. “The Lord Mayor of Dublin, as hon. treas.; Mrs. O’Nolan, Mr. P. O’Malley, T.D.; Mr.W. Cosgrave, T.D., T.C., and Mr. Frank Fahy, T.D., have issued an appeal on behalf of theislanders of Gorumna and Lettermullen, Connemara, who are in sore need of help. A graveoutbreak of influenza has devastated that area, whole families having been attackedsimultaneously, and in many instances both parents have succumbed leaving large, helplessfamilies” (Irish Independent, April 5, 1919).

31. Irish Independent, January 5, 1920.32. Irish Independent, August 11, 1919.33. For biographical information, see Paseta, “Markievicz, Constance Georgine”; Clarke, “Booth,

Eva Selina Gore-”; O’Callaghan and Nic Dhaibheid, “MacBride, (Edith) Maud Gonne”;Luddy, “Skeffington, (Johanna) Hanna Sheehy”; Morris, “Milligan, Alice Leticia”; Coleman,“O’Farrelly, Agnes Winifred,” Dictionary of Irish Biography (http://dib.cambridge.org/).

34. Irish Independent, May 19, 1919.35. See O’Brennan, “Irishwomen and Higher Education,” An Claidheamh Soluis, July 15, 1905.

For biographical information, see the entry for her sister in Hourican, “O’Brennan, Elizabeth(‘Lily’).”

36. Irish Independent, February 15, 1905.37. Ibid.38. Ibid.39. Irish Independent, November, 8 1919.40. Ibid.

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41. “Many of the present-day dances and ladies’ dresses were fruitful of terrible crime, saidRev. Father Ambrose, OFM, preaching in Wexford. There was no use, he said, in IrishCatholics talking of their country as the land of Patrick, Brigid, and Columcille while Irishgirls walked the streets in suggestive and immodest fashions, and while no effort was made toend the immodest amusement provided at present-day balls” (Irish Independent, January 30,1920).

42. Irish Independent, January 13, 1920.43. “At Bow St. Court, a man and a woman, partners in the Dalton Club, situated

underground in Leicester Sq., appeared to answer summonses concerning the conduct of theresort which the prosecuting solicitor described as ‘a dancing hell’, frequented by women of acertain class who were found jazzing. The solicitor described how the club, which wasformed for the benefit of members of the theatrical profession and Bohemian inclined people,had for some time been under the observation of the police” (Irish Independent, January 13,1920).

44. Irish Independent, January 28, 1920. Other examples from the same period include “Crimeless(?) England,” January 14, 1920, and “Crime in England. A Severe Epidemic,” January 23,1920.

45. For further reading on intertextuality, see Fairclough, Language and Power, chapter 6.46. Irish Independent, November 21, 1919.47. Irish Independent, November 11, 1919.48. O Siadhail, Stair Dhramaıocht na Gaeilge, 29–30.49. Irish Independent, May 30, 1919.50. Irish Independent, November 15, 1919.51. A prominent Gaelic Leaguer and founding member of the Folklore of Ireland Society,

Fionan Mac Coluim is renowned for his collections of Irish language songs and for hiscontribution to Irish folklore. For further biographical information, see “Mac Coluim, Fionan,”Ainm.ie, http://www.ainm.ie/Bio.aspx?ID=28.

52. Irish Independent, July 21, 1919.53. Irish Independent, December 16, 1919. This was echoed in the next edition in a letter signed

“Observer”, who declared that: “If the young men of our city take up this matter and smokeonly Irish cigarettes and tobaccos, then the protest will be in earnest . . . Surely it is, to put itmildly, quite silly and childish to be looking for independence with foreign cigarettes in theirmouths” (Irish Independent, December 17, 1919).

54. Irish Independent, December 6, 1919.55. Advertisement for Bournville Cocoa, Irish Independent, November 24, 1915.56. O Conchubhair, Fin de Siecle na Gaeilge, 55.57. Potter, Newspapers and Empire in Ireland and Britain, 13.58. McCartney, “William Martin Murphy,” 34.59. Maume, “Irish Independent and Empire,” 136.60. Ibid., 142.61. Ibid., 139.62. Irish Independent, January 13, 1920.63. Irish Independent, November 11, 1919.64. Irish Independent, November 12, 1919.65. “The Very Rev. P.J. Fitzgerald, Adm., Killarney, presided. He said that owing to the kind

attentions of the champion of small nations they were prevented from holding this legitimategathering where they intended. The main object of these gatherings was to promote the Irishlanguage, foster Irish music, songs and games, and thus to rescue the soul of the nation from theimminent danger of becoming a creature of English formation and manufacture (applause)”(Irish Independent, June 10, 1919).

66. Irish Independent, March 18, 1919.67. Irish Independent, December 29, 1919.68. “Rev. R. Fleming, C.C., who proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman, said he wished

to propose a vote of thanks to Mr. Lloyd George, who did more for the Irish languagethan hundreds of speeches and exhortations when he said that Ireland was not a nationbecause the people of Ireland did not speak the Irish language” (Irish Independent,September 17, 1919).

69. Irish Independent, August 4, 1919.

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70. Irish Independent, August 2, 1920.71. Irish Independent, November 29, 1919. This announcement was issued in Irish only without

any English translation.72. Irish Independent, July 5, 1919.73. Irish Independent, January 8, 1920.74. Horgan, Irish Media, 2.75. Uı Chollatain, “Crossing Boundaries,” 52–3.

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