land use system changes, perspectives, indigenous
TRANSCRIPT
Land Use System Changes, Perspectives, Indigenous Knowledge System
and Practices on Climate Change Adaptation among Tagbanua
Indigenous Communities of Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan
In Partnership with the University of the Philippines, Los Banos, College of Human Ecology,
Indigenous Cultural Communities of Barangay Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan
Republic of the Philippines
Palawan Council for Sustainable Development Tribal Ancestral Zone Management Component
A Research Report
December 2015
Prepared by
University of the Philippines (UP) College of Human Ecology (CHE) Alumni Association
Through the Department of Social Development Services (DSDS) December 10, 2015
for the
Palawan Council for Sustainable Development Staff (PCSDS)
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Grateful recognition is extended to the following for their contribution and assistance to pursue
and complete this research endeavor:
O The institutional leadership of PCSDS led by Executive Director, Nelson P. Devanadera, and
Planning Director Josephine S. Matulac, and College of Human Ecology Alumni Association
through the Department of Social Development Services (DSDS--CHE-UPLB) led by Professor
Carla Edith Jimena and Prof. Edgar Reyes who facilitated this institutional project collaboration;
o The PCSDS Staff particularly Ms. Merlinda Hilario and Mr. Daryl Licerio who facilitated the
institutional and community coordination tasks and processing of Free Prior and Informed
Consent documents and Mr. Ariel Carino who unwearyingly provided transport service thru the
PCSDS vehicle, along with the patient and close assistance to the research team of DSDS-CHE-
UPLB including Prof. Edgar Reyes, Ms. Ana Bibal, Ms. Jo Anne Francisco and Ms. Kashmir
Capuno;
o The local barangay officials of Barangay Caruray for their warm hospitality and assistance in
data gathering particularly Barangay Kapitan Lovicel Bonggat who hosted our stay. We also
extend our gratitude to the traditional leaders of So. Candamya and So. Panamin, particularly
Panlima Agapito Flores and Panlima Sabas Lagarejo. Our thanks also to the Villamor family of
Gawid who rendered boat service and coordination assistance with the tribes in the research sites.
SUMMARY
Empirical study and a comprehensive report discussed data on exposure to risks,
hazards, vulnerability and adaptive capacity analysis of San Vicente barangays with sectoral
focus on agriculture and fisheries last 2014. However, despite presence of indigenous
populations, sectoral discussions on the situation of the Tagbanua communities regarding
their experiences and responses to climate change related impacts were lacking. Tagbanua
communities as with indigenous peoples sector reside within remaining fragile ecosystems
which are also declared conservation sites and hotspots of climate change related impacts.
This research brings to fore a social research inquiry on the processes and changes of
traditional land use systems and their experiences, perspectives and adaptive responses on
climate change of Tagbanua communities.
The results of the study revealed that the assimilation of Tagbanua from Caruray of
the traditional knowledge systems and inevitable livelihood trajectories was a gradual and
historical process, both triggered by the overlap of the socio-economic and political factors
which were only later on exacerbated by the growing climate crisis. The study revealed three
major historical and structural factors revolving around the converging influx of resource
competition with migrants; market encroachment of corporate logging and tourism; and
conflicting development & policy interventions. These placed the Tagbanuas in a situation of
vulnerability prior their experiences with climate change highlighted by loss of self-reliant
livelihoods, genetic resources and restricted rights to resources and cultural assimilation.
These resulted to low coping ability to the series of climate change experiences that beset
them from 1990s to late 2000s.
The findings of the research recommend the integration of indigenous peoples
sectoral development and participation in local DRRM-CCA programs thru participatory
CBMIS, IEC on DRRM-CCA and a more comprehensive livelihood and food security
program to support traditional self-reliant livelihoods and IP rights to land and resources.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgement
Summary of the Report
I. Background and Rationale
II. Research Scope and Process
III. Research Methodology
IV. Research Framework
V. Results and Discussion
VI. Analysis and Conclusion
VII. Recommendations
VIII. References and Literature Cited
IX. Annexes
I. BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE
Palawan, the largest province of the country is renowned for its wealth of both
marine and terrestrial natural resources. Palawan hosts 17 key biodiversity areas, 11%
forest cover, 38% mangrove cover and 30% coral reefs of the nation. Institutional
studies in the light of climate change mitigation and adaptation reveals the 666,338
hectares forests of Palawan a significant carbon sink wherein an estimated 206 million
metric tons of carbon sequesters represent about half the annual carbon dioxide
emissions of large countries such as France, South Africa, and Australia (PCSD,
2009). Meanwhile, its combined coastline from numerous islets is estimated to
expand to about 2,000 kilometers hosting rich fishing and aquaculture hub making the
province amongst the top fish-producing province in the country (BAS, 2008).
Likewise, the province is a converging point of growing maritime, tourism and
industry sector.
Scientific studies revealed that the province is among the climate change risks
hotspots in the Philippines based on frequency and intensity of extreme weather
events including prolonged drought, increased average annual rainfall and drastic sea
level rise (Yusuf & Francisco, 2009 and Greenpeace, 2010). This is affirmed by
recent experiences of extreme weather events such as the 1998 and 2009 El Nino
which resulted to massive coral bleaching, agricultural decline and forest fires in the
province. Likewise, north Palawan also experienced succeeding onslaught of super
typhoons as with typhoon Pablo and Yolanda (international codename Bopha and
Haiyan) last 2012 and 2013. These climate related events have resulted to negative
impacts in the lives and livelihoods as well as the ecological health and productivity
of marine, forest and agro ecosystems. Hence, understanding climate change risks and
vulnerability towards building adaptation and mitigation strategies to increase
resiliency has become a primary development thrust of the local government.
The 2014 report entitled Demonstration of the Eco-town Framework Project
in San Vicente, Palawan reflects the government and private institutional
collaboration1 to conduct an empirical study on spatial and institutional extent of
climate change risks and vulnerability in the locality as basis of instilling integrated
climate change adaptation and mitigation mechanisms in local governance
development programs and land use plans. The comprehensive report discussed data
on exposure to risks, hazards, vulnerability and adaptive capacity analysis of San
Vicente barangays with sectoral focus on agriculture and fisheries.
However, despite presence of indigenous populations, sectoral discussions on
the situation of the Tagbanua communities related to their experiences and responses
to climate change related impacts were lacking. Tagbanua communities as with
indigenous peoples sector reside within the remaining fragile ecosystems which are
also declared conservation sites and hotspots of climate change related impacts.
Further traditional livelihoods are vulnerable to climate change events such as erratic
rainfall and prolonged drought since their agricultural production and land use cycles
such as swidden are rain-fed. Likewise, remoteness and access to education,
information, social services and disaster response relief and rehabilitation also
influences their adaptive capacities. However, communities also have local human
and non-human resources that may contribute in shaping their responses and adaptive
practices to these limitations, threats and risks.
This study brings to fore a social research inquiry on the processes and
changes of traditional land uses systems and their experiences, perspectives and
adaptive responses on climate change of Tagbanua communities. The study
recognizes that traditional land use systems are cultural vessels of valuable indigenous
knowledge systems and practices that contributes to ecological health, social
development and viability of socio-economic activities of indigenous communities as
well as their capacity to adapt and be resilient amidst historical threats and risks.
However, traditional land uses systems are changing due to inter related economic,
political and environmental factors. Likewise, climate change related impacts of
worsening natural hazards further exacerbate the present risk and uncertainties in their
livelihood.
1 Global Green Growth Initiative, Philippine Climate Change Commission and San Vicente Municipal
Government Office
It is deemed necessary that an indigenous sector focused research will
contribute critical insights on the socio-cultural aspects of understanding Tagbanua
local experiences with climate crises and how these influence their livelihood
decisions, trajectories of their land use systems and resources use practices. It is
hoped that thru this research inquiry, sectoral concerns of indigenous peoples will be
brought to fore in the ongoing policy development towards climate resilient
governance response in the local level.
II. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
Generally, the social research aims to understand the context of traditional land use
systems changes and its relation to experiences, perspectives and adaptive responses
on climate change of the Tagbanua communities of San Vicente.
Specifically it aims to:
a. discuss traditional land use systems and pertinent indigenous knowledge
systems and practices;
b. discuss the experiences, perspectives and responses of indigenous peoples to
climate change related events and perceived impacts;
c. analyze the changes and influential factors of traditional land use system
changes and its relation to local experiences, perspectives and adaptation
responses to climate change ; and,
d. draft specific climate change adaptation strategies and policy
recommendations to reduce vulnerability to climate change impacts and
increase adaptive capacity of the community.
III. RESEARCH SCOPE AND PROCESS
The research took a total of six months from May to July, 2015 as the drafting of
research inception, design, coordination and securing of free prior informed consent from the
community. The research team conducted two weeks field work within the first two weeks of
August 2015 comprising the bulk of community interviews thru Key Informant Interviews
(KII), Focus Group Discussions (FGD), community consultations and ocular observations.
Post research activities were conducted from September to October, 2015.
Table 1. Research Time
Time Activities
May-June Research Scoping and Coordination
Securing of Prior Informed Consent
Research Design Discussion and Finalization
Research Orientation, Planning and Discussion
July-August Research Data Gathering
Data Review, Collation and Analysis
September-October Research Write-up
Research Presentation and Revisions
November Research Validation and Review
December Research Report Finalization and Submission
The locale of the study is the barangay of Caruray specifically the coastal sitio of
Candamya and rural sitio of Panamin. The two research sites were chosen because of
significant population of Tagbanua Tandolanen whose elders’ life history and community
experiences provide rich information on the research inquiry of indigenous knowledge,
livelihood shifts and patterns of resources use in line with local adaptation and
intergenerational climate change experiences. About five KIIs with elders and community
members and two FGDs were conducted in Sitio Candamya. In addition, five KIIs and one
FGD were conducted in Sitio Panamin.
Table 2. Research Process and Activities
DATE RESEARCH ACTIVITIES HIGHLIGHTS
August 2, 2015 - Flight from UPLB to Palawan
- Arrival at Puerto Prinsesa Palawan
- Courtesy Call with PCSDS Pres.
Nelson Devanedera
- Courtesy call with PCSDS
President Devanedera to
report the arrival of the team
August 3, 2015 - Preparation for fieldwork for Sitio
Decala and Sitio Candamia
- Travel to Old Site Caruray
- Preparation of the materials
and other things that will be
needed in the community for
the conduct of KIIs and
fieldwork.
August 4, 2015 - Travel to Sitio Decala
- KIIs on Sitio Decala
- Immersion
- Travel, courtesy call, and
coordination with the Brgy.
Officials of Brgy. Caruray
regarding the study.
- KIIs o Sitio Decala
August 5, 2015 - Primary data gathering in Sitio
Candamia
- Documentation
- Conduct of KIIs and FGD in
Sitio Candamia
- Site Assessment and
Documentation of the conduct
of primary data gathering
done and the available
resources in Sitio Candamia..
August 6, 2015 - Travel back to Puerto Prinsesa
- Courtesy call and coordination with
the Tribal Leader of Caruray
- Traveled back to Puerto
Prinsesa
- Courtesy call and
coordination with the Tribal
Leader of Caruray of the
intended field work in Sitio
Panamin.
August 7, 2015 - Team Assessment from the
fieldwork
- Preparation for the second wave of
field work in Sitio Panamin
- Sorted the data gathered from
Sitio Decala and Sitio
Candamia
August 8, 2015 - Preparation for the second wave of
field work in Sitio Panamin
- Data consolidation
- Replenished supplies and
materials needed for FGD
- Consolidated and enoded data
gathered.
August 9, 2015 - Preparation for the second wave of
field work in Sitio Panamin
- Team restrategizing and data
processing
- With the delay on schedule
due to some logistics concern,
the team just decided to
strategize and start encoding
and processing the data
gathered from the first field
August 10, 2015 - Travel to Sitio Panamin
- Immersion
- KIIs with the tribal officers and a
traditional healer
- FGD with the people of Panamin
- Interviewed the officers of the
Tribal Council officers of
Caruray residing in Sitio
Panamin and a traditional
healer (babalyan) for initial
data gathering.
- Conducted Focus Group
Discussion with the Tagbanua
people of Panamin
August 11, 2015 - Continuation of KIIs
-
-
- Photodocumentation in Sitio
Panamin and Brgy. Caruray
- Continued KIIs to further
gather more information from
the respondents
- Photodocumentation of the
activities conducted and the
resources available in Sitio
- Travel back to Puerto Princesa
Panamin and Brgy. Caruray in
general.
August 12, 2015 - Data sorting and organizing from
the second wave of field work
- Team Assessment
- Travel back to Manila
- Sorted the data gathered from
Sitio Panamin.
- Assessed the result of the
second wave of fieldwork in
Sitio Panamin and checked if
the data gathered were
sufficient for the research
writing.
- Reported departure to
Palawan and back and arrival
at UPLB.
