(kkfce · 2009. 7. 10. · (kkfce qpccial interest group ^journal ({joiwne 6, summer 2002 ^\...

72
(Kkfce Qpccial interest Group ^journal ({Joiwne 6, Summer 2002 ^\ journaC oj ^Jewish geneafogy^ pu6fisriecf quarterly, covering tfie (Jufcernias of and of the Q^ngcTom o as defined by the boundaries as they existed 1867-1917 IN THIS ISSUE... THE TIME OF PIONEERS - THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN KIELCE, 1863-1904 by Krzysztof Urbanski translated by Gwido Zlatkes 3 KIELCE: From Pinkas HaKehillot by Daniel Blatman translated by Judy Monte! 11 THE HISTORY OF ANTI-SEMITISM IN KIELCE DURING THE HOLOCAUST ERA by Rivka Schiller 25 SEFERBEITHACHAIM: 1,422 Tombstone Inscriptions from Kielce by Warren Blatt 38 A PRENUMERANTN LIST FROM KIELCE .. 40 SOURCES FOR JEWISH HISTORY IN THE STATE ARCHIVES IN KIELCE by Romana Guidon translated by Wlodzimierz Rozenbaum ..41 SURNAMES FROM A HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF KIELCE JEWS by Dolores Lee Ring 50 EXTRACT DATA IN THIS ISSUE 52 OZARÔW MARRIAGES 1870-1884 by David Price 53 RADOM BIRTHS 1845-1848 by Florence Weingram 63 GLOSSARY, PRONUNCIATION GUIDE .... 72 ...but first a word from your editor 2

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Page 1: (Kkfce · 2009. 7. 10. · (Kkfce Qpccial interest Group ^journal ({Joiwne 6, Summer 2002 ^\ journaC oj ^Jewish geneafogy^ pu6fisriecf quarterly, covering tfie (Jufcernias of and

(Kkfce

Qpccial interest Group

^journal({Joiwne 6,

Summer 2002

^\ journaC oj ^Jewish geneafogy^pu6fisriecf quarterly,

covering tfie (Jufcernias of

andof the Q ngcTom o

as defined by the boundaries

as they existed 1867-1917

IN THIS ISSUE...

THE TIME OF PIONEERS - THE JEWISHCOMMUNITY IN KIELCE, 1863-1904by Krzysztof Urbanskitranslated by Gwido Zlatkes 3

KIELCE: From Pinkas HaKehillotby Daniel Blatmantranslated by Judy Monte! 11

THE HISTORY OF ANTI-SEMITISM IN KIELCEDURING THE HOLOCAUST ERAby Rivka Schiller 25

SEFERBEITHACHAIM:1,422 Tombstone Inscriptions from Kielceby Warren Blatt 38

A PRENUMERANTN LIST FROM KIELCE .. 40

SOURCES FOR JEWISH HISTORY IN THESTATE ARCHIVES IN KIELCEby Romana Guidontranslated by Wlodzimierz Rozenbaum . . 4 1

SURNAMES FROM A HISTORICALDICTIONARY OF KIELCE JEWSby Dolores Lee Ring 50

EXTRACT DATA IN THIS ISSUE 52

• OZARÔW MARRIAGES 1870-1884by David Price 53

• RADOM BIRTHS 1845-1848

by Florence Weingram 63

GLOSSARY, PRONUNCIATION GUIDE . . . . 72

...but first a word from your editor 2

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Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Speciaf interest Group

^journalISSN No. 1092-8006

Published quarterly,in January, April, July and October, by the

KIELCE-RADOMSpecial Interest Group (SIG)

c/o Mark Froimowitz90 Eastbourne Road

Newton Centre, MA 02459-1206email: [email protected]

Annual subscription rates (U.S. funds):U.S.A.: $26.00Canada: $30.00

Elsewhere: $37.00Subscriptions and changes of address

should be sent to the above.

Postmaster: Send changes to the above.Application to Mail at Periodicals Postage

Rates is Pending at Boston, MA.

The KIELCE-RADOM SIGis a non-profit, informal world-wide

body of individuals interested in Jewishgenealogical research from Kielce and

Radom, two gubernias in the Kingdomof Poland as defined by the boundaries

as they existed from 1867-1917.

ADVISORY GROUP:Warren Blatt, Editor

Mark Froimowitz, Coordinator

VISIT OUR WEB PAGEwww.jewishgen.org/krsig

All matters relating to research andeditorial articles should be directed to:

Warren Blatt, Editor8 Bishops Forest Drive

Waltham,MA 02452-8801e-mail: [email protected]

©2002, all material this issue

... but first a word from our editor

With the publication of this issue, there is now moreinformation available in English about the Jews of the city ofKielce than ever before.

Most notable is something which isn't in this issue, but is inprocess on the internet - the translation of the Hebrew-languageKielce yizkor book Sefer Kielce, edited by Pinchas Cytron andpublished in Tel Aviv in 1957. Kielce-Radom SIG memberSandra Lilienthal and her family have made a very generouscontribution to the JewishGen Yizkor Book Project in honor of hergrandfather, funding the English translation of the entire 328-pagememorial book, and its publication on the JewishGen web site.As of this writing, more than half of the translation has beencompleted, and can be found on JewishGen at< http://www.jewishgen.org/Yizkor/Kielce/Kielce.html >.

Several extensive articles on the Jews of Kielce comprise thebulk of this issue. First is the translation of an article on theJewish "pioneers" of Kielce, the first settlers after the lifting ofrestrictions on Jewish residency in 1863, drawn from Polish-language sources. Next is a translation of the article on Kielcefrom Yad Vashem's Hebrew-language Pinkos HaKehillot Polen,the "Encyclopaedia of Jewish Communities" - the lengthiest ofthese articles that we've published to date. Then we present anoriginal article "The History of Anti-Semitism in Kielce duringthe Holocaust Era", by Rivka Schiller. These three articles - aswell as the online yizkor book translation - present differentperspectives on some of the same events, which can be interestingto compare.

This issue also contains an essay on the source materialconcerning Jews which can be found in the Polish State Archivesbranch in Kielce, translated from a new book published by thePolish State Archives; and a prenumerantn (pre-subscriber) list ofKielce residents from a 1923 religious book.

Rounding out the front section are descriptions of two sourceswhich will be very useful to those researching family from Kielce,both in need of funding for translation: A Hebrew-language bookcontaining tombstone inscriptions from the Kielce Jewishcemetery, 1870s-1920s; and the Polish-language "HistoricalDictionary of Kielce Jews". Please help contribute, to make thesetranslations possible.

The vital records extracts in the issue are for two Radomgubernia towns: Ozarôw marriages 1870-1884 (a "new" town forus), and births in the city of Radom for 1845-1848.

Regarding a new SIG "coordinator" for next year...Debra Braverman has generously volunteered to serve as our newsubscription and finance manager. Now we only need to findsomeone to take over the printing and mailing aspects of the SIG.A volunteer is needed to perform this vital function, in order forthe Kielce-Radom SIG Journal to continue. If you are able tovolunteer for this job, please contact me at the address at the left.

— Warren Blatt

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 3

The Time of Pioneers - The Jewish Community in Kielce, 1863-1904'ICrzysztofUrbariski'"^-

"Czas Pionierôw (czyli spolecznosc zydowksa w Kielcach w latach 1863-1904)"An article from Biuletyn Zydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego

BZlHNo. #145-146 (1988 #1-2), pages 33-46Translated from the Polish by Gwido Zlatkes

The Tsar's decree of May 24 (June 5, on the Gregorian calendar), 1862 and the NationalGovernment's declaration of January 22,1863 finally created conditions enabling Jews to freely settle withinthe city limits of Kielce. After a thirty-year long struggle, the rich Kielce bourgeois had to give in.1 But theJanuary Insurrection and the ensuing traveling limitations caused that the influx of the Jewish populationremained small in 1863-1864. In 1863,9 persons applied for the right to settle in Kielce and in the followingyear, 15 persons. The first Jew granted the permit of permanent settlement was Lejbus Lewkowicz.2

During the Insurrection [of 1863], Kielce inhabitants were aware of Jewish issues in many forms.On December 23, 1863, Izrael Labniewicz was publicly hanged by the sentence of the Judiciary-MartialCommission (Komisja Sqdowo Wojennd) for serving in a unit of the insurgent gendarmerie.3 Izrael Eisenbergof Checiny, who traded in scrap metal, rendered substantial services to the Kielce insurgent organization.The Tsarist military commandant of the Kielce district, General Ksawery Czengiery, sold him arms capturedfrom insurgents or collected at battlefields. Eisenberg sorted the arms and resold the good pieces back to thePoles.

Other attitudes occurred as well. When the insurrection started fading out, some Jews enteredcollaboration with the Tsarist administration and gave it information on the movements of insurgent units.The Poles mercilessly punished this activity and there was often a need to protect the informers by relocatingthem from their villages and hamlets to larger towns. In mid 1864, several such families, both Polish andJewish, had to be moved to Kielce. Among others, Czaja Ibinski, Jankiel Klajsztejn and Chaim Baran foundsafe haven there. They could feel safe in the town upon the Silnica River because a 3,365 men-strongRussian garrison, almost the number of Kielce inhabitants, guarded the town.4

The extinguishing of the Insurrection, the lifting of the restrictions on traveling, and the elevationof Kielce to the rank of provincial (gubernid) capital [in 1867] greatly increased the interest among Jews inpermanent settlement in Kielce. A study by Wladyslaw Dzikowski indicates that 77 Jews arrived in Kielcein 1866 and in 49 in 1867.5 In 1872, ten years after the decree was issued, Kielce was inhabited by 1,046Jews; in 1875 there were 1,121 Jews, in 1888—2,649, in 1896—2,946 and in 1904—6,000.6 Most of themcame from the townlets in the neighborhood: Checiny, Chmielnik, Daleszyce, Staszôw and Kohskie. Thenumber of Jews willing to settle in Kielce depended on a number of circumstances. After 1867, the majormagnet was the rank of the town (a provincial capital) whereas the wave of settlement after 1882 was relatedto the revocation of concessions for mills and windmills from Jews. After 1893, there was an influx of Jewspushed out from neighboring villages.

Jews began arriving in Kielce after the system of ghettoes ceased to exist, and Jews settledthroughout the town depending on their means. The richer ones purchased property or rented apartments inthe center, mostly at the streets: Duza, Mala, Konstantego, Leonarda, Wesola and Bodzentyiiska; the lesswell-off ones settled in the suburbs: Szydlôwek, Piaski and Barwinek. The first houses owned by Jews werebuilt on the state-owned land along the Silnica River. A quarter called Nowy Swiat emerged there - overtime with the majority of Jewish population. Also as the town grew, the Jews settled along new streets:Czysta, Tadeuszowa, Bazarowa, Wschodnia and Szeroka.

