la ciudad de santiago de compostela en la alta edad media

8/6/2019 La Ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en La Alta Edad Media

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Medieval Academy of America

Review: [untitled]Author(s): James F. PowersSource: Speculum, Vol. 66, No. 4 (Oct., 1991), pp. 916-918Published by: Medieval Academy of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2864677 .

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Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis. Thus we have here complete descriptionsof all the known manuscripts and their contents, initia of sermons and their locationin all these manuscripts, and various related indices and appendices.The first collection is Maurice de Sully's Sermonesad populumfor Sundays and feastdays. Dated by Longere to the decade 1160-71, these texts correspond to numbers1-71 in Johannes Schneyer's list of Maurice's sermons and attest to the bishop'ssensitivity to the need for instruction to the faithful and his own pastoral activity. Theforty known manuscripts which reproduce all or portions of this sermon collectionfor the liturgical year are here organized in eight groups. The absence of attributionscreates problems of identification, requiring the meticulous and expert hand whichLongere brings to his material. Nine of the manuscripts, for example, bear Maurice'sname at the beginning of the collection, and while several manuscripts mention hisname or office in the explicit, only two manuscripts give Maurice de Sully's name inboth incipit and explicit.The second collection attributed to Maurice de Sully is a series of twenty sermons,apparently addressed to a clerical audience of priests or students. Designated as thePseudo-Maurice, these sermons correspond to numbers 72-91 in the Schneyer listand, as Longere emphasizes, do not at all resemble the bishop's popular sermons.The manuscripts are also less widely diffused than the ad populumseries. Moreover,these Pseudo-Maurice sermons have more elaborate contents: learned scriptural ref-erences and Old Testament allegories that are suggestive of clerical audiences. SinceMaurice de Sully left no theological writings, such as biblical commentaries or quaes-tiones, which might facilitate comparison with these twenty sermons and settle theissue of his authorship, perhaps the lexicographical analysis which will accompanyLongere's forthcoming edition will establish the authenticity and correct attributionof these sermons to the bishop of Paris. In the interim, the term Pseudo-Maurice isuseful to distinguish this collection from the ad populumseries.An interesting point that Longere takes note of, and which is well documented inthis volume, is the issue of which other preachers figure prominently in the manu-scripts along with Maurice de Sully. His sermons survive in manuscripts which alsoinclude sermons of such preachers as Geoffroy Babion, Peter Comestor, Geoffroy ofTroyes, and Stephen Langton. The evidence thus supports Maurice de Sully's role asone of the important twelfth-century preachers in Paris who laid the foundations for,and anticipated the emphasis given to, preaching at the Fourth Lateran Council in1215, an effort which was then taken up by the preaching orders in the course of thethirteenth century.

PHYLLIS . ROBERTS, ollege of Staten Island and Graduate Center, C.U.N.Y.

FERNANDO 6PEZALSINA,La ciudad de Santiago de Compostelaen la alta edad media.Santiago de Compostela: Ayuntamiento de Santiago de Compostela; Centro deEstudios Jacobeos; and Museo Nacional de las Peregrinaciones, 1988. Paper. Pp.412; 15 maps, tables, graphs.

Santiago de Compostela stood at the terminus of a vital route of pilgrimage after theninth-century discovery of the alleged body of St. James the Greater. These remains,along with the cathedral built to protect them, became the source of a cult that drewpilgrims from much of Europe, starting in the tenth century and reaching an earlycrest during the twelfth. The towns along this pilgrimage route from France haveattracted the interest of urban historians, since they were among the first municipalcenters to develop in Christian Iberia, comparable to the settlements evolving in

Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis. Thus we have here complete descriptionsof all the known manuscripts and their contents, initia of sermons and their locationin all these manuscripts, and various related indices and appendices.The first collection is Maurice de Sully's Sermonesad populumfor Sundays and feastdays. Dated by Longere to the decade 1160-71, these texts correspond to numbers1-71 in Johannes Schneyer's list of Maurice's sermons and attest to the bishop'ssensitivity to the need for instruction to the faithful and his own pastoral activity. Theforty known manuscripts which reproduce all or portions of this sermon collectionfor the liturgical year are here organized in eight groups. The absence of attributionscreates problems of identification, requiring the meticulous and expert hand whichLongere brings to his material. Nine of the manuscripts, for example, bear Maurice'sname at the beginning of the collection, and while several manuscripts mention hisname or office in the explicit, only two manuscripts give Maurice de Sully's name inboth incipit and explicit.The second collection attributed to Maurice de Sully is a series of twenty sermons,apparently addressed to a clerical audience of priests or students. Designated as thePseudo-Maurice, these sermons correspond to numbers 72-91 in the Schneyer listand, as Longere emphasizes, do not at all resemble the bishop's popular sermons.The manuscripts are also less widely diffused than the ad populumseries. Moreover,these Pseudo-Maurice sermons have more elaborate contents: learned scriptural ref-erences and Old Testament allegories that are suggestive of clerical audiences. SinceMaurice de Sully left no theological writings, such as biblical commentaries or quaes-tiones, which might facilitate comparison with these twenty sermons and settle theissue of his authorship, perhaps the lexicographical analysis which will accompanyLongere's forthcoming edition will establish the authenticity and correct attributionof these sermons to the bishop of Paris. In the interim, the term Pseudo-Maurice isuseful to distinguish this collection from the ad populumseries.An interesting point that Longere takes note of, and which is well documented inthis volume, is the issue of which other preachers figure prominently in the manu-scripts along with Maurice de Sully. His sermons survive in manuscripts which alsoinclude sermons of such preachers as Geoffroy Babion, Peter Comestor, Geoffroy ofTroyes, and Stephen Langton. The evidence thus supports Maurice de Sully's role asone of the important twelfth-century preachers in Paris who laid the foundations for,and anticipated the emphasis given to, preaching at the Fourth Lateran Council in1215, an effort which was then taken up by the preaching orders in the course of thethirteenth century.

PHYLLIS . ROBERTS, ollege of Staten Island and Graduate Center, C.U.N.Y.

FERNANDO 6PEZALSINA,La ciudad de Santiago de Compostelaen la alta edad media.Santiago de Compostela: Ayuntamiento de Santiago de Compostela; Centro deEstudios Jacobeos; and Museo Nacional de las Peregrinaciones, 1988. Paper. Pp.412; 15 maps, tables, graphs.

Santiago de Compostela stood at the terminus of a vital route of pilgrimage after theninth-century discovery of the alleged body of St. James the Greater. These remains,along with the cathedral built to protect them, became the source of a cult that drewpilgrims from much of Europe, starting in the tenth century and reaching an earlycrest during the twelfth. The towns along this pilgrimage route from France haveattracted the interest of urban historians, since they were among the first municipalcenters to develop in Christian Iberia, comparable to the settlements evolving in

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Catalonia. As the Leonese-Castilian Reconquest assured the comparative security ofthe route in the wake of its southward push, the interaction of religion, nascentpolitical development, and pious tourism provoked the emergence of municipal cen-ters important to the economic and social development of Leon, Castile, and Galiciain the high Middle Ages. Among these towns, Le6n, administrative center of thekingdom, has attracted a substantial number of scholarly studies in recent years. Thepresent work draws our attention to the terminus of the pilgrimage in the far north-western corner of the peninsula in Galicia, the episcopal city of Santiago de Compos-tela.This examination of Santiago de Compostela by Lopez Alsina is less a history ofthe town than a close survey of the documents and materials that would enable oneto be written. Since Santiago emerged as a municipal complex in a rural district ofnorthwestern Galicia, Lopez Alsina also studies the region in which it developed fromthe ninth to the mid-twelfth century. As such, Santiago followed the paradigm of anepiscopal center evolving into a medieval town in the high Middle Ages, a networkof parishes interacting with its archdiocese during a nascent stage of European ur-banism.