IV. METHODOLOGY
a. Data Gathering Methods. The research employed qualitative anthropological
research methods oriented in understanding the process of people and/or
communities and how they make sense out of these experiences. It recognizes that
the human experience is multi-dimensional and embedded within a larger and more
complex environment. These included the conduct of
(a) Key Informant Interviews (KIIs)
(b) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)
(c) Participatory Community Land Use Mapping and Analysis
(d) Participatory Timeline Mapping and Analysis of Land Use System
Changes
b. Research Data Analysis.
b.1 Historical / Timeline Analysis. The research process engaged the respondents
in historical chronology on the local climate change related events including but
not limited to the following:
- Erratic seasonal transition/ changes (rainy to dry season)
- Prolonged drought or intense rainfall resulting to unexpected or
unprecedented ecological disturbances (coral bleaching, pervasive
natural occurrence of forest fires, climate-related persistence of
pest / pathological diseases)
- Extreme weather events such as typhoons, El Nino and La Nina
- Sea Level Rise
b.2 Comparative Scale Analysis. The interviews will be conducted among different
scales which will include the following:
- Temporal: FGDs among Elders and Youth to gain intergenerational
perspectives
- Spatial & Sectoral: FGDs among coastal and forest settlers to gain
comparative insights relative to biophysical environment
- Institutional: FGDs among IP leaders, among Women to gain
organizational and gender perspectives
It is deemed necessary that climate related events will serve as venue to gain
depth of understanding on the dynamics of changing land use systems, indigenous
knowledge and practices and evolving local adaptation mechanisms in light of the
climate crisis.
b.3 A Comparative Change Matrix. A change will be drawn based on the results to
portray the various interlinked aspects of (a) spatial arrangement (e.g. decrease in
arable land area); (b) temporal (e.g. adjustments in cropping cycle), (c) social
(institution, technology) and (d) ecological (e.g. decreasing potable water supply).
Climate change events/impact responses though deemed intrinsic and cross-cutting
will be classified in the areas of socio-economic, governance, biophysical, climate
related events/impacts as denoted by the research framework.
V. RESEARCH FRAMEWORK
The following research framework portrays the inter linkage of three major
aspects of research scrutiny that are deemed useful to holistically understand changes
in land use system, culture and IKSP. These are:
(i) Climate Change. This includes climate change indicators / experiences from
local observations and scientific records including
a. Erratic seasonal transition/ changes ( rainy to dry season),
b. Prolonged drought or intense rainfall resulting to unexpected or unprecedented
ecological disturbances (coral bleaching, pervasive natural occurrence of
forest fires, climate-related persistence of pest / pathological diseases)
c. Extreme weather events such as typhoons, El Nino and La Nina
d. Sea level rise
(ii) Biophysical & Natural Resources Base. This includes vegetation, biodiversity,
food sources, topography, hydrography, accessibility
(iii) Socio-economic. This includes livelihood, tenure, market, income/capital
(iv) Governance. This includes policy, development programs, decision making,
institutional relationship
The research framework depicts that the links of climate change related events to the
evolving responses and local adaptation mechanisms and its dynamics of land use change
and indigenous knowledge system and practices vis-a-vie the Tagbanua communities
socio-economic, institutional governance, biophysical and natural resources environment.
Figure 1. Research Framework on Climate Change, Land Use Changes and
IKSP
VI. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
A. San Vicente and the Tagbanua Tandolanen
San Vicente is located in the north-western section of mainland Palawan at a latitude of
10.53o
North and a longitude of 119.28o
East. It has 10 barangays namely; Alimanguan,
Binga, Caruray, New Villa Fria (Kemdeng), New Agutaya, New Canipo, Port Barton,
Poblacion (San Vicente), San Isidro and Santo Nino. (San Vicente, Palawan, 2010). From
being a fourth class municipality in the late 1990s, it has now emerged as 1st class
municipality with significant economic contribution to the fisheries, agriculture and tourism
sector in the local, provincial and regional level.
The local population is culturally mixed numbering to about 24 ethnolinguistic groups
mostly from Masbate, Visayas, Cuyonon and Tagbanua. It has a high growth rate of 6%
relatively reflected by its increasing population of 30, 565 as of 2012 from a local population
of 21, 016 in 1995. Its total land area of 165,797.65 hectares encompasses 82,080 hectares of
forestlands with a stretch of 170 kilometers of coastal ecosystems teeming with rich marine
and coastal biodiversity. Main livelihoods are derived from fisheries (47%) including live
reef trade (suno) and agriculture (37%). Non timber forest products are also sourced from its
vast secondary and old growth forests including Almaciga resin (bagtik) and rattan (uway)
gathering. The crops abundant in the area include coconut, palay, banana, vegetables and
forest products such as rattan, yantok and almaciga.
Three barangays are dominated by Tagbanua Tandolanen indigenous people in San
Vicente - namely Villafria (Kemdeng), San Isidro and Caruray (Figure 1). The Tagbanua
Tandolanen belongs to the Tagbanua major indigenous group of Palawan whose settlements
are in northern Palawan. The word Tandolanen came from Tandol meaning the end points
marking the tangential distance of a cove. Hence, they can be loosely defined as the
‘Tagbanuas of the coves’ or of the coast. The Tagbanua Tandolanen of the north portrays
cultural similarities and differences with the Tagnaua Aporawanon of westcoast Palawan.
Due to geographical location and history, Tandolanens language is distinct while their
identity is enmeshed with constant influence and interaction with Cuyonon ethnic groups and
migrant Visayan settlers. Nonetheless, their central economic life revolves also around
fallow swidden agriculture, forest gathering and subsistence fishing. For over a century,
before San Vicente was even entrenched as a municipal jurisdictional unit, the Tagbanua
Tandolanen settlements were already established, engaged in subsistence-based and semi-
nomadic coastal and forest resource use. They are known to trade non-timber forest products
such as beeswax, honey and resin with foreign traders and local seafarers.
Figure 1. Map of San Vicente (Source: Eder, J.F., 2008. Migrants to the Coasts: Livelihood, Resource
Management and Global Change in the Philippines. Wadsworth (CT): Cengage Learning, page 15)
B. Local Climate Change Experiences and Governance Challenges
The baseline climate of San Vicente2 based on 1971-2000 rainfall records is classified as
Corona Type 3 featuring short dry period from January to April with mean monthly rainfall
range of 10.6mm to 35.7 mm with February as driest. Meanwhile, wet season is from June to
October with monthly rainfall range from 242.0 mm to 290.8 mm. Monsoon pattern shifts
from northeast winds (amihan) from November to May and southwest winds (habagat) from
June to October. Monsoon patterns are important to the rhythm of the local coastal and
agricultural livelihoods (Arquiza, 1999).
The province of Palawan is considered a climate change risks hotspot in the Philippines
based on frequency and intensity of extreme weather events including prolonged drought,
2 Demonstration of Eco-Town Framework in San Vicente, Palawan, Philippines Report, 2014
increased average annual rainfall and drastic sea level rise (Yusuf & Francisco, 2009 and
Greenpeace, 2010). Inevitably, recent climate-related events have impacted local lives and
livelihood in San Vicente. Among these are extreme weather events such as the 1998 and
2009 El Nino and the recent experience of north Palawan with typhoon Pablo and Yolanda
(international codename Bopha and Haiyan) last 2012 and 2013. The recent 2014 report
entitled Demonstration of the Eco-town Framework Project in San Vicente, Palawan
discussed data on exposure to risks, hazards, vulnerability and adaptive capacity analysis of
San Vicente barangays with sectoral focus on agriculture, and fisheries. However, despite
presence of indigenous populations, sectoral discussions on the situation of the Tagbanua
communities related to their experiences and responses to climate change related impacts
were lacking.
Against a backdrop of environmental and development challenges and the impeding need
to adapt and mitigate impacts of the climate crisis faced by San Vicente– the central research
inquiry are pose to understand the themes of (a) historical indigenous land use changes and
traditional livelihood practices, (b) climate change experiences (c) and felt livelihood impacts
and state of local coping mechanisms. These were investigated thru KIIs and FGDs with
elders and community members of So. Cadamya and So. Panamin of Barangay Caruray.
C. Barangay Caruray and Overview of Respondents
Barangay Caruray, the location of the study was established in the late 1800s and it is
also one of the oldest barrio in the municipality of San Vicente. The original name of the
barangay was “Maruway”. A Tagbanua word which means simple life. During the Spanish
conquest, a group of Spaniards who have disembarked their ship met some natives carrying
baskets which contain malambunga or cassava roots. In Spanish language, they asked the
natives what is it they are carrying. The natives thought they are being asked how their life is,
thus giving the answer “maruway” meaning calm or easy-going. The word has continued to
evolve and has now become “Caruray”. According to elders, the barangay was a central
settlement established by the Tandolanen that slowly became populated in the succeeding
waves of migrant encroachment from 1960s to 1990s.
Data from 1995 reveal that the barangay has a land area of 33, 078 hectares with a
population of 2, 689 from 543 households (Arquiza, 1999). In 2008 the population was
recorded to be 406 households with a population of mix Masbateno, Cuyonon and Ilonggos
(Eder, 2008). Also, the KII confirmed that migrants from Mindoro and Visayas were also
integrated in the barangay. The composition of KII respondents were Tagbanua Tandolanen
and were mostly male elders and women organizational leaders. FGD composition belonged
to different gender and age bracket allowing gender and intergenerational aspects of
information to surface during the interview.
D. Traditional Land Use, Knowledge Systems and Practices
According to FGDs and KIIs, the Tagbanua of Tandolanen practiced three major
traditional livelihoods which define their land use systems before the waves of migrant
encroachment that became pronounced in the 1960s after the post-World War II period.
These are (a) long fallow swidden agriculture; (b) forest practices primarily gathering of non-
timber forest product including honey, almaciga and yantok; (c) subsistence based fishing.
D.1 Swidden Cultivation and Agricultural Cycle
Swidden or so called as shifting cultivation, as this agricultural practice involve
intermittent clearing of forest patches, usually second growth forests to cultivate mix grains
and other food crops and applying a fallow period after to allow regeneration of forest
vegetation. The swidden clearing is usually done by applying controlled fire, earning a
broadly connoted negative image of forest denudation thru ‘slash and burn’ that must be
policed. But criminalizing of swidden was largely political than scientific based. Contrary to
belief that swidden or shifting cultivation is destructive, in-depth scholarly studies in
Southeast Asia and specifically in Palawan have proved otherwise. Rather, swidden served as
the basis of land use systems and integrated in the development of sophisticated indigenous
knowledge systems, local customs, social and local livelihoods (Conklin, 1957; Fox, 1982;
Dove, 1983; Dressler, 2005).
The Tagbanua Tandolanen swidden cycle starts in the month of December where the
elders gather to have a sadung sadung or conference to discuss how they will be executing
the farming process in the coming months. The practice of collective planning thru sadung-
sadung reflects the collective process and strong community ties embedded wherein the
“culture” is pronounced in the agri-cultural activity. Within this assembly serve as a veue for
socialization, knowledge sharing, promotion of customary laws and encourages practice of
succeeding seed-exchange and reciprocal labor cooperation. The kaingin proper subsequently
follows by late January to February during the dry season werein land pereparation or lidian,
arranging of cut branches for drying or durok and further clearing in preparation for burning
or ririk. During the month of March, series of controlled burning of the dried branches or
sedukan is conducted towards the anticipated planting or panggasan in April. Reciprocal
labor and cooperation is observed among the memners of the tribe.
The ritual of paglalambay or offering is also done to call upon good harvest and rain.
As part of traditional pest management and belief of ‘purifying’ and appeasing positive
spirits, duoput or smoking by burning choiced wood and uttering prayers around the kaingin
is done. Weeding is a continuous maintenance activity done from June to July. Traditional
pest management and maintenance allow the swiddeners to maintain land productivity
without use of conventional agricultural inputs.
While waiting for the harvest, the Tagbanua practice other sources of food/income
such as honey collection, almaciga tapping and planting of other crops like kamote, saging
and different kinds of vegetables. To protect the land, fences are built and a paturo (made
from a branch of tree with a leaf on top) is placed to remind other Tagbanua that a group
have already started kaingin in the area. The paturo is also a symbol that a prayer ritual was
conducted in the area and temporarily restricted for entry until the pole is removed.
The Tagbanua plant about three to five rice varieties in their swidden aside from
cultivating other food crops like banana and legumes in the perimeter. Planting structure is
not random but varieties are arranged and marked by various rites and rituals. This include
tedlak or an altar like structure erected in the kaingin as medium of blessing the rice seeds
and appeasing the panyaen or forest spirits to render good harvest and avoid sickness. The
varieties mentioned are tipak, mandiwa, malandi, pindinggan and mandiwara, minantika
and liyawang for glutinous rice. Legumes, rootcrops and vegetables are planted in the outer
perimeter. The swidden evidently portray the rich genetic food resources and knowledge of
the Tagbanua in seed diversification and cultivation.
The sungrod or harvest of palay from the kaingin by the end of August towards
September after reaping the first harvest which is usually glutinous white rice or a taditional
rice variety like manggutos. The sungrud features the sharing of pinipig or pounded first
harvest cooked in coconut milk, leut leut or glutinous white rice cooked in bamboo and rice
wine or tabad. From September to October, rice varities of katipak and pindingan are then
harvested. Manual threshing of rice grains is thru the ardous process of threshing using the
force of feet movement called as paggiik. The harvest and chosen grains for planting is stored
through weaved baskets and handicrafts bags made of bamboo, buri palms and pandan
leaves. Women play an important role in the selection, storage of grains, playing a central
role as knowledge holders and keepers of genetic resources. Harvest from swidden according
to locals in the past were sufficient for household consumption and would last until the next
harvest making swidden vital to local food security and sustenance.