1 See: Krzysztof Urbariski, "Stosunek bogatego mieszczanstwa do prob osadnictwa zydowskiego w Kielcach1833-1863", in Biuletyn 2IH, 1985, no. 1-2, pp. 3-23.2 Gazeta Kielecka (henceforth GK), 1931, no. 94.3 Biatynia Chodecki, Ksiçga pamiqtkowa w 40 rocznicppowstania styczniowego 1863-1834, Lwow 1904, p. 112;K. Urbariski, "Kielce w okresie powstania styczniowego" in Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Kielcach, 1984,no. 13, p. 135.4 Archiwum Panstwowe w Kielcach = The State Archives in Kielce (henceforth AP Kielce), Akta NaczelnikaPowiatu Kielckiego = Documents of the Commandant of the Kielce District, 1864, call # 58, p. 99.5 Wladyslaw Dzikowski, Nazwiska zydowskie Kielczan, manuscript stored at the Learned Society of Kielce.6 GK, 1874, no 5; GK, 1888, no. 92; GK, 1896, no. 11; GK, 1905, no 49.

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4 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Many of the Russian officers from the garrison quartered in private apartments, and finding abuilding suitable for a shop or an apartment was exceedingly difficult. Between 1863 and 1870, only sixJews: Salomon Srebrny, Abraham Urbajtl, Lejbus Rutkowski, Icek Rosenbach, Mojzesz Szpiro and JankielKlajsztein, managed to find properties in the vicinity of the market square, the best location for commercebecause of fairs and markets. Soon every free spot in the center was turned into a dwelling or a store. Thedaily Kurier Kielecki wrote about the backyards near the market square, "They are very long and extremelycramped, rather internal streets than backyards. This character is sometimes underscored by small shopsrented by the impoverished Jewish merchants."7

A particular feature was the small turnaround of real estate in Kielce. Original Kielce citizensreluctantly sold houses, land or development plots. Whoever owned a house or a plot was a "citizen" andwas well regarded in the social hierarchy. Unless out of necessity, nobody would get rid of real estate. By1866, only 5 lots were in Jewish hands. In 1898, there were 93 Jewish properties, but according to GazetaKielecka, most of them had been purchased within the "last three years."8 The first owners were: SzlamaPrajzer, Icek Moszkowicz, Gecel Majerson, Symcha Rajzman, Mordka Silbergier, Abram Szterenszos,Mojzesz Pfeffer and Saul Rosenblatt.9

With the growing settlement, the Kielce Jews started organizing a synagogue district [okrçgbôyniczy]. This encountered a fierce resistance from the Checiny rabbi. The deputy rabbi Icek Tenenbaumseveral times argued before the Civil Tribunal that the Kielce district should not be established becauseKielce did not have a synagogue and services were held in private houses. His efforts were fruitless.

By the decree of February 1,1868, the Government Commission for the Interior [Komisja RzqdowaSpraw Wewnçtrznych] established the Kielce Synagogue District [Kielecki Okrçg Bôzniczy], and on August22, the provincial authorities ratified the protocol of the elections to the Synagogue Board (Dozôr Bôzniczy).Mordka Goldret became the rabbi. Routine actions followed, that is the books of births, marriages and deathswere established. In 1869, the first three Jewish weddings were recorded: of Lejbus" and Mindla Pasternak,Juda Traub and Sura Cwajgiel, and Mendel Herszenbaum and Udes Szlamowicz.10 An 1871 audit showeda remarkable diligence in maintaining the records. The audit report notes that for 1871, 77 births, 27marriages and 29 deaths were recorded." [Ed. note: These earliest Kielce Jewish vital records have beenextracted and published in the Kielce-Radom SIG Journal: Births 1868-1884 in IV: 1, Marriages 1869-1884in 1:2, and Deaths 1870-1884 in 11:1].

Other activities commenced. The Synagogue Board, headed by M. Pfeffer, ordered the adaptationof a house at Bodzentynska Street for a synagogue; the town magistrate issued a permit to open a butchershop with kosher meat and poultry at St. Tekla Square; and Mojzesz Sztemke obtained a permit to built awooden bath. The province authorities commissioned the town architect Franciszek Kowalski with findinga location for the cemetery. After inspecting the town's surroundings, it was decided that the Jewish cemeterywould be located in the Pakosz quarter. Kowalski was commissioned with the design of the fence and thehouse for the gravedigger and janitor. His projects were accepted and by 1870, the Kielce community hadits own cemetery.12 [Ed. note: See the article on the Kielce cemetery on page 38 of this issue]. Aron LejbMajstersztik was appointed the gravedigger.13

With the passing of time, there was an increasing need to build a synagogue. Yet the debate overits localization was prolonged because, according to the contemporary regulations, it had to be erected awayfrom Christian churches. Also, the funds for design and building materials were insufficient.

The arrival of the Jews in Kielce was followed by their entering the sphere of economics. Twelveyears after their settlement, the image of the town began to visibly change. This is how I. Kaczkowskidescribed the town prior to 1862 in Pamiçtnik Kielecki in 1874, "[Kielce's] standing was much lower thanother towns, not only provincial but also district towns. It was just a hamlet of farmers who followed theage-old fashion and subsisted on a plot of land. The reason for this was the prohibition of Jews living there,

I Kurier Kielecki, 1913, no. 155.8 GK, 1898, no. 98.9 AP Kielce, Urzqd Starostwa Powiatowego, call # 217a.10 Ibid Archiwum Biura Prokuratora Krôlewskiego przy Trybunale Cywilnym in Kielce, Documents regarding thecreation of a new Synagogal District in Kielce, call # 61, pp. 4,22.II Ibid p. 24.12 J. Szczepanski, Cmentarze kieleckie, (Kielce, 1982), p. 14.13 GK, 1876, no. 32.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 5

a significant factor in commerce. The stagnation was caused by the lack of competition. Trade was limitedto foreign beverages and imported goods with which some made large fortunes. On the other hand, it wasimpossible to buy a quart of kasha or flour if one did not get a supply for the whole week at the market place.The same thing was with basic everyday needs: a needle, a thread, a button, or even more so, a ribbon, a yardof fabric, poplin etc. Jews brought all of this on market days from Checiny, Chmielnik or Pinczôw."

This situation changed after 1862. The influx of the Jewish population propelled commerce in allareas. Every year, a few grocery, variety and haberdashery stores opened and so did stores with importedgoods. The first store established by the Jews after 1862 was Nochim Hercyk Cwajgl's warehouse at themarket square. It carried glass, china and kerosene lamps. Between 1863-1866, four other stores, mostlygroceries, opened: Moszek Strosberg's, Icek Rosenbach's, Lejzor Chilberberg's and Mosze Mauerbergier's.They sold poultry and dairy provided by middlemen from neighboring villages and imported goods like tea,coffee, spices and fruit.

In some areas, Jews soon became potentates by filling the gaps in Polish commerce. A typicalexample in Kielce was the book trade, in which Jews played an enormous and honorable role. In 1861,Michal Goldhaar arrived in Kielce bringing with him a large number of books. He displayed them for salein Europejski Hotel. When he realized that there was no competition, he obtained a permit for opening apermanent bookstore in July 1862. It was located at Pocztowa Street. It also sold music scores, newspapersand stationery goods. From 1869 on, by an agreement with the Kielce Education Board [Kielecka DyrekcjaNaukowa], he also supplied textbooks for elementary schools, Sunday vocational courses and kheders.15 Hewas a publisher as well. Owing to his initiative, the so-called Pamiçtniki Kieleckie were published for theyears 1870,1871 and 1874; he also published Groby Kosciola NMP w Kielcach by Wladyslaw Siarkowskiand his play Majnoci. M. Goldhaar inscribed himself permanently in the history of Kielce as the co-founderof Gazeta Kielecka, whose first issue appeared on Oct. 1, 1870. His bookstore was popular among highschool students because it secretly sold Polish literature prohibited by the Tsarist censorship andclandestinely imported from the Austrian partition.

Saul Rosenblatt opened another bookstore in 1876. It changed its address several times,subsequently to Zamkowa, Konstantego and Duza Streets. Over time, the owner broadened his wares toinclude stationery, school supplies, music scores and newspapers. Also, a lending library opened in thebookstore. Likewise his competitor, S. Rosenblatt, imported works by Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Syrokomlaand others, from Galicia, clandestinely of course.16

The bookstore established and run by Leon Grostal was also popular in Kielce. It was located atDuza Street in a house owned by Aleksander Bojemski and its official name was "Ksiegarnia Leon i Ska."[Leon and Co. Bookstore]. It had a separate room with used books, music scores, stationery, school suppliesand newspapers. Then a lending library opened in it. The bookstore became a meeting place for the Kielcesociety, and concerts, recitals and public lectures were organized there.17

Another bookstore of much lesser significance was the establishment with a rather long name,"Drukarnia, Ksiegarnia i Sklad Materialôw Pismiennych" [Printing, Bookstore and Stationery Store]established by Icek Kaminer in 1889 at the corner of Wesola and Konstantego streets. Also in 1889, twosmall bookstores opened with books exclusively in Hebrew, both at Leonarda Street, one owned by AronWolden and the other by Moszek Mendel Walden.

Within thirty years, i.e. between 1870-1900, Jewish merchants were represented in all kinds oftrade.18

Among the others, in the years 1898, 1899 and 1900, Josek Steigman, Uszer Kaminer and IcekErman established three well-known jewelers' and watchmakers' workshops. The first of them was at DlugaStreet, and the others were at Kolejowa Street. Their owners imported a wide variety of Swiss watches andthey assembled alarm clocks from parts and sold them under their own names. In 1893, Szmul Goldberg

1 4 1. J. Kaczkowski, "Czçsae statystyczno-informacyjna Guberni Kieleckiej," Pamiçtnik Kielecki, (Warszawa 1874),p. 167.'s S. Januszek, "Dzieje ksiçgarstwa w Kielcach w latach 1826-1939," Roczniki Biblioteczne, yr. 12, no. 1-4,(Wroclaw-Warsaw, 1968), pp. 256, 285; Pamiçtnik Kielecki, (Warszaw, 1871), p. 153.16 Z. Wasilewski, "Zycie umyslowe przed mature," Pamiçtnik Kola Kielczan 1928, (Warszawa 1929), p. 55.17 S. Krôl, Wspomnienia ksiçgarza, manuscript owned by his family, p. 46.18 GK, 1919, nos. 262, 264, 270, 273, 276. GK, 1920, nos. 23, 85, 91, 123, 128.