Approximately one-third of the work is devoted to an analysis of the written sources,both documentary and narrative. Lopez Alsina groups the documentary sources heexamines under the title "Corpus documental medieval compostelano," materialslargely drawn from the cathedral archives along with some of the fuller survivingcollections from the churches and monasteries of the region, Santa Maria de Iria andSan Martin Pinario being among the most prominent. Nearly all of this materialpredates the growth of a professional notarial class influenced by pontifical and royalchancery styles, which emerged in Santiago and Galicia in the last half of the twelfthcentury. Some of these sources have been explored earlier, notably by the greathistorian of Santiago Lopez Ferreiro, along with the French scholar Barrau-Dihigo,who was in turn critiqued by Claudio Sanchez Albornoz. The problems derive fromthe fact that few of the documents from this early period survive in their originalstate, having been copied in various periods and gathered into cartularies. Suchcollections sometimes serve to substantiate claims for land and authority that have nobasis in historical fact. This pertains especially to the great cartulary, known as TumboA, ordered by the powerful archbishop Diego Gelmirez and begun by the cathedraltreasurer Don Bernardo in 1129, a collection replete with attractive illustrations oftenreproduced in works on medieval Spanish art. In evaluating the historical validity ofthe bulk of this documentation, the author is inclined to accept it on the basis ofcomparisons with other contemporary materials that indicate the expansion of theholdings and influence of the archdiocese.Lopez Alsina offers an extended and useful analysis of the most important narrativesource, the twelfth-century Historia Compostelana.In examining its fundamental sec-tions, the "Gesta Compostelana" (1109-10) and the two subsequent registraof MaestroGiraldo (1121-24) and Pedro Marcio (1145-49), the author displays an ample aware-ness of the international scholarship which has studied the Historia to present abalanced assessment of the usefulness of this extended chronicle. The author alsoindicates his awareness of the extensive archaeological excavations between 1946 and1959, although no analytical effort similar to that extended in behalf of the writtensources is offered here. The final judgment concedes the slanted ecclesiastical andseigneurial nature of the surviving evidence but argues that we can learn muchregarding the early history of the city from what we have.The historical narrative proper begins with a discussion of the emergence of theSantiago legend in the late Visigothic era, starting with the reference in the Breviarium

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Apostolorumhat St. James died in Hispania. It continues through the eighth into theninth century, reviewing the discovery of the saint's alleged remains by Teodomiro,bishop of Iria, near the Church of San Felix de Lovio, and their translation to thelocus sanctus nearby that since has borne the saint's name. We are offered a goodsurvey of what is already known, not any new discoveries in this material. The Asturianmonarchy keenly supported this divine windfall, offering as it did a site of religiouspower and revelation nearly comparable to Rome itself in that it constituted that rarething in the West, an apostolic foundation. Once the bishops established themselvesnear the tomb, the episcopate soon became identified with Santiago rather than Iria.By the early tenth century, a new stone cathedral had been started, along with abaptistry and a small episcopal residence. From this beginning, Lopez Alsina elabo-rates his model for the growth of the episcopal center.By combining the archaeological evidence with a close study of the early documents,we are offered a description of the slow emergence of Santiago from bishop's seat tomedieval town. While this evolution occurred in many places during the tenth andeleventh centuries in Europe, Santiago's case offers the untypical factors of a strongroyal interest in backing a prestigious bishopric for the special status it reflected uponthe Asturo-Leonese monarchy and the growing eminence of the site as a pilgrimagecenter, attracting pilgrims even beyond the Pyrenees. As the southward progress ofChristian conquest over Muslim territories continued, the route to Santiago becameincreasingly secure in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Meanwhile the growth of anecclesiastical network of dependencies and foundations centering on Santiago tookgradual shape in northwestern Galicia. Accompanying this regional activity, LopezAlsina describes the appearance of an urban nucleus and with it the first indicationof a social diversification appropriate to an emerging town, argued here to be formingfrom the tenth century onward. Santiago experienced a hiatus in its developmentbecause of its destruction in the Cordoban attack of 997 but was largely restored by1017, according to documents relating to the royal assembly called for that year inLeon by Alfonso V and affirmed by afuero granted to the episcopal center in 1019.Beyond this, the remaining evolution of Santiago down to its elevation to the rank ofarchiepiscopal town in the early twelfth century under Archbishop Diego Gelmirez isonly briefly sketched.The model and its supporting argument are buttressed by an impressive array ofnotes, town and regional maps and plans, tables, and graphs, along with a small groupof edited documents. From these materials future scholars in the field have a valuablestarting place for the formulation of a fuller history of early Santiago and its role inthe episcopal type of urban foundation. Lopez Alsina offers here a valuable piece ofseminal research.