In the past a long fallow period of more than 7 to 10 years was observed in which
through the later years has changed into short fallow period of 3 to 5 years. For the
Tagbanua, the fallow period means not just rejuvenation of land vegetation into a lati or
second growth. It also is a time for rest, recreation and engagement in other social and
secondary livelihood activities like fishing, weaving handicrafts, going to coast and forest
areas.
Come late November to December, the Tagbanua hold their recreation time called
daus daus. The Tagbanua travel from different islands using a canoe from durable timber
from their forests. Gum from Apitong (Dipterocarpus alatus) is used as a base for water-
proof cover which is painted and used with dye derived from cashew. The practice of daus
daus serves as an important avenue for the rhythm of the Tagbanua Tandolanens nomadic
life as swiddeners and island farers. Likewise, through this recreation and exploration custom
contribute to socio-cultural development via the expansion of social relations, active
knowledge-sharing and exchange of oral histories. Further, it facilitates diverse resource use
patterns as they become more ecologically versed with their natural environment and
biogeographical setting through exploration of islands, reefs and forest as resource base for
swidden cultivation, food, medicine and other coastal and forest practices.
Figure 2. Agricultural Cycle for the Traditional Kaingin System of Farming of
Tagbanua-Tandolanen Tribe
D.2 Forest Practices:
The forest of San Vicente including Barangay Caruray is endowed with expanse of
dipterocarp and Molave forest areas rich in both floral and faunal diversity. Their geba or
forests serve as the vessel of their social development through intimate nature-culture
interaction. The respondents described three main forest livelihood practices that have
emerged for subsistence and income source. These are Almaciga resin gathering; honey
collection and rattan harvesting.
Aside from resin, the gathering of rattan vines (Calamus spp) is also a traditional
occupation used for infrastructural purposes, ritual material, basket and handicrafts making.
The rattan varieties locally termed as uway, yantok and seka are common to the area. The
rattan vine is a durable rope material used in tying wooden poles, making kiba or indigenous
backpacks and baskets. Locals share that in the past it would only take them 30 minutes to
access forests with abundant rattan growths and harvest more than hundreds of vines with
measurements 1 to 2 inches diameter and 12ft length. Changes that have occurred overtime,
according to the respondents, include the opening of previously untouched areas for
harvesting rattan that only implies encroachment and increased labor requirements for the
natives due to the time spent for them to harvest such resources.
The collection of Almaciga resin (Agathis philippinensis) or bagtik was traditionally
used for ritual and medicinal purposes only. Commercial collection and trade started in the
post war era influenced by the entry of migrant traders and increase of demand in the local
and international market. Palawan, having contiguous and intact forests encompassed
impressive and expansive Almaciga stands found within indigenous territories. The gathering
of bagtik was not a primary livelihood since the Tagbanua then derive sustenance primarily
from subsistence economic activities such as swidden, gathering of edibles, fishing and
occasional hunting. However as market forces encroach with the influx of migrants in the
1960s onwards, Tagbanua adopt dual subsistence and income-oriented economy. The
harvesting of resin became an important source of income to augment consumption needs not
derived from swidden such as procured goods (fuel, salt, clothing, farming equipment, etc).
During those times, only the Tagbanua were collecting the resin through traditional rotational
chipping which place care and maintenance for the health of the tress. In the 1980s, gathering
three to four kilos in a tree would cost 50 pesos. However, the following years marked
increasing pressures of rural poverty and migrants turned to resin tapping as a possible source
of livelihood leading to competition of Almaciga resources. Eventually, being minorities, the
Tagbanua Tandolanen found it difficult to assert their customary forests rights and more
sustainable means of tapping compared to wanton resin tapping of the migrants. Also, areas
for Almaciga resin tapping has changed overtime, encroachment of forest areas are the
inevitable result of the increasing demand for the resin and changing livelihood opportunities
for the Tagbanuas.
The collection of honey, locally known as dugos or pulot, is also an important local
forest resources seasonal collected by the locals of Candamia. The Tagbanua are well versed
with the trees that are favored by the honeybee or pukyutan and ligwan (Apis spp.) the
seasonal flowering and masting period of forest trees. Through this, they are able to identify
the location of bee hives and the practical period of honey gathering, mostly during the dry
season mostly within the months of January to May before the wet season, wherein the peak
of their harvest season is on March to May. The collection process starts with the practice of
looking (manligoy) for bee hives or anira, which is through ocular observation and
reconnaissance of the forest. When a bee hive is found, a damu’ut or bundle of coconut husk
is burned creating smoke meant to temporarily drive away the bees from their hive. When the
bees have left their hive, the actual collection of honey or mamuhag takes place. A portion of
the hive with the concentration of stored honey is acquired by a contraption of makeshift
ladder made from wood and rattan vines.
This method allows the honey gatherers to avoid bee stings and to control the amount
of the honey gathered without destroying the whole hive and remaining bee larvae.
According to them, bees are vital pollinators for both the forest flora and their swidden food
crops and hence they favor its presence adjacent and within their forests. Honey collection is
done simultaneously with other livelihood while waiting for the yield from kaingin. Honey
was traditionally for household consumption and valued for its nutritional and medicinal use.
Eventually, it became a commodity usually sold to migrants and middlemen who would later
transport it to the market and tourist stalls for distribution.
Meanwhile, some families occasionally engage in traditional forest hunting activities.
The Tagbanua are well versed with their forest environ and the ecological rhythm of the
forest animals. This includes knowledge on the habitat, foraging route/areas and breeding
season of wild boars. Their methods of hunting are usually thorghu use of traps such as
balatik, or by training hunting dogs pangaso with panganup or a drink that enhances its
senses to track wild boar trails. The captured boars are for household consumption and shared
to their clan and other community members.
D.3 Coastal livelihood activities
Marine biodiversity abound in the Tagbanua Tandolanen’s coastal environs and serve
as vital resource base for their health and sustenance. The boat faring route of the locals
extends to the open west seas and towards other coast of Sabang and Marufinas. Most of the
traditional fishing practices are small scale and subsistence-based. The months of Amihan in
the first half of the year is the season for fishing, with calmest waves within the month of
April and May and occasional fishing done within the month of August while waiting for
swidden harvest.
One of the most common is the practice of pangangawil or hook and line fishing
wherein fingerling baits of wakwak or sassing are used to lure bigger coral fishes or isdang
bato. The locals also used a mild toxin extracted by pounding the vine of tubli or lagtang
extracted to render the fishes nauseous and easier to catch. Before being banned, they also
engage in occasional pamamawikan or panugad or green sea turtle hunting for consumption.
Cone-shaped bamboo weaves called bubu are also made as traps to catch crustaceans,
shrimps and crabs.
E. Restricted Resource Access, Competing Land Use and Shifting Livelihood Patterns
The Tagbanua Tandolanen of Caruray have been acquainted with a rhythm of simple
but secure life within their natural environs for generations. Their ancestral territory’s
biogeographic base is resource-laden with diverse marine life, arable agricultural plains,
accessible mountain resources and dense forest interiors. This has historically provided array
of ecosystem services that allowed the cultural and economic development.
In post war period, under the enticement of frontier, wide availability of land for
cultivation and due to the triggers of tenant exploitation and rural instability led to influx of
peasant migrants to Palawan from Luzon, Mindoro and Visayas. Mostly impoverished and
landless, settlers either by verbal negotiation or discreet coercion occupied indigenous
territories to cultivate agricultural crops and engage in coastal fishing. Gentle and non-
confrontational the Tagbanuas retreated to the hinterlands to the grateful advantage of the
migrants.
As migrants and market encroach swiftly and steadily in the island of Palawan,
corporate resources exploitation ensued that became the basis of political dynasties economic
wealth and political leverage from timber particularly during the Martial Law Era in 1960s to
1980s. Amongst these are the extractive operation of Pagdanan Timber Products logging
concession and the Palawan Silica Industries which operated in thousand hectares of
significant forest and indigenous domains in San Vicente. This led to environmental
degradation and left the indigenous peoples most marginalized as resources extracted for
profit are encompassed within ancestral domains (Broad & Cavanagh, 1993). In 1998,
logging mogul and Palawan political kingpin Alvarez thru the Pagdanan Timber Co. earned
$24M, far surpassing the income of then 18,000 rural population of San Vicente (Rush; as
cited by Eder, 2008). It was during this year that the Philippines was also ranked as top in
world deforestation rates, with a peak annual deforestation rate of 300,000 hectares in the late
1980s (Vitug, 1993).
Ironically, after the large scale exploitation of natural resources in the 1970s to 1980s,
the municipality’s paradise beaches, natural scenic and provincial life attracted a booming
tourism industry starting a backpacker’s route in the 1990s to an international tourist hub.
Tourism is major local revenue source, generating jobs and opportunities but also led to
appropriation of land and coast to external interests. In the last two decades the rush of legal
and clandestine land and island deals lead to the privatization of islands and beach fronts
stretching to kilometres of white sand coves, wherein more than half are now foreign-owned
(Eder, 2008).
With this historical and structural context, San Vicente, as with other rural areas faced
the dilemma of ‘’ declining rich resources, worsening rural poverty” scenario looming the
unsustainability of resources use patterns especially in the coastal communities and more
evident among the poorest whom are indigenous Tagbanua populations. To curb
environmental degradation, boost local economy and rural livelihoods, the municipality has
been a laboratory of numerous local and international projects and development programs
focused on enhancing environmental management, conservation, rural livelihood
development and recently governance climate change adaptation3.
Yet, tangible gains of such programs as testified by locals are hardly felt reflected by
lack of social services and livelihood support. Currently, food insecurity is felt as
productivity of traditional livelihoods is in continues decline and income of Tagbanuas is
irregular and barely meeting daily wage standards. Further, despite the presence of
community forestry programs and the IPRA law, there is persisting insecurity of tenure and
non-accruement of land rights as CADT processing remains costly, highly bureaucratic and
snail-paced.
Market demand for rattan furniture has increased with tourism with the popularity of
rattan furniture as a key native theme of inns and restaurants. Both forest livelihoods became
enclosed in demeaning farm gate price, inequitable trade relations with middlemen and costly
3 Some of these projects are the total log ban and implementation of protected marine sanctuaries within SEP
policies in San Vicente in early 1990s; The European Union funded Palawan Tropical Forest Protection Program (1990s to 2000s); the US-Aid and DENR project Coastal Resources Management Project (1996-2002), and the Demonstration of Eco-Town Framework on enhancing climate change adaptation and local resilience last 2014
resource use permit acquisition which serve as further economic constraints for the locals and
drivers of unsustainable harvesting. In the long run, these forest livelihoods have become
volatile with market fluxes and government enforced control measures to hamper
unsustainable forest resources extraction of resin and rattan. In the last five years rattan
harvesting was temporarily restricted to allow regeneration. Meanwhile resource concession
permits was streamlined with exclusive rights to indigenous communities.
Pest infestation is a recurring dilemma for the local agricultural sector. One
highlighted was the waves of black bug attributed to the Silica mining and the intensive
pesticides employed by lowlanders that drove pest to the swidden uplands. Consequently,
years of consistent decline of agricultural need have weighed towards a case of food
insecurity. Locals attest that they have difficulty affording rice now cost P100/salop4 and
price inflation of commodity goods. These cycle of poverty obliged indigenous families to
enter meagre casual laborers or hurnal to earn and buy daily food needs, which unfortunately
seemed never enough.
Livelihood shift became an option because of this scenario of economic insecurity and
growing poverty pressures among Tagbanua. According to a respondent who left swidden
and engaged in suno or live reef fishing, the suno was introduced by a migrant from Mindoro.
He had to acquire start-up capital like boat, aquarium container and fishing equipment but a
‘jackpot’ will enable them to return investments. For years suno proved to be more lucrative
as it is a high end export product destined for Hongkong and Chinese markets. A catch about
1-2kg of grouper cost P1,000 to P2,000/kg and at times P700/kg during peak season in
August. However, since the rise of live reef, grouper fishing since 1994, their catch has been
observed to decline within the last five years wherein a week of faring to the open waters will
render undersized catch or mostly none at all, ‘kahit kaliskis minsan wala’. This attributed to
unsustainable practices brought by the pressure of rising numbers of grouper fishers due to
economic pressures and expanding market demand.
Table 3 summarizes the land use characteristics and consequent changes in land use
and livelihoods per decade. Insights on its impact to the Tagbanua Tandolanens are very
evident in terms of their inevitable marginalization on their previously occupied ancestral
4 Equivalent to 2.4 kgs
lands and also to the restrictive policies that further forced the IPs to adopt the changing
socio-economic and cultural environment.
Table 3. Decadal Land Use and Livelihood Changes in the Tagbanua
Tandolanen's Ancestral Community
Decade Contributing
Factor/s
Land Use
Characteristics Changes in Land Use
Changing Local
Livelihood
2000 up
to the
present
Emerging
Tourism
Industry
Changing landscape of
land use from
conservation to tourism
and other industrial use
Multiple land use
(restrictive and
conservative) -
multiple land use
(demand and market
driven)
Decay of traditional
livelihood activities
replaced by job
order economic
opportunities
Market driven
livelihood activities
(Almasiga Resin
tapping, Mat and
basket weaving,
Reef fishing, etc)
1990s
Policies
Creation and
conflict
Policies meant to
conserve
environmental (land,
biodiversity, etc)
resources such as SEP
Law, NIPAS Act,
IPRA Law, etc.