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6 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

opens his iron store at Starowarszawska Street; seven years later, Nusyn Mortkowiecz opens a similar storeat the same street. These were the first warehouses in the field that later would become dominated by Jews.

Taking advantage of the underdeveloped market, many merchants either dealt in several differentareas or opened a second store. For instance, alongside his bookstore, M. Goldhaar owned banking housesin Kielce and Radom, and for that reason, was a member of the Kielce Land Credit Association. S.Rosenblatt, besides his bookstore, dealt for some time in produce. I. Kaminer and S. Rozenblatt ranbookstores combined with printing presses. The latter hid this from the tax authority and was fined in 1895.l9

Therefore, he registered the printing shop under his son Abram Rosenblatt's name. The Cwajgiel familyresponded to high demand for glass and china by opening a second store. Also Dawid Besser, from a familydealing in fabrics, opened a second store, this time with tobacco.

All of this changed the image and economy of Kielce. "The decree of 1862... increased the valueof houses... by four hundred percent. It almost completely altered the physiognomy of the town by turningalmost all first floor windows into shops with all kinds and quality of merchandise that could be purchasedat moderate prices"20

Shops competed for customers. M. Goldhaar regularly used Gazeta Kielecka to advertise the titlesof new books. H. Edelman courteously informed customers that he received "Fans, ribbons, feathers,flowers, ruffs, bows, white and black tulle, chiffon and damask." The clothing manufacture of A.Hagierberger enticed "The Benevolent Public of Kielce as well as the Honorable Gentry visiting Kielce" tobuy their wares.21 Even a small purchase included free delivery of the package to the requested address.Whoever could afford it attracted customers with lower prices. When, in 1894, the price for 1 kilogram offirst choice beef was officially set at 12 kopeks, the butchers Uszer Uszerowicz, Judka Bialobroda, and Baj laMarchewka sold it at 10 kopeks; the second and third choice meat was also sold cheaper. Profit was foundin the places where nobody else would look for it. Beginning in 1892, Jewish carriers bought old slag inCedzyna near Kielce and delivered it to the Kielce train station for sending to foundries.22

Fierce competition meant that only the most dynamic enterprises could survive; if a store did notmake profit it, closed or changed profile. When, in 1888, a few Polish merchants established a large storewith condiments and wine, the Jews temporarily withdrew from this area. Gazeta Kielecka wrote, "With theestablishment of the delicatessen in Kielce, Jews abandoned the condiment trade, especially in spices andwine, as well as in clothing and home supplies; they closed their shops and large street stands... There isno Jewish shop left with Hungarian wine, almonds and many other condiments." On the other hand, drivingout Jews from trading in yeast did not succeed despite strong pressure.

While Jewish trade in Kielce grew and competition enforced efficiency and taking care of each andevery customer, the situation in crafts was more difficult for the Jews. Many branches were dominated bythe Poles for a long time, and their workshops were well regarded. This made breaking into the marketdifficult. In 1876, out of 20 butchers only 5 were Jews: Moszek Moszkowicz, Jankiel Zilbersztajn, WulfBialobroda, Jakub Bunkier and Lejbus Szmulewicz; out of 7 bakers, 2 were Jewish: Icek Godfryd and AlterWajnberg.24

With the passing years, people more and more trusted Jewish fare, especially when in many caseslife proved it better than Polish. Bread in Kielce was always bad. Inspections, appeals and pleas did nothelp. Gazeta Kielecka wrote, "There is no other choice, we have to bring Jews from Checiny, Chmielnik andother townlets to teach us how to bake bread."25

Some artisans stayed in Kielce for a period of time, shorter or longer depending on orders. Theoptician Jakub Brylant came periodically from Warsaw and so did the furrier Berek Lampart and the dentaltechnician Rozalia Segel.26

19 S. Januszak, op. cit. p. 260.2 0 1 . K. Kaczkowski, op. cit. pp. 167-168.21 GK, 1876 nos. 1, 3; GK, 1885, no. 6.22 GK, 1893, no. 60.23 GH, 1891, no. 93.24 GK, 1876, nos. 74, 83.25 GK, 1887, no. 99.26 GK, 1872, no. 95; 1875, no. 3; 1876, nos. 3, 6, 17.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 7

Markets and fairs were a good occasion for merchants and artisans to sell their goods. From 3-6thousand people would come to them from neighboring towns and villages (mainly from Checiny, Pinczôw,Daleszyce and Stopnica).27 Carts and makeshift stands sold all kinds of goods. Pigs were brought fromPinczôw, wheat from Lelôw, fruit from Bieliny, Psary and Dzialoszyce, and cheese from Pinczôw. "To eachfair, some 60 Jewish peddlers came with clothing, fabrics and cheap sundries. Fairs were a big attraction.They also drew people because of the entertainment. The 'hospitability' of 73 Kielce innkeepers also playednot a small role in developing festive habits."28

In 1871, the magistrate decided to build large trade halls at the new market square. Chaskiel Landauof Checiny won the contest between a few developers and in two years, he erected a two-story building withspaces for 56 stores and warehouses. It housed slaughterhouses, food stores and warehouses in relativelygood conditions by the standards of the times. It was hoped that this would improve hygiene, not a smallthing since the epidemics of typhus and scarlet fever were frequent in Kielce.

When, in 1883, a railroad was brought to Kielce, its importance as a regional center grewsignificantly. The prices for lots in the western part of the town, between the station and the river Sinica,jumped instantaneously. Whoever had disposable money bought land that until now was useless - forwarehouses, factories and residential development. Within a few years, new streets emerged: Wspôlna,Ztota, Rôwna and Zytnia.29 Among the owners of lots there were rich Jewish families: the Kahans, theHassenbeins, the Bruners, the Nowaks and the Frydmans.

In 1887, the City Hall initiated several development projects in order to improve Kielce's sanitarysituation and esthetics. In that year, Jewish contractors won the bid for casing the town springs and wellswith stone slabs. Two years later, Jews won the contract for paving the principal Kielce streets by loweringthe estimated price by 36%. The upset Gazeta Kielecka asked, "How can they do this?"30 The mechanismwas simple. It was a big job and the necessary stone was supplied in any needed amount by nearby quarries.With large orders and cheap transportation, it was possible to lower some estimates.

Overtime, Jewish investors' interest in industry increased. In 1892, only 10 factories in Kielce hadthe value of production in excess of 1,000 rubles per year. Jews had shares in three of them: a tannery, asteam mill and a brewery. After 1895, the situation changed radically. That year on September 5, AbramZagajski of Chmielnik purchased from Sylwester Golemowski the lime kiln "Wietrznia" with two burnersof the so-called "cupola" type which yielded 30 tons of lime per week. In 1896, the banker Judka Ehrlichpurchased from the firm "Dobrzariski and Co." the quarry "Kadzielnia."31 Also Mendel Lipszyc got involvedin mineral industry by purchasing the lime kiln "Miedzygôrze." At the turn of 1896-1897, 40 Jewishshareholders started the factory of Portland cement "Kielce". The Hejman brothers, formerly the leasers ofa factory in Krasnocin started building the glass factory "Leonôw."32 Also Rachmil Rozenholtz's brick kilneasily found customers.33 Among smaller factories established at the end of the 19th century, we shouldmention Aron Berkowicz's haberdashery manufacture, Litman Rubinek's soap and candles' factory, WolfMiiiski's tannery, Henryk Nowak's sawing mill, Judka Cukierman's brewery and Seder Strosberg's factoryof munition patrons. Still the progress was rather slow. At the turn of 1902/1903, 27 factories in Kielceemployed no more than 737 workers and the total worth of their output was merely a million and halfrubles.34

While bigger factories, especially quarries, coped with shortages of labor, hordes of beggars swarmedthe streets together with people willing to take any short term paid job.35 It was a tradition in Kielce thatevery Thursday was the beggars' day. No merchant could refuse a donation on that day.36 This custom wasactively opposed by the Charitable Society [Towarzystwo Dobroczynne] but to no avail.

27 Jan Pazdur, Dzieje Kielc 1864-1939, (Wroclaw, 1971), p. 22.28 Ibid. p. 23.29 Wladyslaw Dzikowski, Danuta Kopertowska, Toponimia Kielc. (Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawn. Naukowe ,1976), pp. 107, 117, 120, 135, 149.30 GK, 1887, no. 67; GK, 1889, no 46.31 Stulecie Zaktadu Wapienniczego "Wietrznia", (Kielce, 1974), p. 6; J. Pazdur, op. cit. p. 4 3 .32 GK, 1897, no. 9 1 .33 Jerzy Jerzmanowski , Wstarych Kielcach [Of Old Kielce] (Krakôw: Wydawn. Literackie, 1975), p . 122.34 GK, 1894, no. 2.35 GK, 1879, no. 27.36 B. Baranowski, Ludzie goscirica wXVII-XVIII wieku, Lodz 1986, p. 120; S. Krôl, op. cit. p. 50.

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8 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

People in Kielce lived rather peacefully and one uneventful day passed after another. Only rarelydid something shake the public opinion. In 1876, the brutal murder of the gravedigger A. Majstersztik andhis family was a great shock; his family was "regarded as one of the poorest" in the Jewish community.37

The energetic investigation led to the capture of the murderer, a soldier from the local garrison, WiktorMatwiejew.38 In that same year, a fire in the quarter Nowy Swiat razed several single-floor houses, most ofthem belonging to Jews.39 In 1897, unknown perpetrators set fire to the buildings of Moszek Lewkowicz onBodzentynska Street; luckily it was noticed in time and extinguished. In 1891, the Land Guard [StrazZiemska] arrested "a group of young Jews who stole rings, diamond earrings and a golden medallion fromthe apartments of their co-religionists."40

The access of the Jews to the population of Kielce resulted in the whole array of communal andcultural activities. In 1872, Jews and other Kielce inhabitants contributed money to the existing orphanagefor Russian Orthodox children.41 From 1875, the Jews were active in the Land Credit Association[Towarzystwo Kredytowe Ziemskie].42 The Provincial and District Tax Committees in 1885 included theJews alongside the Poles: Michal Goldhaar, Szlama Rembiszewski, Izrael Giertler, Abram Urbajtl, JudkaKaminer, Majer Sztunka, Henryk Nowak and Judka Cukierman.43 Some were awarded honorable titles andhigh state awards for their economic and social activity. M. Goldhaar was granted the title of commercecouncilor (radca handlowy) and several other distinctions. The merchant Rubin Edelstein received "a goldmedal to hang on his neck on the ribbon of the St. Stanislaw's Medal."44

Poor sanitary conditions in Kielce were the cause of a typhus epidemic that broke out in 1894. TheJewish community created its own medical service and ambulance at Kozia Street with doctors on dutyaround-the-clock. Some of the sick were quarantined in kheder rooms and those threatened with infectionwere provided free medicine and food. A tearoom opened at St. Tekla Square serving the poor tea and rolls,free or at a minimal charge. To collect funds for medicine and medical care, the kehillah turned to wealthyJews. There was a good response. Among others, Henryk Binental, Mojzesz Pfeffer, Michal Goldhaar andJudka Ehrlich contributed sums in excess of a hundred rubles.45 Still commerce suffered significant loses.Some shops, primarily with second hand goods, had to close down and fairs and markets had to be limited.