JAMES F. POWERS,Holy Cross College

EUNICE DAUTERMANMAGUIRE, HENRY P. MAGUIRE,and MAGGIEJ. DUNCAN-FLOWERS,ArtandHolyPowers in theEarlyChristianHouse. With contributions by Anna Gonosovaand Barbara Oehlschlaeger-Garvey. (Illinois Byzantine Studies, 2.) Urbana andChicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989. Paper. Pp. xii, 251; 8 color plates, 53black-and-white figures, many black-and-white photographs. $24.95.

In recent years there has been a new-found interest among Byzantine archaeologistsand art historians in what used to be called "minor objects," which is to say theordinary bric-a-brac that the Byzantines-used in their houses and on their persons.Much has survived, especially from Egypt, and it tells us a good deal about Byzantine

Apostolorumhat St. James died in Hispania. It continues through the eighth into theninth century, reviewing the discovery of the saint's alleged remains by Teodomiro,bishop of Iria, near the Church of San Felix de Lovio, and their translation to thelocus sanctus nearby that since has borne the saint's name. We are offered a goodsurvey of what is already known, not any new discoveries in this material. The Asturianmonarchy keenly supported this divine windfall, offering as it did a site of religiouspower and revelation nearly comparable to Rome itself in that it constituted that rarething in the West, an apostolic foundation. Once the bishops established themselvesnear the tomb, the episcopate soon became identified with Santiago rather than Iria.By the early tenth century, a new stone cathedral had been started, along with abaptistry and a small episcopal residence. From this beginning, Lopez Alsina elabo-rates his model for the growth of the episcopal center.By combining the archaeological evidence with a close study of the early documents,we are offered a description of the slow emergence of Santiago from bishop's seat tomedieval town. While this evolution occurred in many places during the tenth andeleventh centuries in Europe, Santiago's case offers the untypical factors of a strongroyal interest in backing a prestigious bishopric for the special status it reflected uponthe Asturo-Leonese monarchy and the growing eminence of the site as a pilgrimagecenter, attracting pilgrims even beyond the Pyrenees. As the southward progress ofChristian conquest over Muslim territories continued, the route to Santiago becameincreasingly secure in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Meanwhile the growth of anecclesiastical network of dependencies and foundations centering on Santiago tookgradual shape in northwestern Galicia. Accompanying this regional activity, LopezAlsina describes the appearance of an urban nucleus and with it the first indicationof a social diversification appropriate to an emerging town, argued here to be formingfrom the tenth century onward. Santiago experienced a hiatus in its developmentbecause of its destruction in the Cordoban attack of 997 but was largely restored by1017, according to documents relating to the royal assembly called for that year inLeon by Alfonso V and affirmed by afuero granted to the episcopal center in 1019.Beyond this, the remaining evolution of Santiago down to its elevation to the rank ofarchiepiscopal town in the early twelfth century under Archbishop Diego Gelmirez isonly briefly sketched.The model and its supporting argument are buttressed by an impressive array ofnotes, town and regional maps and plans, tables, and graphs, along with a small groupof edited documents. From these materials future scholars in the field have a valuablestarting place for the formulation of a fuller history of early Santiago and its role inthe episcopal type of urban foundation. Lopez Alsina offers here a valuable piece ofseminal research.

JAMES F. POWERS,Holy Cross College

EUNICE DAUTERMANMAGUIRE, HENRY P. MAGUIRE,and MAGGIEJ. DUNCAN-FLOWERS,ArtandHolyPowers in theEarlyChristianHouse. With contributions by Anna Gonosovaand Barbara Oehlschlaeger-Garvey. (Illinois Byzantine Studies, 2.) Urbana andChicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989. Paper. Pp. xii, 251; 8 color plates, 53black-and-white figures, many black-and-white photographs. $24.95.

In recent years there has been a new-found interest among Byzantine archaeologistsand art historians in what used to be called "minor objects," which is to say theordinary bric-a-brac that the Byzantines-used in their houses and on their persons.Much has survived, especially from Egypt, and it tells us a good deal about Byzantine

91818 Reviewseviews

la ciudad de santiago de compostela en la alta edad media

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