Restrictive and
conservative use of
resources
Multiple Non-intensive
and traditional land
use- Restrictive and
conservative land use
Acquisition of new
livelihood activities
for IPs with limited
market links taken
advantaged by
traders and
middlemen
1980s
Criminalization
of Kaingin
System
Secondary growth
forest and areas for
traditional kaingin
activities were guarded
against such activities
Non-intensive
agricultural use- to
forest (conservation)
land use
Traditional Kaingin
activities to
introduced agro-
forestry activities
and entry of other
livelihood activities
Extensive
Logging
Operation
Large tracts of primary
growth forests were
logged
Forest conservation
land use- non forest
use (barren land
waiting for secondary
growth forest to re-
emerge)
Decline in areas for
forest related
activities of IPs
(Almasiga resin
Tapping, forest
resources gathering,
etc) resulting to
encroachment of
previously
untouched forest
interior
Privatization of
Communal
lands and islets
Private titling of
ancestral lands and
islets
Multiple non-intensive
use (residential and
agricultural)-
Residential and
commercial
Limited farming
and fishing
activities for IPs
Onset of non-
subsistence and job
order economic
activities
Introduction of reef
fishing activities
(driven by the
increasing demand
of emerging resort
and tourism
business
Onset of
Logging
Operations
Entry of private
concessionaires for the
extensive extraction of
forest resources
Forest conservation
land use- non forest
use (barren land
waiting for secondary
growth forest to re-
emerge)
Limits in areas for
Almasiga Resin
Tapping and other
forest-related
livelihoods due to
forest
encroachment by
private
concessionaires
1970s
Almasiga Resin
Tapping
Entry of traders and
middlemen for
Almasiga resin
marketing
Non-intensive forest
land use- market
driven forest land use
Observed shift from
traditional swidden
agriculture to
Almasiga Resin
Tapping and other
introduced demand
driven livelihood
activities
Presidential
Assistance for
the National
Minorities
(PANAMIN)
Clearing of Secondary
growth forest for
Permanent settlement
area for IPs
Expansion of
secondary growth
forest from the
previous old growth
forests
Multiple Land use
(Forest, traditional
agricultural, and non-
permanent residential
use)- permanent
residential and
agricultural use
Entry of coconuts,
bananas and other
root crops as
permanent
agricultural crops
Introduction of
animal husbandry
as additional
activities for the IPs
Influx of
Migrants
continued
Expansion of Migrant
settlement areas further
displacing the IPs far
back to the mountain
and forest areas
Onset of Paddy rice
farming completely
encroaching the plains
of the area
Non-intensive
agricultural use-
permanent and
intensive agricultural
use
Influences of
commercially
available rice
varieties to the
traditional varieties
Some IPs are
encouraged to work
on a fixed labor by
the migrants
Influences of
mechanized and
commercialized
agriculture
(fertilizers,
pesticides, etc)
Influx of
Migrants
Coastal Plains occupied
by migrants and IPs
receded to the
mountains and
secondary growth forest
Multiple land use
(Non-permanent
residential and
cultural/ agricultural) -
permanent residential
and agricultural land
use
Permanent Crop
production and
onset of non-
subsistence labor
1960 and
Earlier
Traditional
livelihood
Ancestral lands for the
IPs extending from the
coastal plains to the
mountains
Scattered Subsistence
Agriculture on the
coastal plains and
secondary growth
forest
Non-permanent
settlement structures
near the coastal plains
Forest
Swidden farming,
subsistence fishing
and hunting and
gathering (rattan,
wild boar, honey,
etc)
F. Climate Change Experiences and Coping Mechanisms
Aside from growing environmental and socio-economic uncertainties, the Tagbanua
of Caruray shared climatic experiences that have engraved implications in their social and
economic lives. According to them they lack information access on the climate crisis but
have observed erratic seasonal changes and extreme weather events in the past two decades.
Among the most notable extreme weather events experienced by the local in the 1998
El Nino phenomenon that have struck mayhem in the agricultural sector of the Philippines
last 1998, characterized by months of intense and prolonged heat. All Elders and community
members testified that they experienced hunger as they harvested nothing and forest vines
and edibles were scorched and wilted. Food and potable water sources were a dilemma as
even gleaned edible shells from the shore and mangrove areas were scarce.
How did they cope and survive? Some locals engaged in charcoal making which was
arduous but wood was freely sourced and the dry weather enables effective kiln building and
charcoal production. The charcoal was bought cheaply but it was good than nothing. Other
families went out of their communities and engaged as wage workers in tourist centers and
the Poblacion.
The drought was followed by La Nina characterized by heavy rainfall and series of
super typhoons. Typically, north Palawan is not typhoon highway. Hence, the impact of the
Typhoon Norming that destroyed nipa huts, coconut, banana and rice crops was etched in
their memory. While still in recovery from the typhoon, locals were beset by recurrent pest
infestation undermining their coping capacity and exacerbating their food insecurity and
vulnerability. The locals cope mainly by bearing the burden of the aftermath.
The year 2002, 2003, 2006 and 2007 was recorded to among the second warmest in
the decade of 2000 next to 1998 El Nino. NASA records report that in 2009 ocean
temperatures surrounding the Philippines rose by around 2 degrees and ocean surface
temperatures was experienced as sixth warmest and land surface temperatures as fifth
warmest within the first decade of the second millennium. Meanwhile 2008 was recorded as
the coolest year. These erratic and extreme shifts of temperature and erratic seasonal changes
from wet to dry season have severely affected the ecosystems and its biota.
How did they cope and survive these waves of climate extremes in the last decade?
Aside from charcoal production, locals found means of deriving income from harvesting
tamilok or edible larvae found within decaying mangrove wood. A glassful of tamilok
weighing about 100gms is sold to resorts and restaurants in Sabang Beach for P150. A
tamilok collector will be able to collect ‘minola’ canful per delivery and earn them about
P2,000 to P3,000. Tourism has provided market for this exotic food, a good income source in
lean times as well as provided work opportunity for repairing cottages and inns.
In 2009 to 2010, Palawan experienced coral bleaching due to warm temperatures. The
locals have attested to cases of red tide and fish kill in their coasts. According to them it was
also the period that suno and fish catch have dwindled significantly. They have also observed
the death of muscles and edible shells from mangroves. Their condition was exacerbated by
the recent aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda last 2013. According to elders external aid and
donations have brought temporary relief but the uncertainty and lack of sustainable
livelihoods in the past decade set a face uncertainty and growing poverty for the locals.
Based on the interviews and KII’s responses and experiences the following matrix
portrays the coping mechanisms to climate related extremes employed by the locals:
Table 4. Climate Crisis Experiences, Impacts and Coping mechanisms
Climate
Change
Experiences
Ecological Scenario Socio-Economic
Impacts
Coping
Mechanism
1998 El Nino
-Prolonged drought to
parched and unfertile soil
-Loss of vegetative sources
of food for forest animals
-low water table and/or
drying up of streams
- edible shells died / decline
within mangrove areas
- no swidden harvest,
loss of food sources
from forests and
streams led to year
round food insecurity
- food insecurity led to
decline in community
health situation
- disturbance of forest
ecology, decline of
habitat and food
systems led to an
aftermath of increase
pest infestation
-longer lean months
-‘bearing the brunt’
- Tagbanuas
succumb to meager
wage casual
laborers or hurnal
-Charcoal
production
La Nina and
Typhoon
Norming
(1999 to
early 2000)
-intense and prolonged
rainfall
Difficulty in gathering
non timber forest
products due to bad
weather
Destruction and
disruption of
livelihood and
household facilities
and activities
bearing the brunt’
- Tagbanuas
succumb to meager
wage casual
laborers or hurnal
- relief donations
and external
assistance
Erratic Observed decline of
ecological health of forests
Observed decline in -Application of
seasonal
changes and
consecutive
warm years
in 2003 to
2007, then
coldest 2008
as portrayed by disrupted
flowering schedule of
forests trees
honey
Low swidden harvest,
Increase pest problem
- rodents, monkeys,
insects
chemical inputs in
swidden
- Some shift to
grouper fishing and
coastal based
livelihoods
-Increase hurnal
engagement
-Locals sourced
tamilok with high
demand by tourist
establishment and
became short-term
viable income
source
- Charcoal
Production
2009 to 2010
Heat spell
Observed coral bleaching
and fish kill due to red tide
Dying of edible shells
Drying of forest vines and
disrupted flowering of
vegetation
- Fish kill provided
income opportunity
for some fishing
families
- Intermittent increase
in Almaciga and / or
honey collection since
the prolonged dry
season was favorable
- Low swidden
harvest, Increase pest
problem
- rodents, monkeys,
insects
-overharvesting and
drastic decline of
rattan led to a
temporary ban of
rattan harvesting
Typhoon
Yolanda
Was not highlighted by
locals
Disrupted fishing and
farming activities and
damaged food sources
from forests and
coasts
-Locals benefitted
from relief
operations and
donations for a short
period of time
VII. ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION
The results of the study revealed that the assimilation of Tagbanua from Caruray of
the traditional knowledge systems and inevitable livelihood trajectories was a gradual and
historical process, both triggered by the overlap of the socio-economic and political
factors which were only later on exacerbated by the growing climate crisis. This can be
portrayed by the historical timeline of events below:
Figure 3. Timeline of Events denoting Livelihood Trajectories and Climate Change
Experiences
Evidently, the converging influx of migrants, development interventions, forests
policy implementation and market forces has historically influenced the trajectories of
indigenous Tagbanua livelihoods, resources control and use (Eder, 2008).
The study revealed three major historical and structural factors that led to changes to
their socio-economic, political and cultural life which affected their coping ability to the
series of climate change experiences. These are:
(1) The influx of landlessness migrant settlers pushed by agrarian
underdevelopment and widespread rural poverty led to competing resource use
systems and livelihood restrictions for the Tagbanua.
The study affirmed the general history of the historical marginalization of indigenous
peoples of Palawan being connected to the larger structural failures of agrarian reform. The
lure of ‘the last ecological frontier’ with expanse of available and public land opened for
homestead settlers by the government were actually not abandoned nor public but collective
ancestral domains which before was not legally recognized by the State. The historical influx
led to changing local resources control and land use patterns, marginalizing Tagbanua
resource access in the coast and plains in the long run (Table 3). This led Tagbanuas to
negotiate shifts in their traditional occupations including swidden, forest-based and coastal
livelihoods to meet growing market pressures and income needs (Dressler, 2005).
From swidden, some households have shifted to rice paddy farming and grouper
fishing according to locals are damped with prevalent poverty and uncertainty. Not all
Tagbanua household were unable to adapt migrant paddy and fishing livelihoods due to lack
of capital and technological access. Further, majority still leaned on the cultural value of their
swidden-based and forest livelihoods.
As migrants became adept in capital accumulation and Tagbanua remain largely
subsistence base, the migrants gained the economic upper hand particularly when cultural
assimilation and market encroachment obliged Tagbanuas to adapt mix economy of
subsistence and income-based livelihoods. Further, the domination of conventional based
farm inputs and fishing activities to meet market and surplus oriented production affected the
ecological health and viability of traditional ecosystem-based livelihoods. For instance
chemical inputs from rice paddy farms pushed pest insects to swidden farms which led to low
yield. Low yield then pushed Tagbanuas to be farm laborers to gain money to procure daily
sustenance. In time, viability swidden declined and families depend on hurnal. Consequently,
the Tagbanua became enclosed in demeaning labor dynamics and eventually disempowered
thru the loss of their traditional self-reliant livelihoods and resources rights.
(2) Widespread extractive operations, conflicting forest policies and insecurity
tenure and land rights led to declining forest livelihoods.
The ecological and socio-economic impacts of the past operation of concession
logging and mining remain felt by the Tagbanua in the course of their forest-based
livelihoods. These extractive operations have facilitated influx of migrants as workers,
opening of forest areas for settlers’ control, displaced and restricted Tagbanua forest-
communities and resources use. According to locals, their forest occupations were restricted
including swidden while numerous Almaciga stands which were significant income sources
were logged leading to economic restrictions and dispossession. The glaring inequity and
systemic policy discrimination were also felt as some elder respondents experienced being
jailed by virtue of forest laws that criminalized and touted kaingin as “illegal” and
institutionally perceived as the culprit of deforestation. Meanwhile “legal” corporate logging
continued to clear thousands of hectares of their forest areas in the past and greatly degraded
their forest resources particularly Almaciga resin which have decline both in quantity and
quality.
The construction of logging roads led to “open access phenomenon” and the log ban
have displaced workers sources of income. This led to resources competition with migrants
who now settled in San Vicente permanently. Migrants access and collect Almaciga and
rattan areas in the forest in non-sustainable means worsening the viability of these
livelihoods. The lack of security of tenure and legal CADT weaken assertion of Tagbanua to
assert indigenous resources rights. Now remaining Almaciga stands are farther, translating to
greater days, consumption and cost accrued during harvesting from a day to three days in the
mountains. Meanwhile rattan vine collection which takes 30 minutes in the past now entails
more than three to four hours walk to the forest and they are able to harvest less than 50 pcs
of young rattan poles amounting to meager earnings that are not enough to augment daily
food and cash needs.