As it was customary among Jews, great importance was assigned to education. The elementaryschooling was done in kheders. In Kielce in the 1870s, their number oscillated between 15 and 20; in 1900,it exceeded 30. Because of the Tsarist policy on one hand, and due to religious prescriptions on the other,the percentage of students attending lay state schools was low. In 1898, in the male gymnasium in Kielce,out of 463 students, only 13 were Jews; in the female gymnasium, out of 233 students, 13 were Jewish.46 In1900, the Kielce classical gymnasium was attended by 21 Jews out of 543 students, i.e. 5.5 percent.47

Some were honors students. In 1894, Aleksander Binental, Gabriel Hasserbein and Adalf Edelmangraduated with diplomas.48

By a decree of 1886, to become a rabbi in the Kingdom of Poland one had to pass a state exam atthe level of two-year elementary school. In 1898 in Kielce, Henoch Kaminer and Alter Herberg took thisexam, and in the next year, Jankiel Lipman, Jankiel Podoryjski and Ezyel Gancweig.49

Jews participated in all important cultural events in Kielce. The opera The Jewess by Jacques F.Halevy, staged in Kielce in 1896 was very popular. Some 300 Jews attended its closing night.50 A year later,the Kielce Jews actively participated in fundraising for the monument of Adam Mickiewicz in Warsaw.51

37 GK, 1876, no 32.38 GK, 1876, no. 98.39 GK, 1876.no. 67.40 GK, 1891, no. 11.41 GK, 1872, no. 5.42 GK, 1878, no. 39.43 GK, 1886, no. 55.44 GK, 1900, no. 7.45 GK, 1894, no. 65.46 GK, 1898, no. 88.47 GK, 1900, no. 25.48 GK, 1894, no. 47.49 GK, 1896, no. 83; GK, 1898, no. 3; GK, 1899, no. 100.i0GK, 1896, no. 11.51 GK, 1897, no. 27.

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Tickets to the theatre were expensive and it was common that many of the audience showed up afterthe first act when one could get in without a ticket. Gazeta Kielecka complained about this writing that Jewsnotoriously abuse this custom.52 Crowds gathered at all kinds of summer festivities organized in parks orin the suburbs, mainly in Karczôwka. The band of the Voluntary Fire Brigade played and charitableinstitutions organized lotteries where you could win even a goat or a cow.

Regardless of the many common initiatives, only a few individuals assumed Polish ways. The KielceJews ill tolerated leaving their community and faith. In 1886 Gazeta Kielecka wrote, "During the Jewishholidays ... the throngs of Orthodox Jews in Kielce noisily expressed their disapproval of a neophyte, an 18year old woman and daughter of one of Kielce's Jews, who left her family and went to Olkusz where she wasbaptized and then married a petty officer in the Polotsk battalion."53

At the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the Jewish community of Kielce underwent significantpolitical and economic changes, both positive and negative. In 1899, the bookseller Saul Rosenblatt died,and a year later, Michal Goldnaar. They were among the pioneers of Jewish settlement in Kielce and playedan important role in the town's history. Saul's bookstore continued its operation under his son Abram.Goldhaar's bookstore was taken over by his long time friend, the physician Abram Perelman, who ran itunder the name of his wife, Mina Perelman.54 Alas the new owner did not perform up to Goldhaar's leveland in three years, the place with an illustrious tradition in Kielce ceased to exist. However, life does nottolerate a void. In 1903, Gustaw Golwasser opened a bookstore and stationery shop "Pocztôwka" [Postcard].The name of the business came from its specialty which was first selling and then also printing postcards.Today, many of these postcards with the views of Kielce at the turn of the century are a collectors' rarity.In 1903-1904, the bookstore was run by Salomon Rzedowski, who eventually turned to running a printingpress.

The demand for stones and lime increased every year, and in 1899 the owners of the "Kadzielnia"modernized their kiln. The daily output grew from 12 to 120 tons and the quality improved. "According tocontemporary analyses, the end product of'Kadzielnia' contained 99.05% lime and was suitable for chemicaland medical use."" In 1903, a large modernization of "Wietznia" began. In the same year the owner of theSzczecno estate and Szmul Goldsztajn' s Trading House established "Towarzystwo Akcyjne dla Eksploatacj iMinaralôw i Bogactw Lesnych Powiatu Kieleckiego" [The Stock Venture for the Exploitation of Mineralsand Forest Resources in the District of Kielce].

In 1901, Jews were forbidden to purchase produce from farmers near Kielce tailgates. As a result,many produce stores were established; they brought produce from villages through middlemen. Some ofthese stores developed into large scale operations, for instance Beniamin Lewi's and Jankel Kochen's eggstore or the "Delikatesy" of Szmul Nusynowicz.

At the turn of 1900/1901, the owners of the glassworks "Leonôw" signed a profitable contract withthe trade house "Blumenthal and Stock" in Warsaw for supplying fashionable glass bricks.56 This allowedthe expansion of the factory. Also, the factory of bent furniture "Henrykôw" expanded and developed underthe leadership of the talented leasers Hernyk Bruner and Herman Lewi.

Well-secured credit could be obtained from the banking houses of Goldhaar, Ehrlich and a branchof the Merchant Bank in Lôdz. Whoever needed instant cash could get it from the pawnbrokers SalomonRzedowski or Mendel Ellencweig.

New artisan workshops emerged. In 1900, Sender Kaner opened a large jewelry workshop. In 1901,Abram Zilberszpic opened a hat workshop and Eliasz Goldblum, a bakery. Characteristic of Jewish tradeand craft was "a fantastic attitude towards the customer and that the fatigue of salesmen would never beshown."57 This was also due to the fact that while numerous, these establishments were predominantly small.They employed only the owner's kin and they had to struggle for every kopek on which the well-being ofthe owner and his often large multi-child family depended. In the period under discussion, there were only30-40 wealthy families.

i2GK, 1899, no. 23." GK, 1896, no. 83.54 S. Januszek, op. cit., p. 258. Pamyatnaia Knizhka Keletskoi Guberni, Kielce 1901, p. 233.55 J. Pazdur, op. cit. p. 42-43.56 GK 1900, no. 18.57 J. Jerzmanowski, op. cit. p. 112.

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10 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

The rabbinate tried to deal with social inequality, often drastic, as well as it could. It was aided bythe synagogue committee consisting generally of the richest congregants. It included: Mojzesz Pfeffer,Mojzesz Kaminer, Wiktor Rajzman, Mojzesz Cukierman, Lejzor Kohen, Lejbus Machtyngier, IcekLôwenstein, Gimpel Moszkowicz, Herszel Zagajski and Mordka Landau.58 The kehillah supervised theregular supply of kosher meat and flour for Passover matzos. Special soap and candles were brought fromJedrzejôw.

In 1900, following the example of Czestochowa, a Jewish Charitable Society was established inKielce. At the beginning it consisted of 35 members. M. Pfeffer was elected its president, the physician A.Perleman his deputy, A. Wolman the secretary and F. Merber the treasurer.59 The society had the assets ofabout 6,000 rubles and it helped the sick, orphans, and single mothers. The funds came from collections,parties and performances. The association "Bikur Kholim", established around the same time, providedkosher food to poor Jews undergoing treatment in the town hospital.60 In 1903, the Kielce Jewish communitydecided to build a separate hospital pavilion for Jews. The initiative was led by its future head doctor JôzefLewinson.

Inspired by political developments in Russia, political life started to awaken among the Jews. InKielce, with its Jewish population of predominantly small tradesmen and craftsmen, two ideology startedgaining popularity simultaneously, Zionism and socialism. First, Zionism voiced itself out. Gazeta Kieleckawrote in 1900, "Recently, a great interest in Zionism arose among a part of the Kielce Jewish population.There were talks about the great Jewish idea, the cult of the Hebrew language, the need of a national treasuryand the well-being of Palestine. These are beautiful and deceiving dreams! If today one asked any of thezealous advocates of Zion whether he would go to Palestine, the answer would be surely no - but he is activefor the future generations."61 In the first quarter of 1902, in Mendel Ellencwajg's hotel, there was a firstofficial gathering of those ready to move to and settle in Palestine. It convened due to the efforts of thelawyer Henryk Auszer. The gathered decided to create reading rooms, organize lectures on the history ofPalestine, and press for a reform of kheders. Henryk Auszer was elected to the regional congress of theZionists in Lôdz.62 Interestingly, older Jews distanced themselves from that movement while the youthflocked to it.

Between 1900 and 1904, the vestiges of the Polish Socialist Party and the Bund began to emerge inKielce. They were concentrated on internal organizational work; the first public display of the party'sexistence was at the end of 1904.

The Hasids, predominant among the Kielce Jews, were preoccupied with something different. M.Pfeffer donated a plot at Nowowarszawska Street and the sum of 20,000 rubles, and erecting a synagoguebecame a real prospect. On November 23, the Synagogue Board presented the magistrate with a request forpermission to start preliminary works. In March 1902, the board asked for confirmation of the submittedproject. The synagogue was to be built according to the design of the Kielce architect Stanislaw Szpakowski;he was also to supervise the work.63 On 10 June 1902, before the Synagogue Board and many gathered Jews,the head of the province planted the cornerstone. The erection document was placed in the foundation andmortared with a silver trowel. The synagogue choir under the direction of Izrael Wajner added to thecelebration. The work ran smoothly and in September 1903, the unfinished building opened its doors. Tofind the means for finishing it, it was decided that all seats will be paid for.

The Kielce synagogue, with its nearly square layout, and the babiniec on the second floor, and withrelatively modest façade decoration, echoed the contemporarily built synagogues in Wroclaw and Vienna.64

By erecting a synagogue, the second generation of Jews who came to Kielce affirmed its economicand social advancement and marked the permanent place that the Jews gained in Kielce society. The epochof pioneers was over.