(3) Cultural assimilation, loss of traditional knowledge and genetic resources
Economic marginalization eventually contributed to cultural assimilation and
consequent loss of genetic and ecological knowledge. This is highlighted with the decline of
traditional and integrated swidden practices.
Since the privatization of land, competition of resources majority engage in daily
economic activities deviated from the ecological rhythm, seasonal transitions and swidden
cycle. For example, swidden is no longer highlighted as a collective and cultural activity. The
practice of sadung-sadung is no longer done as well as ilohan, palit and talakabut which are
support and knowledge exchange mechanisms. The fallow period is also shorter, natural pest
management has been abandoned and pesticides are now employed due to the pressures to
intensify and cope with pest problems, hence increasing need for capital inputs. Eventually
rituals and customs cease and the indigenous varieties become scarcely propagated. Likewise,
the daus-daus is no longer conducted, indigenous canoes are gone. The lack of excursion and
recreation translates to loss of venues of social networking and younger generation has no
venue to explore and commune with their environs.
As resource use become more economically oriented, the cultural worldviews and
traditional knowledge systems and practices have ceased to be transmitted to the next
generation. Indigenous reciprocal labor cooperation mechanisms, seed exchange, collective
knowledge sharing and rituals slowly faded in to the past as household are pressured to fend
for themselves thru hurnal in the face of poverty. These fading traditions, collective
livelihood mechanisms, indigenous knowledge systems and practices could have been
valuable assets of strengthening social capital, livelihood diversification, means of sound
environmental management and sustaining ecological services that would be vital to cope
with ecological and livelihood disruptions due to climate crisis.
Before the climate change-related experiences, the local Tagbanua is already in a
state of increasing socio-economic vulnerability influencing low coping mechanism to
climate crisis
Evidently, the Tagbanua was situated to a state of socio-economic vulnerability and
eco-cultural decline due to the historical and structural marginalization from 1960s to 1990s.
This state of structural vulnerability is highlighted by the persisting uncertainty of land rights,
tenure insecurity, enclosure in inequitable trade of forest products, lack of social services and
sustainable livelihood. Theirs is a face of growing rural poverty and resource
underdevelopment which worsen their predicament as indigenous peoples whom have least
contributed but are most directly impacted by the climate change crisis.
Accordingly, the decade of erratic seasonal changes have impacts on the local food
security conditions and viability of traditional livelihoods mostly visible in their declining
swidden livelihoods. Before, the annual lean months or tagkurap is an expected part of
swiddeners life experienced from July to August during the waiting period for harvest.
During this period locals would engage in forest and fishing activities to augment their daily
sustenance and economic needs. The locals observed that the disruption of their agricultural
cycle made them more vulnerable to food insecurity for the whole year. Primarily, the
swidden cycle was greatly affected since their agricultural calendar is relative to the duration
of dry months need to be able dry and burn branches during land preparation and the
occurrence of rainy days to initiate planting. Prolonged drought greatly affected the health of
their cultivars and led to low yield. Meanwhile prolonged rain impedes their gathering of
non-timber products and led to growing labor requirement for maintaining swidden especially
weeding. This is highlighted by growing poor and insufficient rice harvest leading to longer
lean months or tagkurap which they lament are experienced almost half of the year especially
during the wet season. This grim scenario obliged them to engaged meager wage casual labor
or hurnal and leave them further impoverished and debt dependent since they have to procure
rice and other consumption goods.
Meanwhile some swiddeners now employ chemical based inputs like fertilizer and
pesticide to combat pest and boost harvest translating to a cycle of increased production cost,
uncertain returns and debt-dependence. This historical and structural event consequently
posed long term constrains to resources security and productivity Tagbanua’s swidden-based
livelihoods, oppressive labor enclosures and agrarian marginalization. The need to negotiate
and cope with livelihoods has veered towards more viable grouper fishing (Dressler, 2011).
Yet, tight competition with many migrant populations increasingly engaged in grouper
fishing, the volatile market and declining ecological health of the marine ecosystem also
threatens the sustainability of coastal livelihoods.
The above discussed analysis show that generally livelihood trajectories of the
Tagbanua non-progressive and deviated from self-reliant and sustainable livelihoods with
growing uncertainty in food security and resources development. Inevitably their coping
mechanism to climate crisis was largely ‘bearing the brunt’ and short term survival
mechanism. The spatial and temporal adjustments in their food production were not really
protruding adaptations. The expansion or decline of swidden areas seemed futile since the
widespread pest problem and the erratic seasonal changes were beyond their capacities. There
was also no informational and technological access which might have aided them to further
understand and cope with the impacts of the climate change related crisis. Governance and
institutional coping mechanisms were also weak. Aside from short-lived relief assistance,
tangible impacts of external government and institutional livelihood and climate change
adaptation programs were lacking. Further, their marginalized state, erosion of their culture
and identity also weaken their internal social capacities to adapt. This includes the erosion of
collective cooperation mechanisms, loss of genetic resources and traditional ecological
knowledge. The Tagbanua’s coping or adaptation mechanism was largely ‘bearing the brunt’
which essentially provided relief but not release from food insecurity and socio-economic
underdevelopment.
VIII. RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the initial findings of the study, the following are recommended:
1. Policy on DRRM-CCA Community Based Monitoring and
Information Systems (CBMIS). The study highlights reveal a glaring lack of
information from and for the Tagbanuas. A community-based monitoring and
information system anchored on the local DRRM-CCA program would be plausible
given that the municipality of San Vicente has relative thrust on DRRM-CCA
governance and have acquired valuable baseline data on the vulnerability and risks
scenarios and aspects of their locality. The CBMIS is proposed because it is
culturally appropriate for IPs and even for local peasants and fishermen who are in
direct contact and engage in constant environmental observation as they engage in
their day to day livelihoods. Further, the CBMIS provides a bridge and venue for
participation and collective governance since LGUs and planners will work with
communities. CBMIS is not a new technology but with training and planning, a
CBMIS can be initiated which will also include the IP sector who are holders of
ecological knowledge as well as reside in fragile climate crisis ecosystems. The
CBMIs will be a means of correlating and analyzing existing climate, socio-economic
and socio-demographic data necessary for sound decision and planning within the
basic and action oriented scientific research, development programs and governance.
2. Community-based IEC Program based on DRRM-CCA CBMIS as part of local
DRRM-CCA program. For the DRRM-CCA CBMIS to be effective, it must be
communicated and utilized by locals in practical terms and culturally-appropriate
approaches. This will be crucial for them to understand, monitor and strengthen
decision and coping mechanisms to environmental problems and climate change, and
likewise enjoin community levels in climate change responses in governance and
development.
3. Allocating Resources and Livelihood Support programs for Swidden, NTFP-
Forestry and Fisheries anchored on Land and resources rights, revitalizing
Traditional Genetic Resources, IKSP and Food Security. Traditional livelihoods
are essential for food security which is a central development aspect largely affected
by climate crisis but is also fundamental in building and enhancing adaptation
capacities in the local levels especially among IPs. Swidden cultivation or kaingin is a
central economic and cultural tradition of the Tagbanua Tandolanen which supports
food security and propagates mosaic of diverse genetic resources which potential
contributes to ecological resilience. Supporting the propagation of indigenous genetic
grain and crop varieties can be in the form of farmer-scientist collaboration such as
the system of MASIPAG seed banks. The program also needs to focus on agricultural
measures to curb and control worsening pest problems. Likewise policy support
implementation for rattan-based local craft/furniture building and granting exclusive
concession rights and market democratization in favour of indigenous Almaciga
gatherers may be a medium to break free from exploitative labor conditions and
regain self-reliant forest livelihoods. Essential recognition of land and resources rights
is paramount for the local indigenous communities to be empowered politically and
socio-economically. This will contribute cultural recognition motivate revitalization
of IKSP, pursue their self-determination, self-reliant livelihoods, commit and
participate in natural resource governance – all vital to decrease vulnerability and
enhance progressive adaptation to climate crisis.
References and Literature Cited
Arquiza, Y. D. (1999). Rhythm of the Sea: Coastal Environmental Profile of San Vicente,
Palawan. Cebu City, Philippines: Coastal Resources Management Project.
Broad, R., & Cavanagh, J. (1993). Plundering Paradise: The Struggle for the Environment.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Conklin, H. C. (1957). Hanunuo Agriculture. A Report on an Integral System of Shifting
Cultivation in the philippines. Vol. 2.
Dove, M. R. (1983). Theories of Swidden Agriculture and the Political Economy of
Ignorance. Agroforestry Systems 1 (2).
Dressler, W. H. (2005). Disentangling Tagbanua lifeways, swidden and conservation on
Palawan Island. Human Ecology Review 12 (1), 21-29.
Dressler, W. H., & Fabinyi, M. (2011). Farmer Gone Fish’n? Swidden Decline and the Rise
of Grouper Fishing on Palawan, Philippines. Journal of Agrarian Change 11, 536-
555.
Eder, J. (2008). Migrants to the Coasts: Livelihood, Resource Management and Global
Change in the Philippines. . Wadsworth (CT): Cengage Learning.
Fox, J. (1982). Tagbanwa: Religion and Society. Manila, Philippines: National Museum
Manila.
Vitug, M. (1993). The politics of logging: Power from the Forest. Manila: Philippine Center
for Investigative Journalism.
ANNEXES
ANNEX A. PHOTODOCUMENTATION (August 2- 12, 2015)
Research Activities conducted by the Team
Plate 1. Courtesy Call with Executive Director of Palawan Council for Sustainable
Development Staff – Mr. Nelson Devanadera on August 2, 2015.
Plate 2. Interview with Mrs. Rosa Flores, a pure Tagbanua of Sitio Decala, weaver of banig on
August 5, 2015.
Plate 3. FGD with the Tagbanuas of Sitio Candamia, Brgy. Caruray, San Vicente Palawan on
August 5, 2015.
Plate 4. Secondary data gathering at Brgy. Caruray, San Vicente Palawan on August 6, 2015.
Plate 6. The research team with the Brgy. Captain of Caruray, San Vicente Palawan on
August 6, 2015.
Plate 5. Courtesy call and coordination with Tribal Chieftain “Panglima” on the field work for
Sitio Panamin on August 6, 2015.
Plate 7. The research team with the FGD and KII respondents in Sitio Panamin, Brgy. Caruray,
San Vicente Palawan on August 9, 2015.
Livelihood Agricultural Activities of Tagbanuas
Plate 8. Local Fisherman practicing “suno”/live fish catching in Sitio Candamia.
Plate 9. A portion of the forest being used for kaingin at a nearby islet in Candamia.
Plate 10. A rattan and yantok-made woodcraft used in pagbabagtik (Almaciga resin tapping).
Plate 11. Harvested rattan for processing and later on to be delivered to the furniture makers.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 13. A piece of land which was formerly used for kaingin, now teeming with Banana plants
used for consumption and production in Sitio Panamin.
Plate 12. Candamia tribal chieftain demonstrating honey collection using branches of trees.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 14. A piece of land which was formerly used for kaingin, now teeming with Coconut
used for production.
Plate 15. Harvested yantok for drying and processing.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 16. A chamber containing oil where yantok is being dipped and heated to make it
stronger and flexible.
Plate 17. A piece of land which was formerly used for kaingin has now turned into a basakan
(wet paddy).
Social Services, Infrastructures and Resource Management Facilities
Livelihood Activities
Plate 18. Tagbanua tribal hall at Sitio Candamia, Barangay Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan.
.
Plate 19. Coastal area of Sitio Candamya planted with mangrove trees as a resource
management effort of the island.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 20. Tagbanua Tribal Hall at Sitio Panamin, Barangay Caruray.
Plate 21. Chapel in Sitio Panamin, Barangay Caruray.
Plate 22. A canal built by the National Irrigation Agency (NIA) which runs through Sitio Panamin.
Plate 23. A part of Ilog Candamya where a dam was built by NIA in Sitio Panamin.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 24. Early Childhood Care Development Center.
Plate 25. Elementary School in Old Site, Brgy. Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan.
Livelihood Activities
Plate 26. Caruray National High School in Old Site, Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan.
Plate 27. Barangay Hall located in Old Site, Caruray, San Vicente, Palawan.
Plate 28. Port for small fishing vessels in Old Site, Brgy. Caruray San Vicente Palawan.
ANNEX B. BARANGAY PROFILE OF CARURAY.
ANNEX C. KII & FGD GUIDE QUESTIONNAIRE
Q# _____ GPS#: ______ DATE OF INTERVIEW: _______ NAME OF INTERVIEWER
_________________
NAME OF INTERVIEWEE: ________________________________________________
AGE: ___
SEX: _________ ADDRESS: _______________________ RELIGION: _______ CIVIL
STATUS: _________
TRIBE: (if applicable)____________ WORK:
_______________________________________________
YEARS OF STAY IN THEIR LOCALITY: ______________
HOLDS POLITICAL POSITION IN THEIR TRIBE/LOCALITY?: ___YES ___NO
OBJECTIVES QUANTITATIVE DATA QUALITATIVE DATA
(1) Discuss traditional land uses
systems and pertinent indigenous
knowledge
systems and practices
(2) Discuss the experiences,
perspectives and responses of
indigenous peoples to
climate change related events and
perceived impacts
(3) Analyze the changes and
influential factors of traditional
land use system
changes and its relation to local
experiences, perspectives and
adaptation
responses to climate change
(4) Draft pertinent policy
recommendations and mechanisms
to enhance integration
of indigenous peoples sector in
local government climate change
adaptation
strategies to reduce vulnerability to
climate change impacts and
increase
adaptive capacity of the
community
Guide Questions
A. Land use system and natural resources governance
1. Key respondent profile
2. Maari nyo po ba ikwento ang Kasaysayan ng Lugar/Lupa? Saan po nag mula ang mga
unang tao? San po galing ang pangalan nito? Sino po ang matatandang dugo sa
inyong lugar?
3. Maari nyo po ba isalarawan ang inyong tradisyonal o katutubong kaalaman at gawi sa
sistema sa gamit sa lupa at pamathalaan sa likas yaman
- Pamamahala at gamit sa LUpa (land use system – agri - swidden, hunting,
traditional protected areas - biodiversity, pasture, residential, hunting, sacred
groves, transportation, forest – communal-clan based – individual family)
- Pamamahala sa katubigan
- Pamamahala sa gubat
- Pamamahala sa genetic resources (seeds, medicinal, etc)
- Pamamahala at paggamit sa likas yaman/pangunahing mga kabuhayan (kaingin,
pangangaso, pangangalap, pangingisda, etal)
4. Ukol sa inyong binahagi maari nyo po ba ikwento,isalarawan ang inyong agricultural
cycle? Anu anu ang hudyat at Gawain sa pagsisimula at pagbabago at pagtatapos ng
mga Gawain ito? Processes, rites/rituals, inputs, actors, factors ng economic
activities
5. Sino po ang namamahala? Paano po ang pagpapasya? Sino o ang mga nakakaalam
(knowledge holder, decision making)
6. – INTERGENNERATIONAL - COMPARATOR age/experience
A.2 Changes in LUS and NRM (COMMUNITY TIMELINE MAPPING – 30
YRS +)
1. Ano po ang mga pagbabago sa ngayun kaugnay sa inyong
- Pamamahala at gamit sa LUpa (land use system)
- Pamamahala sa katubigan
- Pamamahala sa gubat
- Pamamahala sa genetic resources (seeds, medicinal, etc)
- Pamamahala at paggamit sa likas yaman/pangunahing mga kabuhayan (kaingin,
pangangaso, pangangalap, pangingisda, etal) – subsistence – cash economy/ dual
economy
PROBING QUESTIONS
2. Sa inyo pong palagay paano at bakit ang inyong mga tradisyunal na mga sistema
ng gamit sa lupa at pamamahala sa likas yaman
3. Ano ano ang mga salik na nakaapekto sa pagbabagong nabanggit? (social,
environmental, economic, institutional, policy, development interventions, etc)
B. Climate Change (FGD elders/women/younger generations – compare sa timeline
LUS& NRM+ IKSP)
1. Narinig po ba ninyo ang climate change? ? Paano nyo ito inununawa?
- Level of awareness, then source information , then perception/opinion (
attribution)
2. Sa inyo pong palagay at kaalaman paanu po nauunawaan ang pagbabago ng klima o
pagbasa ng panahon at pagpapalit ng tag-araw o tag-ulan nuong unang panahon?
3. Anu po ang mga di nyo malilimutang pangyayari kaugnay sa klima? – extreme
weather events, el nino, la nina, typhoons, pest outbreak, sea level rise, forest fires,
etal
4. Anu ang ugnayan nito sa Gawain sa kabuhayan at pangangasiwa sa likas
yaman/sistema ng gamit sa lupa? – relational aspects
5. Paano nakaapekto ang mga pagbabago sa klima sa inyong
a. Kalagayan ng Kalikasan (river, forests, biodiversity, etc)
b. Kabuhayan at sistema ng gamit sa lupa at likas yaman
c. Food security
d. Kultura at tradisyon
e. Politika, institutional at organisasyunal, land rights, tenure
f. Teknolohiya
g. Social relations, social development interventions
6. Paano nyo ito hinarap? Maari po ninyong idetalye? Paano po kayo nag bago sa usapin
ng (adaptation processes, capacities and challenges/issues – intergenerational,
gender, political role, economic status/location, degree socio-cultural assimilation,
external interventions, policies, education, technology)
- Scales of adaptation – spatial, temporal, institutional/ organizational, policies,
technology…
a. Kabuhayan at sistema ng gamit sa lupa at likas yaman, agricultural cycle
b. Kultura at tradisyon – IKSP, customary laws
c. Food security (agriculture – forestry- environmental governance – CCA)
d. Politika, institutional at organisasyunal
e. Teknolohiya
f. Social relations, social development interventions ( IEC, soft – social tech,
hard – infrastructure)
ANNEX D. Data Table for FGD with below 60 y.o. Tagbanuas of Sitio Candamia.
Date and Place: August 5, 2015 , Sitio Candamya, Caruray, San Vicente
Research Activity: Focus Group Discussion B
Participants: Youth (12 participants)
---- Add secondary ------
Data Highlights
RESEARCH THEMES BEFORE AFTER (impacts sa livelihood) KEY FACTORS OF
CHANGE
Land Use System-livelihood
1. Swidden Kaingin
-Kaingin is an important part of the life and
ways of the Tagbanua. However, only the
elders have been deeply engaged in doing this
activity. The youth have experienced
practicing kaingin but only as helpers to the
elders.
-Kaingin usually starts from December to
August. Whoever has funds would start
kaingin on a piece of land.
-The kaingin process starts with clearing of the
land with the use of ririk. The cutting of trees
is called tubada. They also practice
paglalambay and tedlak, planting then
follows. During the sungrod, the first harvest
is kept for storage.
-The practice of kaingin declined
due to the introduction of paddy
rice farming in the 1980s. The
youth who were once helpers to the
elders have not been passed with
the knowledge of the practice so
their idea of kaingin is only based
from their past experiences in their
childhood.
-Infestation of a so called black
bug also came in the 1980s which
the Tagbanua associates with the
entrance of silica mining in the
area.
The practice of kaingin and the
rituals related to it have
continuously weakened due to
the migrants’ introduction of
paddy rice farming and the
conservation laws that have
restricted their access to their
ancestral lands.
2. Forest Almaciga tapping
-With the decline and the nearly non-practice
of kaingin, the Tagbanua have resorted to
almaciga tapping for economic activities.
-In the 1980s, gathering three to four kilos in a
tree would cost 50 pesos.
Honey collection
-The collection of honey usually starts in
January and ends in May. It is dependent on
the flowering season of plants.
-The honey were only used for consumption
and not for selling.
-Husk from coconut is burned and used for
smoking bee hives to get rid away of the bees.
The honey is collected afterwards.
Almaciga tapping
-The almaciga tapping areas were
put under concessions with 1-2
months before being allowed for
harvesting.
-Forested areas became farther thus
almaciga tapping became harder
for the members of the community.
It would take three to four hours of
walk to arrive at a tapping area. A
possible reason for this is the vast
expanse of logging concession
which increased the trees that were
cut in the late 60s to 70s leaving
the almaciga at the core and upland
portions of the forest.
Honey collection
-The honey collection served as a
livelihood for the Tagbanua.
However, flowering plants were
bees depend became less abundant
due to the irregular rainfall pattern.
The tapping areas for almaciga
were put under concessions.
Instead of selling it directly to
the market, the Tagbanua are
being hired by middle men thus
earning a lower amount of
money.
The population of bees for
honey collection have been
declining. There have been a
decrease in the flowering plants
were pollinators depend. The
growth of flowering plants have
been affected by the irregular
rainfall pattern through time.
3. Coastal Pangangawil / Pamimila
-The Tagbanua practice pangangawil or small
fish catching simultaneously with kaingin or
while still waiting for its yield. The fishes that
were caught were mainly used for personal
consumption.
Pangangawil / Pamimila
-The boost of tourism in the island
of Palawan gave way to the rise of
restaurants resulting to a higher
demand for large fishes. Thus,
pangangawil shifted to catching
suno due to a high demand in the
market.
The yield for fish have
continued to decline through the
passage of years. The Tagbanua
associates this with the entrance
of silica mining in San Vicente
that have caused siltation in the
bodies of water.
4. Others Hunting
-The youth have only experienced minimal
hunting because they were only helpers to the
elders who have deeply practiced the activity.
Thus they can only remember few experiences
from their childhood.
-The practice of hunting is part of the life and
ways of Tagbanua. They do this
simultaneously with kaingin as their diet also
consists of protein coming from meat.
Hunting
-The Tagbanua of Candamya have
stopped hunting as few wild boars
are left in the wilderness and the
practice have also been prohibited.
Implementation of conservation
laws in Palawan included the
zoning of areas where most of
the Tagbanua ancestral lands
belong. The policy also
prohibited them from hunting
animals in the forest. Having no
access to their land where their
knowledge systems are
anchored, their practices have
started to disintegrate.
Traditional Knowledge Systems
and Practices
Seed variety- diversification The youth have not practiced seed keeping.
The practice of seed
diversification is still related or
affected by the declining
practice of kaingin. With the
introduction of paddy rice
farming, the need and capability
for seed keeping lessened.
Rituals The youth’s knowledge about Tagbanua
rituals are only a product of stories that have
been passed on to them and not of first hand
experience as the policies that prohibited their
elders from practicing kaingin were already
implemented before most of them were born.
Paglalambay
The ritual is characterized by dancing with the
beat of the drums made from animal skin and
giving sagda or offering to the panyaun. This
is done by the babalyan to ask the gods for a
bountiful harvest.
Tedlak
The ritual of praying for the kaingin and
asking for a bountiful harvest. Seven holes are
made in the middle of the kaingin, it is then
filled with nganga, luya and tanglad which
serves as prototypes for the bountiful/ good
growth (matinggas) of the crops and palay
planted in a kaingin. Stones (pamini) are then
placed outside the filled holes. This also
serves as a bantal or reminder that the area has
already been planted for kaingin before actual
fences are built.
-The knowledge of rituals has
continued to decline with the
decline in the practice of kaingin
with only 1% of the Tagbanua
population in Candamya doing the
type of farming.
-Some of the youth know the
practice as told by their elders but
they are not aware of its details.
Land is life. The conduct of
rituals are anchored upon the
Tagbanua’s utilization of their
land through kaingin. With its
prohibition and Tagbanua’s
restricted access to their
ancestral lands, the practice of
rituals declined weakening their
traditional systems.
Pest management -Some of the youth still have experienced
using vine extracts as a way of managing
pests.
-Few pest infestations were present before
causing minimal damage to palay and other
crops.
-The influx of migrants has
introduced the use of pesticides in
managing pests. Agricultural
personnel from the LGU, who are
mostly from the low land have also
taught the Tagbanua a chemical
based approach.
-Pests have also become difficult
for the Tagbanua to manage
because they deem it as foreign to
their land. One such “foreign” pest
is the “black bug” that is said to
have come from the silica mining
that have entered San Vicente
during the 1970s.
-The youth are aware that some
The use of chemical based pest
management system were
brought by the migrants together
with their paddy rice farming.
Indigenous plants that were once
used for extracting substances
for managing pests have also
declined in their growth. The
Tagbanua have opted to plant
crops that can be used for
consumption and selling so they
could have access to other
resources.
leaves and vine extracts are used
for managing pests. However, they
are not aware of the process how it
is made and the details about the
indigenous plants being used for
the purpose.
Climate Change Experiences
Erratic seasonal The Tagbanua experience a regular climatic
condition/pattern which highly contributed in
nourishing the land and producing quality
yield.
In the present, the Tagbanua have
been experiencing changing
climatic condition/pattern highly
contributing to a low quality yield.
-----
(climate change)
Note: Siltation The bodies of water were deeper because no
such thing as siltation exists.
The bodies of water were more
shallow and the yield for fish was
lower. This occurrence is
associated by the community with
the entrance of silica mining in San
Vicente during the 1970s.
Silica mining (1970s)
Prolonged drought –El Nino The Tagbanua experience a regular wet and
dry season which has aided them in the proper
planning of their kaingin and other planting
activities.
They have experienced a prolonged
drought (1990s) that has made the
once fertile lands barren for a
certain period of time. With no
crops from the land, they have
resorted to the waters. However,
fish catch were also low and fishes
were smaller.
-----
(climate change)
Prolonged rain –La Nina Bagyong Norming (1999)
-Destruction of houses and
livelihood sources
Coral bleaching ----- ----- -----
Super typhoons The Tagbanua experience a regular climatic
condition/pattern which highly contributed in
nourishing the land and producing quality
yield.
Bagyong Norming (1999)
-Destruction of houses and
livelihood sources
-----
(climate change)
ANNEX E. Data Table for FGD with below 60 y.o. Tagbanuas of Sitio Candamia
Date and Place: August 5, 2015 , Sitio Candamya, Caruray, San Vicente
Research Activity: Focus Group Discussion A
Participants: Elders (16 participants)
---- Add secondary ------
Data Highlights
RESEARCH THEMES BEFORE AFTER (impacts sa livelihood) KEY FACTORS OF
CHANGE
Land Use System-livelihood
1. Swidden Kaingin
The practice of kaingin and other
rituals related to it.