58 GK, 1902, no. 64.59 GK, 1901, no. 7.60 GK, 1900, no. 18.61 GK, 1902, no. 49.62 GK, 1902, no. 49.63 The State Archives in Kielce, the Documents of the City of Kielce, O postroike v gorode Keltsakh sinagogi 1901,call # 727; A. Penkalla, J. Szczepariski, "Synagoga w Kielcach," Biuletyn 21H, 1981, no. 4, pp. 51-55.64 GK, 1903, no. 77. P. Krakowski, Teoreiycmepodstawy architektuty wiekuXIX, Krakôw 1979, p. 84-85.

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Kielcefrom Pinkas HaKehillot, Polen, Volume VII (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1999), pages 490-501

By Daniel BlatmanTranslated from the Hebrew by Judy Montel

KielceKielce district

Year

1857187318971908191019211931

TotalPopulation

3,841

20,46830,81031,17141,34658,236

JewishPopulation

101974

6,17311,15111,35115,53018,083

The first settlement at Kielce was in the 12thcentury. In 1171, a church was begun there at theinitiative of the Bishop of Krakôw; it wascompleted in 1182. In 1241 and 1256, the churchand the settlement around it were destroyed by theTartar armies that invaded Poland at the time. Thesettlement was rehabilitated only at the beginningof the 14th century. In 1364, Kielce was grantedMagdeburg rights and was recognized as a city.Even then, it remained under the ownership of theBishop of Krakôw. In this period there were about950 inhabitants in Kielce. In the 15th century,Kielce became an important center for glassproduction. That is when quarrying work alsobegan in the local stone quarries. In 1535, KingZygmunt I granted the bishopric of Krakôw aprivilege which forbade the settlement of Jews inthe city. This privilege was reaffirmed in 1561.In an additional privilege, the King allowed aweekly market day and three commercial fairs ayear. In 1638, King Wladislaw IV granted Kielcethe right to hold a fourth commercial fair annually.

In the middle of the 17th century, the heads of thechurch in Krakôw expanded Kielce; new houses ,a new city square and more churches were builtthere. Kielce developed economically andworkshops for glass production were establishedthere. In the 1720s, the church established aseminary for training priests in Kielce, and the citybecame one of the important centers of the churchin Poland. In 1794, a unit of Kosciusko's armywas stationed in Kielce.

In 1795, with the third partition of Poland, Kielcewas annexed to Austria, and after the Congress ofVienna in 1815, it was included in the CongressKingdom of Poland under the sovereignty ofRussia.

From the middle of the 19th century, thepopulation of Kielce grew rapidly. In 1815, atraining school was established in Kielce forquarry workers, and simultaneously, work wastremendously expanded in the local quarries. In1833, the city was connected to the Warsaw-Krakôw railway line and in 1885, it was alsoconnected to the rail line that led to the importantquarrying area near Dabrowa Gornicza (cf.). Atthe end of the century, there was a factory inKielce for the manufacture of marble thatemployed 47 laborers, 4 large workshops whichproduced bricks, 5 workshops producingwhitewash and several additional workshopswhich produced soap and processed leather.There were also several breweries in Kielce.

Jewish Settlement in Kielce until World War I

Individual Jews settled in Kielce in 1819, in spiteof the ban from the 16th century against theirliving in the city. In 1841, a "Dozor Bozniczy" (alocal committee appointed by the authoritieswhich was in charge of religious matters only) wasestablished there, but officially, the Jews of thecity were part of the community of Checiny (cf.).After the Polish rebellion of 1831, the Russianscancelled the ban on Jewish settlement in Kielceand published an order in which they permittedJews to stay there during market days and at theannual fairs. During these years, Kielce was apoor city and not economically developed, and theRussian authorities wished to attract elements thatwould aid in its development. Therefore, theyallowed the Jews to come and trade in the city,and three Jewish merchants responded to theinvitation, opened shops and acquired homes nextto the market square.

The settlement of the Jews in Kielce promptedactive resistance by the local populace. In 1833,

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12 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

20 Polish merchants applied to the districtauthorities and demanded that they ban Jews fromliving in the city. They relied upon the writs ofprivilege that had been granted to Kielce by thekings of Poland in previous centuries. However,not all of the inhabitants of the city were inagreement on this issue; the poorer classes were infavor of the Jews settling in Kielce, and theyargued that their arrival had already caused achange for the better in the economic life of thecity. In 1833, the city administration held asurvey of trade in Kielce and recommendedencouraging the settlement of Jews there andallowing them to acquire shops and homes. In themiddle of the 30s, the Jews of Kielce conducted anunending battle with the Polish merchants, whoenjoyed the support of the church, over their rightto live and trade in the city. The cityadministration required them to translate everybusiness document into Polish. In 1835, anordinance was promulgated that banned Jews fromliving in the city center and limited their dwellingsin Kielce to a distance of 3 kilometers and morefrom the center. Jewish shops were damaged anumber of times by rioting mobs. The repeatedcomplaints of the Jews to the authorities did notcalm the situation.

In 1841, there were seven Jewish families living inKielce, numbering 32 souls - less than one percentof the city's inhabitants. In November 1841, thePolish merchant's union applied to the Russianauthorities to expel the Jews from Kielce. In1842, the authorities acquiesced to the pressures ofthe local population and the Jews were instructedto leave the city.

However, after the expulsion, several individualJews continued to live in Kielce. In 1845, therewere five Jews living there who were technicallyconsidered inhabitants of Checiny. The Jews wholeft the city moved to nearby cities, but continuedin their efforts to receive permission to return andsettle there.

After the Jews left, the development of Kielceceased. The construction boom stopped and theinvestments of Jewish merchants in the quarrieswere halted. In the 1850s, Jewish settlement inKielce was renewed in spite of the unceasingcomplaints of the city administration to the districtauthorities, and in 1860, 31 Jewish householdswere listed. After the Polish rebellion of 1863, theRussians officially cancelled the ban on Jewish

settlement in Kielce. Beginning in 1868, Jewishchildren who were born in Kielce were listed inthe municipal register of births. In this year, thelocal Jews were given permission to acquire a plotof land and to open their own cemetery, andapparently they had a synagogue at the time.

Among the Jews of the city, there was a smallclass of wealthy merchants who developed thewhitewash, marble, gravel and lumber industriesin the city. Jehuda Ehrlich was the first toestablish a factory for limestone in Kielce, and theZagajski family of industrialists owned severalsawmills and workshops for furniture andconstruction lumber. Another area in which theeconomic activity of the Jews was notable was thetextile trade.

During the second half of the 19th century, theJewish community developed in Kielce. Thegroup of wealthy merchants established avoluntary organization that collected monies tobuild the Jewish community institutions. In 1869,the group received permission to establish aJewish hospital in Kielce at a cost of 7,500 rubles.In 1897, construction was finished. Up until then,approximately 22,000 rubles had been invested inKielce. In 1903, a synagogue was consecrated inKielce whose construction had cost about 20,000rubles. Every year, the group of Jewish merchantsin Kielce allotted 2,000 rubles for the "TalmudTorah" in Kielce and 1,500 rubles to the "BikurCholim" [Visiting the Sick] society, which alsomaintained the hospital. In the beginning of the20th century, the "Achiezer" society wasestablished in Kielce which supported the"Talmud Torah" in which the children of the poorstudied; this society also cared for orphans.

Until the end of the 19th century, there were nomodern Jewish educational institutions in Kielce.In 1899, the first Jewish vocational school inKielce was established alongside the "TalmudTorah". A group of assimilated merchantsdemanded opening modern educationalinstitutions in the city, but the demand metresistance from the side of the Orthodox. In 1904,a modern Jewish school opened in Kielce; itsprincipal was Mr. Szrajber. However, the newschool closed after two years under pressure fromthe religious population. After several years, theteacher Izrael Joskowicz opened the first Hebrewschool in the city. But it too only lasted a singleyear. At the beginning of the 20th century, the

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 13

educator Stefanja Wolman founded a Jewishschool for girls structured like a Polish elementaryschool.

In 1900, a group of young educated secularists,headed by Dr. Perelman, founded a Zionistassociation in Kielce. Its members were active indistributing the Zionist "shekel", established asmall public library and held lectures and othercultural activities. In 1906, a branch of the"Ivriya" society for instruction in the Hebrewlanguage opened in Kielce, whose notablemembers were members of "Poalei Zion". Shortlyafterwards, the "Zamir" association wasestablished, whose goal was to expand the culturalactivities in the Hebrew language.

During the 1905 [Russian] revolution, Jewishyouth joined the ranks of the PPS demonstrators[PPS = Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, the PolishSocialist Party]. Several members of the Zionistassociation left and joined the "Bund".

The first rabbi of the Kielce community was RabbiTuwia Gutman HaKohen Rapaport (died in 1902),who was one of the Kock Chassidim. He servedthe community towards the end of the 19thcentury. In 1902, Rabbi Mosze-NachumJerusalimski (died in 1916), who wrote the bookof responsa "Minchat Moshe" and "LeshedHaShemen" (commentary on Maimonides),replaced him. Rabbi Jerusalimski, a central figurein Poland, was one of the activists in the"Chovevei Zion" association in Kielce. Hisarchive, which was preserved, serves as a valuableresource for researchers.

Kielce was also known as a chassidic center. Thefirst to settle there was Rabbi Chaim SzmuelHorowicz of Checiny (cf.), a descendant of the"Chozeh of Lublin". His sons, Rabbi Eliezer andRabbi Szalom, continued the Chassidic court inKielce, but did not live long. Another son, RabbiJehoszua Heszel, lived in Olkusz. His son-in-law,Rabbi Jeszaja Ber, filled Rabbi Eliezer's place.There were additional Admo'rs [Chassidicrabbinical leaders] in Kielce: Rabbi MordechaiTwerski, (of the Czernobyl Chassidic dynasty),who was called "The Rebbe of Kuzmir"[Kazimierz Dolny]. After his death in 1917, hewas replaced by his relative, Rabbi Nisan JehudaLajb Twerski, who arrived in Kielce in 1921 (hedied in 1940 in Krakôw of German torture); RabbiChaim Mejer Finkler of Piiîczôw (cf.), of the

Radoszyce branch of Chassidism (died in 1917).His two sons, Rabbi Pinchas Isachar and Rabbileak, also became Admo'rs. The first tended to"Agudat Yisra'el" and the second, who was alsoan enthusiastic Zionist activist, tended to the"Mizrachi"; Rabbi Dawid Goldman, the Admo'rof Chmielnik (cf.), a descendent of the Admo'rs ofPrague and the Admo'rs of Warka. After hisdeath (in 1924), his son Rabbi Jeszajahu (theRabbi of Bosk) inherited his position; RabbiElimelech Jakob leak Rabinowicz of Suchedniôw(cf.), from the "Jewish Martyr" dynasty (died in1925). These two Admo'rs did not attract largecongregations; their sons continued theirpositions: Rabbi Josef Baruch and Rabbi NatanDawid, sons of the Rabbi of Suchedniôw andRabbi Cemach, son of the Admo'r of Rakôw (allthree perished in the Shoah).