(please also refer to the the seasonal
calendar attached)
-Land is life. It is at the core of the
life and ways of the Tagbanua.
Their indigenous knowledge
systems and practices are anchored
on the utilization of their land. One
such practice is kaingin. The
Tagbanua have been utilizing their
land through this kind of farming.
Their practices are also anchored on
how the process of kaingin works.
-The planning for kaingin usually
starts during the month of December
where the elders gather to have a
sadung sadung or conference to
discuss how they will be executing
the farming process in the coming
months.
-The actual process of kaingin
usually starts during the month of
February. To choose a land, the
elders throw a gulok, the piece of
land where it will fall will be the one
used for kaingin. This process is
called itampil or irabun in Cuyonin.
The clearing of the land or lidian is
done to prepare for the land that will
be used for kaingin. The branches of
trees and grasses are cut (mag
durok) through the use of ririk.
-During the month of March, the
land will then be burned (sedukan).
And the seedlings will be put into
place (panggas). The ritual of
paglalambay or offering is also
done.
-The palay is then planted during the
month of April. Duoput or smoking
of the land is also done. Excessive
grasses are regularly cut from April
to July. While waiting for the
harvest, the Tagbanua practice other
sources of food/income such as
honey collection, almaciga tapping
and planting of other crops like
Non-practice of kaingin and shift to
paddy rice farming (basakan).
-An influx of migrants from Mindoro
and the Visayas region have said to
come in the island of Palawan during
the 1980s. With their migration, new
set of knowledge, skills and practices
were introduced to the Tagbanua. One
such practice is the utilization of land
through rice paddy farming or
basakan. This farming varies from the
kaingin system because the land is not
burned and a fallow period is not
exercised.
-The migrants have dominated the
lands once occupied by the Tagbanua.
The practice of kaingin have declined.
With this decline, the rituals of the
Tagbanua have not been practiced and
have started to disintegrate.
-The tradition of daus daus which
serves as a recreation for the
community and an avenue for
knowledge transfer was not exercised.
Thus, knowledge transfer and
community discussions were lessened.
-Conservation laws included the
zoning of lands where majority are
indigenous ancestral areas. The zoned
areas were prohibited to be utilized for
kaingin purposes. However, this lands
were planted with timber and were
then included in the logging
concessions. One major concession is
the Pagdanan Logging which is said to
be at work during the late 60s to
1970s.
Migrants are said to have
come in the land during the
1980s. The migrants, being
low-landers have brought
with them their own
knowledge systems and
practices of utilizing
resources. One such practice
is the paddy rice farming or
basakan.
An influx of “black bug” that
is said to have come from the
silica mining in the area
during the 1970s also
occurred. Pests have infested
the once abundant kaingin
areas.
In addition, the Tagbanua
were prohibited to do
kaingin due to the
implementation of
conservation laws in
Palawan forcing them to stop
practicing their traditional
utilization of land.
Being inferior to the
migrants who have started to
dominate their ancestral
lands, the influx of
unmanageable pests and the
prohibition of kaingin, the
Tagbanua were forced to
utilize their land resources
through the paddy rice
farming. According to the
elders, only 1% of the
Tagbanua population are
practicing kaingin in the
present.
Land is life. Their ancestral
land is where their life and
ways depended. The
disintegration or erosion of
their knowledge systems and
practices can be rooted in
their declining access to their
land.
kamote, saging and different kinds
of vegetables. To protect the land,
fences are built and a paturo (made
from a branch of tree with a leaf on
top) is placed to remind other
Tagbanua that a group have already
started kaingin in the area.
-The sungrod or harvest of palay
from the kaingin is done in the
month of August (for palay that is
grown for three months such as
manggutos.)
-On September, the palay grown for
four months (katipak and pindingan)
are then harvested.
-The process pag giik ng palay is
done in the month of October.
Storage of seeds from the first
harvest is also done. It is kept on
containers made from indigenous
materials like bamboo, rattan and
yantok. The women of the tribe
serves as the keepers ensuring seed
diversity and food security.
-During the month of November, the
land that was used for kaingin will
be cleaned. A fallow period of more
than three years will be followed to
give to rest to the land.
-When December comes, the
Tagbanua hold their recreation time
called daus daus. The Tagbanua
travel from different islands using a
baruto or canoe made from
indigenous trees such as Yakal and
painted with a dye extracted from
cashew trees. This also serves as an
avenue for knowledge transfer
between the Tagbanua as they meet
with other Tagbanua from different
places sharing knowledge and ideas
about new places which can be
utilized for kaingin.
2. Forest Almaciga tapping
-Tapping areas were more accessible
to the community before, thus, large
amount of resin can be collected at a
shorter span of time. A less than 30
minute walk would be enough for
the Tagbanua to be able to come
across a tapping area.
-Almaciga collection was not a
primary source of income but an
extra livelihood while waiting for
the yield from kaingin. During those
times, only the Tagbanua were
collecting the resin.
Honey collection
Almaciga tapping
-Forested areas became farther thus
almaciga tapping became harder for
the members of the community. It
would take three to four hours of walk
to arrive at a tapping area. A possible
reason for this is the vast expanse of
logging concession which increased
the trees that were cut in the late 60s to
70s leaving the almaciga at the core
and upland portions of the forest.
-Almaciga collection became an
important source of income for the
Tagbanua as industries were tapping
them for the resin collection. However,
due to economic deprivation, migrants
have also turned to resin tapping as a
The implementation of
conservation laws in
Palawan have prohibited the
Tagbanua from practicing
kaingin and accessing their
ancestral land. With no
source of food, they have
resorted to almaciga tapping
as a form of livelihood as
industries demanded it. They
have also worked for logging
companies as tree planters in
areas they have once used for
kaingin. However, the trees
that were planted have only
been added to the concession
of logging companies in the
late 60s to 1970s.
-The collection process starts with
the practice of looking (manligoy)
for bee hives or anira. When a bee
hive is found, a damu’ut or bundle
of coconut husk is burned and the
hive is smoked to get rid away of the
bees. When the bees have left their
hive, the actual collection of honey
or mamuhag takes place.
-Honey collection is done
simultaneously with other livelihood
while waiting for the yield from
kaingin. It was a regular practice
since the flowers where pollinators
depend are abundant. The honey
collected were used for consumption
or sold in small scale.
Logging
-Logging especially for economic
activities was not a part of the
Tagbanua tradition for they regard
the forest as a sacred place or
liyunun being protected by the
panyaun. Cutting trees from the
forest is done only in small scale
and after rituals are done.
possible source of livelihood.
Honey collection
-The honey collection became harder
because of the decline in flowering
plants in the area. A possible reason
for this is the changing climatic
conditions which made the rainfall
pattern irregular. Pollinators also
became fewer because of the decrease
in the trees where they once build their
hives.
Logging
-Kaingin was prohibited and tree
planting were encouraged. However,
those that were planted were timber
and were just added to the expanding
concession of logging companies.
-Due to economic deprivation, the
Tagbanua were forced to work for
logging corporations in Palawan such
as the Pagdanan Logging.
The practice of honey
collection declined with the
decrease in flowering plants
were pollinators depend. The
growth of flowering plants
have been affected by the
irregular rainfall pattern
through time.
3. Coastal Pangangawil / Pamimila
-The Tagbanua practice
pangangawil or small fish catching
simultaneously with kaingin or
while still waiting for its yield. The
fishes that were caught were mainly
used for personal consumption.
-The Tagbanua uses wakwak or
sasing, smaller fishes as baits during
pangangawil. In addition, they use
tubli or lagtang extracted from vines
to poison fishes and other marine
produce used for consumption.
Pamamawikan
- The Tagbanua practice
pamamawikan or panugad
simultaneously with kaingin. They
catch turtle and use it for
consumption. Same way with
pangangawil, they use vine extracts
as poisons in turtle catching.
-Other form of utilizing coastal
resources is catching alimango
through the use of traps called bu-bu
made from tree branches.
Pangangawil / Pamimila
-The boost of tourism in the island of
Palawan gave way to the rise of
restaurants resulting to a higher
demand for large fishes. Thus,
pangangawil shifted to catching suno
due to a high demand in the market.
-With the decline in doing
pangangawil, the practices related to it
such as making poisons from vine and
plant extracts have started to be
forgotten.
Pamamawikan
With the implementation of
conservation laws that prohibits turtle
catching, doing pamamawikan has
started to be forgotten.
-Utilization of coastal resources are
done by the Tagbanua in a small scale
manner. Most of their catch is used for
personal consumption and not for
production purposes.
-Utilization of coastal resources
experienced a period of decline. Yield
became lower. The Tagbanua
associate this with the entrance of
silica mining in San Vicente that has
caused siltation in the bodies of water.
The yield for fish have
continued to decline through
the passage of years. The
Tagbanua associates this
with the entrance of silica
mining in San Vicente that
have caused siltation in the
bodies of water.
4. Others Hunting
(please also refer to the the seasonal
calendar attached)
-The Tagbanua of Candamya have
stopped hunting as few wild boars are
left in the wilderness and the practice
have also been prohibited.
Implementation of
conservation laws in
Palawan included the zoning
of areas where most of the
-The practice of hunting is part of
the life and ways of Tagbanua. They
do this simultaneously with kaingin
as their diet also consists of protein
coming from meat.
-The Tagbanua uses different traps
made from tree branches and
poisons extracted from vines and
indigenous plants in their hunting or
panganup.
-During the sadung sadung or
community conference, the elders
share knowledge about the different
animals that can be hunted in the
talunan or wilderness.
-Before going to the wilderness,
traps for baboy damo are prepared.
An example of this trap is called
batin, a rope used to be tied in the
wild boar’s neck once it is caught.
Another trap is called balatik, made
of thorny tree branches. A poison
made from vine extracts is called
bangut.
-The elders also prepare a potion or
substance made from vine extracts.
It is then given to dogs as they
believe that it improve the senses of
the animal helping them to have an
easier hunting. The dogs that have
ingested the substance is said to be
able to smell the sarabakawan or
trail taken by the wild boar.
Labor
-The concept of labor is still related
with the Tagbanua’s practice of
kaingin. During the sadung sadung,
the elders who will be doing kaingin
in a piece of land starts to invite
other Tagbanua who is interested to
help and take part. This practice of
bayanihan among the members of
the Tagbanua community is called
ilohan. In exchange, they are given a
small portion of the harvest. In
Tagbanua, it is called talakabut.
Another concept is the palit or labor
exchange where an individual works
with the family doing kaingin from
the beginning of the process until
the end. In exchange for the labor is
a big portion of the harvest.
-The Tagbanua exhibit a non-
consumerist behaviour, instead they
practice a subsistence living.
-The concept of labor, being related
with the practice of kaingin has also
disintegrated. In addition, the yield of
their crops have diminished thus
disabling them give portins of their
harvest to other members of the
community.
Tagbanua ancestral lands
belong. The policy also
prohibited them from
hunting animals in the forest.
Having no access to their
land where their knowledge
systems are anchored, their
practices have started to
disintegrate.
Traditional Knowledge Systems
and Practices
Seed variety- diversification -Food security is an important
aspect of the lives of the Tagbanua.
To ensure this, they practice seed
-Because of the shift in paddy rice
farming, the yield became lower
disabling the community to even have
The practice of seed
diversification is still related
or affected by the declining
keeping to make sure that a variety
of seeds will be kept. Thought to be
nurturing, women does the seed
keeping.
-The yield that will be kept for stock
or anut will be stored while the
remaining will be used for
consumption.
-A large container made of buri is
called tamping. This is where
harvested palay is stored before
milling.
-After being harvested and
temporarily stored in containers, the
palay will be dried in an amakan or
palay sun drying area. If the sunlight
is not enough to dry the palay, it is
put on a paypay or container that is
heated with burning woods under. It
can also undergo a process called
tanuk where the palay is boiled in
water, dried under the sun and
heated in a container for easier
pounding.
seeds for storage. Seed keeping has
also declined with the decline in the
practice of kaingin. Basakan doesn’t
have a fallow period thus seeds are
continuously being used every planting
season and there is not much left for
storage.
-The indigenous plants where storage
containers are made up of have also
decreased in population. Because the
sources of food is lesser, the Tagbanua
opted to plant crops that can be utilized
for consumption. A decline in the
subsistence type of living have also
forced them to engage in more work
thus having no time to weave such
containers for seed keeping.
practice of kaingin. With the
introduction of paddy rice
farming, the need and
capability for seed keeping
lessened.
Rituals The conduct of different rituals were
done in relation to the practice of
kaingin.
(please refer to the the seasonal
calendar attached)
Paglalambay
The ritual is characterized by
dancing with the beat of the drums
made from animal skin and giving
sagda or offering to the panyaun.
This is done by the babalyan to ask
the gods for a bountiful harvest.
Umpo refers to the prayers recited
for the rituals.
Tedlak
The ritual of praying for the kaingin
and asking for a bountiful harvest.
Seven holes are made in the middle
of the kaingin, it is then filled with
nganga, luya and tanglad which
serves as prototypes for the
bountiful/ good growth (matinggas)
of the crops and palay planted in a
kaingin. Stones (pamini) are then
placed outside the filled holes. This
also serves as a bantal or reminder
that the area has already been
planted for kaingin before actual
fences are built.