On the even of World War I, the influence of anti-Semitic circles, supporters of the Endecia[National Democratic] party gained influence inKielce and in the district. In October 1912, peoplefrom this party sent a petition to the Russianauthority demanding that they reduce the influenceof the Jews in the commercial life of the city.

In November 1912, a 12-year-old Polish boyspread a rumor that when he had gone to purchasestationery supplies in a Jewish shop, the merchanthad attempted to scheme against him and cheathim of his money. The rumor took wing and agroup of demonstrators gathered at the entrance tothe shop of the Jew, Szymon Kajzer, threateningto break into the shop and beat the merchant.When the police arrived, the demonstrators weredispersed, but propaganda calling for a boycott onJewish owned shops and businesses increased inthe city.

The Jews between the two World Wars

With the outbreak of World War I, Kielce passedfrom hand to hand several times. In August of1914, the Austrians conquered it, but after a shorttime, the Russians retook it. With their reentryinto the city, the Russian army command levied acontribution upon all of the city's inhabitantstotaling 100 thousand rubles, and the Jews wererequired to pay half of this sum. In 1915, thesituation of the Jews was improved after thearmies of Austria and Germany reconqueredKielce. A Jewish committee was established atthe time, headed by Rabbi Jerusalimski, which

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14 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

dealt with aid to soldiers and found places inJewish private homes in which to board thewounded. In April 1915, the Jewish committeecollected contributions of 6,800 rubles for needyJews.

In December 1916, the occupation forces heldelections for the municipal council. 4 Jews, 3"Endeks" and 3 members of the "DemocraticLeague" were elected to the council. However,the large number of the Jewish representativesprompted the resistance of the Polish inhabitants.

In Kielce, as in several other places, there was apogrom as soon as the war was over. OnNovember 11, 1918, a meeting of Jews was heldin the hall of the "Polaski" theatre, where theydebated establishing a national Jewish council inPoland in accordance with the suggestion of theZionist leaders, headed by leak Grynbaum. OnSienkiewicza Street, outside the theatre hall, aPolish mob, including many discharged soldiersgathered. The Jews in the hall were not aware ofthe approaching danger. The mob broke into thehall and began to beat the audience. The Polishpolice arrested the members of the meeting'sleadership, who were sitting on the stage. Fromthe theatre hall, the riots spread to the nearbystreets and to the train station.

Jewish shops were broken into, Jews were beatenin the streets, and farmers from the surroundingvillages began streaming to Kielce when theyheard about the riots. The Polish police, whichwas afraid of a massacre, stopped the farmers andprevented them from entering the city. During thepogrom, 10 Jews were murdered and about 400injured. On November 24th, a delegation of Jewsfrom Kielce, in which leak Grynbaumparticipated, met with Marshall Pilsudski, andgave him a report regarding the events in Kielce.Pilsudski told the members of the delegation thatit was not possible for him to intervene, since thematter was in the hands of the civilian authorities.Several rioters were caught and put on trial, butthey were given light sentences.

The main sources of income for the Jews of Kielceduring the period between the two World Warswere commerce and manufacturing. According toa survey done in 1921 by the Joint [Jewish JointDistribution Committee] in Poland, whose data isnot complete, there were 633 workshops in Kielce,422 of them in the clothing business, and in this

business 1,198 people were employed, 568 ofthem were Jews. Other manufacturing areas inwhich Jews were prominent were carpentry, whichemployed 42 Jews, and workshops for theproduction of soap and chemicals, in which 50Jews worked. 38 Jews worked in the stone andmarble industry, 9 Jews worked in varioussanitation jobs and 7 in the textile industry.

In 1918, the Jews who were member of the PPSparty established "The Artisan's Union". At thebeginning of the 1920s, they had approximately1,500 members, Jews and a few non-Jews, whowere organized into sections by profession.

In the areas of small trade and peddling, the Jewsalso constituted a majority. In the middle of the20s, there were 4,659 Jewish merchants in Kielce,compared to 1,008 Polish merchants. After WorldWar I, the wealthy Jewish merchants founded the"Merchant's Association", and alongside it, the"Merchant's Club" was founded in 1932, whichincluded members of the free professions and thewealthy merchants. In 1919, two Jews whoowned factories for chemicals and cosmeticstransferred their plants to Eretz Israel.

In 1927, the Polish government required theJewish tobacco merchants to open their shops onSaturdays as well. Only in 1933, after a lengthystruggle, did they receive permission from thedistrict authorities to close their businesses onSaturdays. Two Jewish banks were established inKielce. In 1926, a group of middle class artisansand merchants opened the "Popular Bank"(Folksbank), which was mainly occupied withdistributing the aid funds from the Joint and whichencouraged savings among the Jewish artisans. In1928, the capital holdings of this bank stood at8,000 zloty. Every year, the "Popular Bank"contributed 250 zloty to the Jewish National Fundand supported the welfare institutions of the citywith smaller sums. The second bank was acommercial cooperative bank, "Handlowy Bank".In 1928, its capital holdings stood at 50,000 zloty.Aside from these two, a "Discount Bank" and a"Credit Bank" were also established. In 1931,most of the banks closed due to the crisis thenoccurring in Poland.

A few years before World War II, a "Merchant'sand Industrialists Credit Cooperative" wasestablished in Kielce, which was in operation until1939. In the second half of the 1930s, the

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 15

artisans' and merchants' cooperatives fell upondifficult times. In 1936, the Joint transferredspecial aid to the "Popular Bank" totaling 6,000zloty, after a meeting of its representatives withDr. Dawid Szwajcer, one of the leaders of theEuropean bureau of the Joint, who was touringPoland in December 1935.

At the beginning of the 1920s, Jewish laborersparticipated in general strikes that broke out inKielce. In September 1923, Jewish laborers at theshoe workshops began a strike that continued forfour days. In November 1923, 250 Jewish andPolish laborers who worked in the tailoringworkshops went on strike. In February 1924,members of the "Bund", PPS and the communistsestablished a joint front in the professionalstruggle of the laborers of the city. In October1931, a strike broke out that encompassed 5,000laborers in the shoemaking industry, one of thelargest branches of manufacturing in Kielce andthe surrounding area. The owners of the factoriesdid not give in to the demands of the strikers andthe laborers had to return to work at their formerterms of payment. During the demonstration onMay 1, 1938, the demonstrators clashed withpolice forces who were dispersing thedemonstration and dozens of laborers wereinjured. In July 1938, 12 Polish laborers,members of PPS, and 7 Jewish laborers were puton trial for disturbing the peace during thedemonstration.

Towards the end of World War I, Zionist activitystarted up again in Kielce. In 1917, a branch ofthe "Mizrachi" was established in the city. In June1921, the members of the "Mizrachi", then themost active Zionist party in Kielce, started a studyhall for learning the principals of religiousZionism. In 1930, the movement held its regionalconvention in Kielce. In 1919, "Tzi'irei Zion"[Youth of Zion] began to be active in Kielce; thenumber of members and supporters of thismovement in Kielce reached 200. In October1918, Zionist supporters from the district gatheredin Kielce in order to renew the activities for EretzIsrael. At an additional assembly that was heldtwo years later, 25 delegates participated whorepresented the branches of the Zionist movementin 15 towns in the area. Before the 13th ZionistCongress (in 1923), Zionist "shekels" were sold inKielce totaling 47 million (inflated) marks. In1924, a branch of the "Hachsharat Hayeshuv"company was established in the city. The

company collected funds for the settlement inEretz Israel. In 1929-1930, 7,572 zloty wereraised in Kielce for the Jewish National Fund.

Over the years, the number of Zionists in Kielcegrew. Before the 15th Zionist Congress (in 1927),there were only 490 people with voting rights inKielce; on the eve of the 17th Congress (in 1931),their numbers had increased to 789, and for theelections to the 18th Zionist Congress (in 1933),the number of those with voting rights had goneup to 2,077; 732 of them participated in theelections. Before the 21st Congress, which tookplace in 1939, their number reached 2,953, ofwhich 2,117 actually voted. The election resultsin Kielce were as follows:

Party

Al HamishmarEt LivnotHaMizrachiPoalei Zion Z"S*RevisionistsState PartyWorking EretzIsrael BlocPoalei Zion Left

The Congress15th1927

4015

23412——

-

--

17th1931

3816

219—

138—

130

--

18th1933

1555

332—

398—

770

--

20th193739832

555——2

1089

--

21st1939307

5695

««4

977

128

* Zionist Socialists

The "Shomer HaTza'ir" [Young Guard] cell wasestablished in 1916. Its founders were severalstudents in the upper classes who were studying atthe Polish Gymnasium in the city. There were 3troops in the movement. During the pogrom ofNovember 1918, several of the cell's leaders wereinjured, and as a consequence, activity was haltedfor two years. In 1925, the first graduates movedto Eretz Israel. In 1936, there were 25 activecounselors in the "Shomer HaTza'ir" cell inKielce who led the troops of youth and children.In 1930, the members of the "Mizrachi"established branches of the "Shomer Dati"[Religious Guard] and the "Chalutz" [Pioneer]youth movements in Kielce, which had 65members combined. During this period a branchof Beitar was also established. In 1933, a violentdisagreement broke out between members of the"Chalutz" kibbutz in the city and several Beitarmembers. In consequence, the police arrested 9members of Beitar and 4 members of the"Chalutz". In 1939, violent squabbles broke outas well, this time between members of Beitar andmembers of the "Shomer HaTza'ir" in Kielce, and

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16 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

the police was forced to intervene and arrested twoof the movements' members.

In 1929, a training kibbutz of the "Chalutz"movement was established in Kielce, which waspart of a bloc of kibbutzim named for Borochov.To begin with, the kibbutz had 20 members. Itwas housed on Piotrkowska Street, in a buildingthat had formerly been a brewery. The membersworked in carpentry, in the tailoring workshop, inthe locksmith's shop and at various porter andtransport jobs. In October 1933, the number ofkibbutz members reached 130 members, of which48 were girls. In Kielce, a public committeeheaded by the banker Rozenberg was establishedwhich supported the kibbutz. In 1935, CwiaLubatkin, who was the coordinator of the work ofthe "Freiheit" ('Dror') [Freedom] movement in thedistrict joined the Kielce kibbutz. Due to thegrowth in the number of members, the kibbutzmoved to three buildings on Zagorska Street. Inone house were the administration, the kitchen, thedining hall and bakery; the two others served asliving quarters. During the second half of the 30s,the kibbutz underwent a crisis due to the difficultyin finding jobs for the members. They haddifficulty paying the rent and in 1936, theirnumber had dropped to only 54 members; onlyhalf of them had found jobs.

At the beginning of the 30s, the young people of"Agudat Yisra'el" formed several structuredactivities for their members. In October 1931, agirls' organization was established whichcombined social activity with courses for learningPolish and lectures on literature and history. InAugust 1932, the "Pirchei Agudat Yisra'el" wasestablished, an organization for social activity forthe children learning at the "Yesodei Torah"[Foundations of the Torah] school. This activitywas supported by the rabbi of Kielce, RabbiAwraham Aba1 le HaKohen Rapaport, the son ofRabbi Tuwia Gutman (until 1924, RabbiAwraham Aba'le served as the head of therabbinical court; he perished in the Shoah).Among the later rabbis of the city were RabbiAlter Josef Baruch Horberg, who was also thehead of the rabbinical court; Rabbi MoszeTrajtman; and Rabbi Cwi Hersz Grinszpan.

In the 20s, Orthodox circles dominated in theKielce community. In June 1930, an internaldisagreement broke out in the communityadministration due to a financial deficit of 70

thousand zloty that had accumulated in its coffers.The deficit was caused by irregularities in thelevying of taxes on kosher slaughter andunnecessary expenditures. The members of theopposition on the council, representatives of theZionist list and the artisans' unions, applied to theauthorities and requested to appoint an overseerfor the community. In May 1931, elections wereheld for the community in which the Zionist listand the lists close to it won a majority of the votes.The Zionist list, in which the "Mizrachi" membersalso participated, won three of the seats on thecommunity council; two Chassidic lists won 5seats together; the list of small artisans and this listof artisans, which were close to the Zionistsreceived 3 seats; the "Agudat Yisra'el" and"Poalei Agudat Yisra'el" list received 2 seats.Cwi-Hersz Zagajski, a well-known communityactivist, one of the heads of the industrialists in thecity and a member of the municipal council waselected to the position of chairman of thecommunity. Benjamin Lew, an "Agudat Yisra'el"man, was elected as his assistant. In elections thatwere held for the community council in September1936, the Zionists' strength decreased. Therewere 2,572 voters participating in the election, outof 4,400 people with voting rights. The unifiedZionist list received 2 seats, the artisan's list - 2,the Revisionists - 2, "Poalei Zion" - 1, the smallartisans - 1, "Agudat Yisra'el" - 2, the twoChassidic lists - 4. The position of chairman ofthe community was held by Simcha-BunemGoldman, an "Agudat Yisra'el" man, until theoutbreak of the war. His assistant, Josef-ElchananEhrlich, was a Zionist.

In November 1928, the Zagajski brothers donated$5,000 to acquire a 20-room house to be the oldage home of the community.

In the middle of the 20s, a Jewish elementaryschool with seven grades opened in Kielce, but itwas closed a short time later. In 1929, the headsof the community applied to the educationalauthorities at the municipality and requested apermit to open a Jewish school again, but wereturned down. During 1934-1936, 6 "cheders"were opened that functioned as private elementaryschools. On the eve of World War I, there alsowas a Jewish Gymnasium, which shut down at thebeginning of the 20s due to lack of budget. Theattempts to reopen it in 1929 fell through. In1931, the people of "Agudat Yisra'el" establisheda yeshiva for advanced students in Kielce called

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 17

"Keter Torah" [Crown of Torah], sort of acontinuing institution for the "Yesodei HaTorah"school that operated in the city. The yeshiva wasestablished with help from the Chassidim ofRadom (cf.) and the rabbi of Radom wasappointed to be its principal. In 1934, the Jewishrepresentatives to the municipal councilsucceeding in obtaining funding to build a newbuilding for the Talmud Torah in the city.

The Jewish political movements in Kielcedeveloped varied cultural activities. In 1926, the"Poalei Zion" party established a cultural societythat held evening courses for laborers in whichthey studied Polish, geography, and history. Also"Poalei Agudat Yisra'el" held similar eveningclasses for their members. In 1920, a branch ofthe "Herzelia" society for teaching the Hebrewlanguage was opened in Kielce and the membersof the Zionist movements were active in it. In1925, some young educated secularists opened the"Association of Friends of the Hebrew Universityin Jerusalem" in Kielce, which gatheredcontributions for the university which had justopened. In 1936, a branch of the "Kultur Liga"(Culture League) was opened at the initiative ofthe fans of Yiddish culture. The most activecultural organization in the city was the "Tarbut"branch. It was established in 1913 at the initiativeof the supporters of the Zionist movement. The"Tarbut" branch was closed for lack of budget in1938. In 1927, "Tarbut" opened a public libraryin the city; initially it had only 300 volumes, but in1929 the number of volumes reached 6,927 andthere were over 300 subscribers. A second library,named for I. L. Peretz, in which there were 600books in Yiddish, operated alongside the "KulturLiga", and a third library, for the Orthodox public,was run by the young people of "AgudatYisra'el".

A small Jewish theatre was opened in Kielce. Inthe middle of the 20s, the actors Ida Kaminska andZygmunt Torkow arrived in Kielce from Warsawin order to help in guiding the local troupe. Mostof the important Jewish theatres in Polandperformed their plays in Kielce, which, in the 30s,contained a large audience of Jewish theatregoers.Between 1921-1926, a weekly literary publicationin Yiddish appeared in Kielce, "KielcerWochenblat". In 1931, for a short time, the"Kielcer Unzer Express" was published, a localedition of the newspaper "Unzer Express" whichwas published in Warsaw. In 1934, for about a

year, the newspaper "Neue Kielcer Zeitung" waspublished. The most important newspaperpublished in Kielce was "Kielcer Zeitung", whichappeared between 1932-1939. At first, it was anapolitical weekly, but from 1934 onwards, it wasidentified with the "Poalei Zion Z"S". Thenewspaper printed approximately 500 copies.

In October 1927, elections were held for themunicipal council of the city of Kielce. Ten seatswere allotted to the Jewish lists: 5 to the "NationalJewish Bloc", 4 to the ultra-Orthodox list and oneto the artisans' list. Among the Polish lists, whichreceived 23 seats, the Endeks won 11 seats on thecouncil, PPS received 4 and the "Senacia" (theruling party) - 4. Two Jews were elected to serveon the municipal administration. Therepresentatives of the Endeks conducted a struggleagainst the Jewish representatives and foiled everyproposal to subsidize Jewish educationalinstitutions, and after several months, the twoJewish representatives resigned from themunicipal administration. In 1939, a disagreementbroke out between the Jewish lists, which were notable to put together a joint list in advance of thecoming municipal elections. In the elections, therepresentatives of the "Senacia" received 17 seats,PPS - 16, the Endeks - 6, while the Jews, 30% ofthe population of Kielce, did not have a singlerepresentative, since there had been no Jewish list.Due to the disagreement over the joint list, most ofthe Jews of the city voted for the PPS list.

The 30s were filled with anti-Semitic activity,including violence. Kielce was one of thestrongholds of the Endeks [National Democrats] inPoland. In August 1932, the police arrested 16Endek activists in the villages around Kielce whohad pistols in their possession and were planningto arrive in the city and start anti-Semitic riots. InJanuary 1933, with the Nazi's rise to power inGermany, the Endeks demonstrated in Kielce,demanding a limit on the rights of Jews in Polandas well. The local police intervened and arrestedthe leaders of the inciters. In 1933, four trialswere conducted against anti-Semitic inciters whowere sentenced to 6 months imprisonment for actsof violence against Jews. In November 1934, a60-year-old Jewish merchant, leak Kaplan, hiselderly mother and an additional Jew who waswith them, Benjamin Zyskind, were murderedclose to the city. A young 23-year-old Polishman, Stanislaw Kroszac, was accused of themurder. In December 1935, shortly after the

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18 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

promulgation of the Nuremberg Laws,representatives of the Endeks succeeded inenacting a decision in the municipal councilsupporting the anti-Jewish steps in Germany. InMay 1936, a 17-year-old Polish boy complainedto the police that he had been attacked by a groupof Jews at the entrance to a Jewish shop. Thepolice investigation revealed that the boy hadtaunted Jews who were standing at the entrance ofthe shop and that they had assaulted him andinjured him with a knife. The police arrested 30Jews and two of them were sentenced to prison.In October 1936, the Jewish cemetery wasdesecrated and 100 tombstones were shattered.During these years, there was propaganda inKielce to boycott Jewish businesses. In 1937, themembers of the "Endecia" stood guard by theJewish shops in the city and photographed thePoles who went into them to shop. In September1937, a group of Poles attacked Jews strolling inone of the city's parks and beat them with sticksand iron rods. As a result of this incident, fightsbroke out between members of the "Bund" andPPS members who joined them and the anti-Semitic mob, and one of the rioters was seriouslyinjured. The night after the riots, the home of aJewish family was set on fire by unknownperpetrators. The fire spread to nearby homes andapproximately 50 Jewish families were leftwithout shelter.

Violent acts in Kielce reached a peak in October1937: five Jews from two families, the family ofthe merchant Mosze Szmulewicz and the family ofJakob Rozenholc were murdered by rioters. At atrial that was held for the three murders, theirleader was sentenced to death and his two partnersreceived prison sentences of 13-15 years.

During World War II

THE YEARS 1939-1942

Kielce did not suffer greatly from the bombingruns of the German air force at the outbreak of thewar, because the Germans did not want to destroythe industrial infrastructure of the city. Theymeant to exploit the city after the occupation fortheir war economy. On September 3rd, the Polisharmy's lines of defense collapsed in the area anda panic-stricken retreat began of soldiers andcivilians, among them many Jews. On September4th in the afternoon, the German army enteredKielce. The day after the occupation, there werestill spots of resistance in the city by soldiers who

hid in the houses and sniped at the Germansoldiers. In response, the Germans shelled thehomes from which there had been shooting, andabout 80 civilians, Jews among them, were killed.On September 10th, Adolf Hitler passed throughthe occupied city, together with the heads of theGerman army on their way to Opole (cf.)