The knowledge of rituals has
continued to decline with the decline in
the practice of kaingin with only 1% of
the Tagbanua population in Candamya
doing the type of farming. A libreto
(notebook) containing the rituals are
being kept by the panglima or tribal
chieftain and few remaining babalyan.
However, these rituals have not been
passed as majority of the elders have
also not been practicing it.
Land is life. The conduct of
rituals are anchored upon the
Tagbanua’s utilization of
their land through kaingin.
With its prohibition and
Tagbanua’s restricted access
to their ancestral lands, the
practice of rituals declined
weakening their traditional
systems.
Pest management -Few pest infestations were present
before causing minimal damage to
palay and other crops. One such is
the dugma or the stunted growth of
palay caused by small insects.
-The influx of migrants has introduced
the use of pesticides in managing
pests. Agricultural personnel from the
LGU, who are mostly from the low
land have also taught the Tagbanua a
chemical based approach.
The use of chemical based
pest management system
were brought by the migrants
together with their paddy
rice farming.
-Another animal which is considered
by the Tagbanua as pest are
monkeys which sits on palay, thus
destroying its growth and in turn
eats it. The Tagbanua call this
monkeys’ act as ugsang ugsang.
-Pests were considered as
manageable before. Duoput or
smoking the kaingin is enough to get
rid of small insects.
-Pests have also become difficult for
the Tagbanua to manage because they
deem it as foreign to their land. One
such “foreign” pest is the “black bug”
that is said to have come from the
silica mining that have entered San
Vicente during the 1970s.
Indigenous plants that were
once used for extracting
substances for managing
pests have also declined in
their growth. The Tagbanua
have opted to plant crops
that can be used for
consumption and selling so
they could have access to
other resources.
Climate Change Experiences
Erratic seasonal The Tagbanua experience a regular
climatic condition/pattern which
highly contributed in nourishing the
land and producing quality yield.
In the present, the Tagbanua have been
experiencing changing climatic
condition/pattern highly contributing
to a low quality yield.
-----
(climate change)
Note: Siltation The bodies of water were deeper
because no such thing as siltation
exists.
The bodies of water were more
shallow and the yield for fish was
lower. This occurrence is associated by
the community with the entrance of
silica mining in San Vicente during the
1970s.
Silica mining (1970s)
Prolonged drought –El Nino The Tagbanua experience a regular
wet and dry season which has aided
them in the proper planning of their
kaingin and other planting activities.
They have experienced a prolonged
drought (1990s) that has made the once
fertile lands barren for a certain period
of time. With no crops from the land,
they have resorted to the waters.
However, fish catch were also low and
fishes were smaller.
-----
(climate change)
Prolonged rain –La Nina Bagyong Norming (1999)
-Destruction of houses and livelihood
sources
Coral bleaching ----- ----- -----
Super typhoons The Tagbanua experience a regular
climatic condition/pattern which
highly contributed in nourishing the
land and producing quality yield.
Bagyong Norming (1999)
-Destruction of houses and livelihood
sources
-----
(climate change)
ANNEX G. Data Table for FGD. Tagbanuas of Sitio Panamin.
Date and Place: August 8, 2015, Sitio Panamin Barangay Caruray, San Bicente Palawan
Research Activity: Focus Group Discussion - Combined
Participants:
----Add secondary data----
RESEARCH THEMES Before After (Add Impacts sa
livelihood)
Key Factors of Change
Land Use System =
Livelihood
1. Swidden (crops,
fallow, area, inputs,
culture)
Kaingin area before was just
nearby Sitio Panamin:
Alibugon* hanggang sa Anya.
(see pictures).It is the main
source of livelihood
For kaingin they usually plant
corn, sweet potato, kamoteng
kahoy, vegetables ( usually
squash, eggplants, string beans,
and taro) and different variety of
rice for kaingin.
In preparation for kaingin, the
Tagbanuas start surveying and
planning (in local by September
on which area they will do it.
The elders would call for a
meeting. They collectively
(iluwan – bayanihan in
tagbanua) start clearing/
‘magtabas’ the big trees (i.e. ipil-
ipil, ipanga, rumarong, balaw) by
November to December. They
have a ritual before they harvest,
it is called “Sungrod” – they
prepare some food as a
thanksgiving to the spirits who
gave them a bountiful harvest.
The original Tagbanua residents
have a lot of land ownership they
use for kaingin in Panamin and
in nearby sitios
At present, the kaingin
areas were converted to
private Banana and Coconut
plantation, (during the
1970s some are already
engaged in copra).
The kaingin areas were
proclaimed as covered by
CBFM area during the
1980s and therefore has
certain limitation on land
use.
Nowadays, those who want
to practice kaingin have to
walk far (3-4hrs) from Sitio
Panamin, and they risk on
being caught by the
environmental police since
Kaingin is now considered
illegal due to the
declaration of the policy.
The original Tagbanua
residents chose to sell their
pieces of land on the
lowlands to the migrants
due to the pressure of
emigration and avoid
possible conflict.
The policies proclaiming the
sitio and the nearby lands to
be a CBFM area is one of the
main reason why there were
changes in land use system
specially in terms of
practicing Kaingin and
conversion to
farmlands/”basakan” and
plantation.
The migrants came in during
the 1980s due to poverty and
lack of livelihood
opportunities in their areas,
they chose to settle down at
Panamin are mostly from
Mindoro, and introduced the
“basakan” system and
livelihood to the local people
of Panamin and the whole
barangay. Later on the NIA
was established due to the
increasing numbers of
“basakan”
2. Forest practices –
Forest practices
Forest practices
The Almaciga tapping are no
bagtik honey,
It ranges from getting
Almaciga,
harvesting honey, rattan
(yantok), and hunting animals
ike wild pig for food.
Back then the honey harvested
are used for home
consumption, but it can
already be sold by P50/gallon
Throughout the year, they do
hunt wild pigs on the side as
they come to the forest,
manage their kaingin and
harvest the gifts of nature.
combinations of herbal
medicine “gayuma” (bunlao,
anggo-anggo) for their dogs to
drink so they can smell the
wild pigs easily. Before the
meat of the hunted wild pig is
just for home consumption or
shared (uday-uday) with the
neighbourhood.
It ranges from harvesting
honey, rattan ,(yantok ),
and sometimes hunting
animals like wild pigs.
At present the honey
harvested are only being
sold at P250/gallon
For hunting wild pigs, at
present times, they have
to walk far to catch wild
pigs they use
traps/pigbomb or gun and
do not practice bringing
dogs for hunting. But it is
very seldom that they
catch one – it would take
a month or two before
they can catch it and
would sell it to merchants
( before 5 pesos per
bulto/saga/atado= almost
3kg, now its P120/kilo).
longer being done due to the
massive logging in the
forests resulting to the
depletion of the almaciga
trees.
Due to the higher demand in
the market the honey’s value,
and thus the continuous
The forests were already so
disturbed at present time that
the pigs went far from the
human settlements. Also,
with the absence of the crops
from kaingin, the pigs do not
roam around to find food at
nearby areas and instead, go
to far-flung and inhabited
parts of the forests and
hills/mountains. Therefore, it
would be tedious to do
manual hunting if they
seldom find wild pig even
through traps.
3. Coastal – During December, while
doing daos-daos they also do
“pangangawil” and fish for
turtles, paitan, palos, and
some other kind of fish. They
prepare food for their own
families but eat together as a
community.
Suno-grouper fishing At Panamin, there’s not
much coastal activities
nowadays since the river
that they went fishing
with were already
Traditional Knowledge
Systems and Practices
On relation to
livelihood &
resource
management
Pest Management
- During the early days of
hunting people
make“gayuma”/special
medicine for the dogs drink
to sharpen their senses and
track the wild pigs easily; The
pigs they caught are usually
just for home consumption, if
its more than they can
consume, they share it with the
neighbours.
- In terms of pest management,
the only problem back then are
the monkeys and the maya
birds. They use dogs to guard
the crops. They don’t use
chemicals. They use “kulyog”,
it’s just an improvised set-up
that you pull and sounds off
- At present times, trap/pig
bombs are the tools they
use to hunt wild pigs;
They can now sell it at
P120/kilo.
-Starting 1980s pests reached
Panamin and nearby barrios,
with the emergence of the
“basakan”. Black bug started
to infest the farmlands .
Golden kuhol also infested
the island of Palawan during
the 1990s. Nowadays people
- The forests were already so
disturbed at present time that the
pigs went far from the human
settlements. Also, with the
absence of the crops from
kaingin, the pigs do not roam
around to find food at nearby
areas and instead, go to far-
flung and inhabited parts of the
forests and hills/mountains.
Therefore, it would be tedious to
do manual hunting if they
seldom find wild pig even
through traps.
- The people said they decided to
abandon the old pest
management control since with
the emergence of black bug
doing kaingin is no longer
profitable and puts them in
danger of being apprehended
because it was already
On social traditions
when maya birds are
approaching the crops. They
also do the “pagagagatong” o
“pinauusukan” a ritual to of
the leaves of certain plants to
avoid pests infesting their
crops, the elders mix sili,
mautot, buringot, tuble. And
etc. and say a prayer, then no
one should trespass that certain
farmland for 7 days. A marker
is left to remind everyone that
it should not be entered upon (
a wood and a leave – elam at
putat), and those who do is
believe to be punished by the
spirits and the prayer will be
voided.
- During December they do
daos-daos as a tradition to
mark the start of Kaingin.
The Tagbanuas would
roam around different
places, and an elder would
choose the area on which
they will next do kaingin.
They prepare food for their
own families but eats
together as a community.
- Pagtetedlak – ritual before
planting of crops in
kaingin, wherein the owner
of the crops plant 7
seedlings in the middle of
his/her land,
- Paglalambay –
thanksgiving ritual with
drums playing, and dance
ritual for the spirits of
forest for a bountiful
harvest and guidance in
farming. Sometimes it last
to 7 days.
Before, the Tagbanuas are
originally nomadic, practicing
kaingin in different lands.
of the community used
pesticides introduced by
Agricultural technicians
which made the farmlands
more prone to sickness and
emergence of pests.
- They do not practice daos-
daos already
- The community stopped
practicing paglalambay
when the last elder died. A
few babalyan still knows
how to do but does not do
it that much. Babalyan
usually is a male.
proclaimed as illegal. They also
added that if they don’t use
chemical sprays for fertilizers
and pesticides, and then the
others would, their farmland
would be the one infested and
would result to financial loss.
- The Tagbanuas do not practice
daos-daos already since most of
the parents are already busy in
their livelihood to send their
children to school. The climate
change also affects since before,
It’s not rainy during December
- When ask why it is so, the adults
between 30s to 40s said there
was just a little passing of
traditional knowledge in the tribe
due to lack of interest of the next
generation to learn it. In
addition, it is also because they
are being marginalized for being
an IP, by the migrants that
already make up the majority of
the population in their area that
is why they do not have much
pride on their heritage and see no
need to carry on their traditions.
(These also came in from the
discussion with the community)
Due to the pressure of continuous
increase in the emigration rate in
Sitio Panamin, and avoid possible
On land ownership
- The Tagbanuas of
Panamin only have some
little piece of land to
cultivate and use for their
livelihood activities and
thus depend on the forest
again.
- Presidential Assistance to
National Minortiies or
Panamin was formed by
Mr. Sofronio to unite all
the Tagbanuas in the
municipality to live in one
community.
conflict the people in the
community, the Tagbanuas of
Panamin was obligated to sell their
own land in.
Climate Change
Experiences
Prolonged El Nino
Typhoons that were
unusually strong and
damaging
During December, the
Tagbanuas practice daos daos
every
The dry and rainy season is
predictable and did not cause
alarming damages to any of the
resources in the community.
There are typhoons from time to
time but they have normal strength
and did not cause alarming
damages to any properties and
resources in the community.
Starting the late 90s they
experience, its still raining
on December
- During the 1990, the
residential and the
agricultural lands cracked,
even the mountain side was
dried up. Even the water in
the rivers were all dried up.
The only source of water
for the community is the
spring in the mountain, and
all the residents have to line
up to get their water. This
has lasted for a year and the
only source of income back
then was Almaciga resin
tapping.
During December 1995,
Pepang – cause big flooding
in the community even the
animals like- cows,
carabaos and pigs, even
some wooden house
structure were brought by
the flood on another island.
It brought a flash flood that
lasted for 3 hours, and
reached up to the chest
level.
During the 1998, Norming
also caused big flooding but
not as bad as Pepang did.
It may be attributed to the
extensive logging activities in the
communities, but also is an effect
of global warming.
The extent of its effects on the
resources of the community/ies
may be attributed to the extensive
logging activities done in the
community but also is an effect of
global warming .
ANNEX H. Attendance of FGD respondents below 40 years old in Sitio Candamia.
ANNEX I. Attendance of FGD respondents above 40 years old.
ANNEX J. Seasonal Calendar Map of Sitio Candamia as illustrated by 40 years old and
above FGD respondents.
ANNEX K. Resource Map of Sitio Candamia as illustrated by 40 years old and below FGD
respondents.
ANNEX L. Timeline matrix as illustrated by 40 years old and below FGD respondents in
Sitio Candamia.