In the middle of September 1939, the Germansarrested Jewish and Polish public figures. Theytook the head of the Jewish community, thebusiness owners who were left in the city, andactivists in the left wing party as hostages.Among those arrested was also the mayor StefanArtwinski, a PPS activist. He was murdered onNovember 7th, 1939. In one of their first orders,the Germans forbade Jews to walk on the mainstreets of the city. The German administrationthat was established in Kielce began to confiscateJewish property, homes and shops, and transferredthem to special commissars who collected the rentthat had been paid to the Jews. In the first months,the commissars still paid the Jewish propertyowners a portion of the rents, but by the end of1939, these payments ceased. The Jews wererequired to turn over to the occupationalauthorities the food stocks they had gathered intheir homes, their radios and work tools. Laborersbegan to be kidnapped for forced labor, mainly forclearing the rubble from the streets of the city.

On September 21, 1939 a Judenrat [Jewishcouncil] was established, headed by Dr. MoshePelc, who had been active before the war in theJewish aid services in Kielce. Herman Lewi wasappointed as his assistant. The two secretaries ofthe Judenrat were Gotlib and Triger. A Jewishpolice force was also established and JehudaSzindler, a Jew of German extraction, was put atits head. His assistants were Gener Gutman andOtto Glansztajn. There were 150 policemenserving with the Jewish police. They were armedwith cudgels, wore a special ribbon on theirsleeves and hats on their heads.

The first mission given to the Jewish council wasto give the Germans a list of the names of the Jewsof Kielce aged 15 to 50, by age, gender andoccupation. The Judenrat was also ordered togather a contribution of 800 thousand zloty for theGermans.

According to the census held by the Judenrat,there were 18,000 Jews in Kielce in September of

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 19

1939. By March of 1940, the Jewish populationgrew to 25,400 souls, due to the mass deportationsof the Jews from western Poland. Refugees fromLodz and Kalisz and about 3,000 deportees fromKrakôw were brought to Kielce. In February1941, an additional 1,000 Jews from Viennaarrived, and in March 1941, an additional 4transports arrived with 6,500 additional deporteesfrom Vienna. The masses of refugees who arrivedin the city had difficulty finding places to live, andapproximately 1,500 of them were housed in themain synagogue. In December 1940, the Germansrestructured the Judenrat. Moshe Pelc, whorefused to follow an order he was given - to injectterminally ill patients in the Jewish hospital withpoison - was arrested and sent to Auschwitz,where he was killed. His assistant, Herman Lewi,formerly the owner of a furniture factory, wasappointed head of the Jewish council. In the newJudenrat, that numbered 24 members, there were

5 members of the free professions and clerks, 5merchants, 4 laborers, 4 artisans, 4 industrialistsand 2 refugees. With the reconstitution of theJudenrat, departments were established forpopulation registration, administration, money andtaxes, for labor, for health and social aid, forhousing, for education and for youth.

On September 15, 1940, a night curfew wasinstituted for all of Kielce. Jews were required toremain in their homes from 8 in the evening until6 the next morning. For four days, from April 2,1941 until the 5th, Jews were concentrated intotwo ghettos, and the names of the streets withintheir areas were changed to Jewish names. In thetwo ghettos together, there were about 500 homes,in which about 15 thousand people could live; infact, over 25 thousand Jews crowded into them.The ghetto had two entrances: one on OkszejaStreet and the second on Nowa WarszawskaStreet. The Judenrat offices and the Jewish postoffice were on Staro-Warszawka PrzedmieszczaStreet. The headquarters of the Jewish police wasin the Judenrat building as well, and in a nearbybuilding, they had several holding cells, of whichPoliceman Birnbaum was in charge. Jews whowere caught trying to leave the ghetto gateswithout a permit or for other offences were heldthere. An additional headquarters of the policewas on the other side of the Silnica River, whichflowed through the ghetto, and PolicemanSzlezinger was in charge of it.

The Germans established an organization ofJewish artisans in Kielce, which supplied itsworkers with work tools and raw materials. In thebeginning of 1940, approximately 800 Jewishartisans, aged 18 to 35, worked in the textileindustry. In the Autumn of 1940, 60 Jewishcobblers set up a cooperative union. The dailywage in the "shops" that the Germans set up was3 zloty for a female worker and 4 zloty for a man.In addition to the work in the ghetto, in July 1940,the Germans began recruiting laborers for laborcamps. At first, 1,000 Jewish men were enlistedand sent to labor camps in the area. At thebeginning of 1941, a short time before the Jewswere transferred to the ghettos, the Germansinstructed the Judenrat to prepare a new list oflaborers, who were sent to the labor camp atHrubieszôw (cf.). Several work groups wereestablished in the ghetto that went out daily towork at the camps that were set up at Sitkowkaand Miedzianka. When these groups left andreentered the ghetto, members of the Jewish policeforce accompanied them.

At the beginning of 1941, the Germans establishedseveral labor camps in the Kielce area, in whichapproximately 2,000 laborers worked, mainly inthe stone quarries. In the spring of 1941, theJewish laborers were taken to Belzec to buildfortifications against tanks on the German-Sovietborder. At the end of 1941, Jews from the ghettowere taken to the labor came at Lascin. TheJudenrat kept in touch with the Jews who weresent to the labor camps and sent them food andclothing worth a total of 50,000 zloty.

At the initiative of the Judenrat and with fundingfrom the Joint, two soup kitchens were set up inKielce itself, which were administered by ManjaBinoszwicz, an activist in the JSS [Jiidische SozialSelbsthilfe = Jewish self-help organization] inKielce. One kitchen was at 29 Nowa Swiat Streetand the other at 4 Szoroka Street. When theyopened in the autumn of 1940, 600 meals a daywere distributed from these kitchens, and by thebeginning of 1941, that number had doubled. Themeals in these public kitchens included a portionof bread and a bowl of soup. In March 1940, thehospital was expanded: departments for infectiousdiseases, gastro-enterology and pediatrics wereadded. In December 1940, the Judenrat opened anorphanage and an old age home.

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20 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

In January 1941, German policemen captured twoJews when they were coming out of the mikve(ritual bath) on the eve of the Sabbath, led themthrough the streets of the city and finally shotthem. In February 1941, the commander of theGerman police in Kielce, Hauptmann (Major)Hans Gaier planted two collaborators in theJewish police force to deliver information aboutwhat was going on in the Jewish police. Gaierwas known for his acts of robbery and theft. Heused to enter the ghetto and take jewelry andvaluable objects from Jews. At the end of 1941,Ernst Karl Thomas, the S.S. officer who had beenappointed as head of the Gestapo in Kielce,arrived in the city. Thomas, a man of about 60with a doctorate of philosophy, commanded thedeportation of the Jews of Kielce to theextermination camps together with Gaier.

THE YEARS 1942-1943

In March 1942, an "Aktion" was held in Kielceagainst "Communist Activists" and former officersin the Polish army whose names were known tothe Germans, during which three Jewish doctorswere also caught: Szac, Szmeterling and MarekRozenberg. They were sent to Auschwitz andmurdered there. Similar "Aktions" were held thenin several other cities in the General-Governmentas a preliminary measure to deporting the Jews tothe extermination camps. In the summer of 1942,units of auxiliary police, Lithuanians andUkrainians, arrived in Kielce as well as forces ofthe security police in the S.S. commanded byPirot. These units, which were joined bypolicemen from the Jewish public order policeforce of Czestochowa (cf.), dealt with theliquidation of the ghettos in the Radom district.On August 19, 1942, a coordinating meeting ofthe commanders of the various units was held, andThomas detailed the order of the comingdeportation of the Jews of Kielce: on Thursday,August 20, 1942, the Jews who lived on the innerstreets of the ghetto, and on Monday, August 24,it would be the turn of the Jews in the area of thesynagogue. The members of the Judenrat, themembers of the ghetto administration, and themembers of the Jewish police force would beallowed to remain in Kielce with their families.

The evening before Thursday, August 20, 1942,German police forces and auxiliary forcessurrounded the ghetto. The members of theJewish police force went through the ghetto and

instructed the Jews to prepare for a journey.Everyone was allowed to take along a packagethat weighed up to 25 kilograms with personaleffects and food. Those who were destined fordeportation were concentrated in the synagogueand there Ernst Thomas held a selection. Youngpeople and those in good physical condition weretaken out of the group and returned to the ghetto.They were housed in several barracks on TargowaStreet. The rest of the Jews were led to the trainstation through a special opening that was openedin the fences around the ghetto; there they shoved130 people into each of the 60 freight cars thatstood in the station. In the cars, which had stoodfor many hours in the sun, it was extremely hot,but the Germans accompanying them threatenedthe Jewish policemen with execution if they daredto give the deportees water or food. Also on thesecond and third days of the deportation, a newgroup of Jews was lined up, and this time, theselection was made before they reached theconcentration point. Old people and the sick weretaken out of the ranks and shot in the nearbyhouses and yards. The Jewish police force wasordered to remove the bodies and to clean up thebloodstains. On the third day of the deportation,August 24th, the Jewish hospital was totallyliquidated as well. On this day, Gaier and Thomasheld an additional selection among those who hadbeen removed from the deportees on the first andsecond days and added more people to the finaldeportation.

After the deportations were over, the members ofthe German security police and Jewish policemenwent through the houses looking for peoplehiding. Jews who were caught were shot on thespot. On the last day of the deportations, theGermans also murdered the head of the Jewishpolice force, Jehuda Szindler, and insteadappointed a German Jew, Johan Szpigiel.

In all, 3,000 Jews were murdered during thosedays in Kielce and they were buried in a massgrave that was dug by the Silnica River. Beforetheir burial, jewelry and valuables were removedfrom the bodies and gold teeth were extracted.The numbers of those deported from Kielce duringthe three days of the "Aktion" was estimated to be21,000. They were murdered at Treblinka.

After this deportation about 1,600 Jews stillremained in Kielce. All of the members of theJudenrat and the Jewish police were transferred to

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 21

the community building. The Jews who were ableto work who had been taken out during theselections were housed, as we mentioned, inseveral barracks on Targowa Street. On Tuesday,August 25th, there was a census of thoseremaining. Most were men, but there were 150women among them and 40-60 children. Theinspection was held close to the synagogue and thecommunity administration building.

For the Jews who remained in Kielce, a "smallghetto" was established in the western part of theold ghetto. It had one exit, close to the building inwhich the Jewish police and Judenrat offices werelocated.

Already on the third day of the deportation, thelast of the Jews of Kielce were put to work -cleaning the houses and the streets which had beenvacated and collecting the abandoned property. Inthese tasks, work platoons of Poles workedalongside the Jews, commanded by a Germanpoliceman, Erich Walschlanger. The property thatremained in the ghetto was considered stateproperty and was taken in carts to collection andsorting areas.

In the afternoon, they would return the Jews whoworked at gathering the property to the "smallghetto" for lunch. They were allowed to take withthem food products that they found in the homesof the deportees. As a result, at this period, theconditions of hunger and want did not continue inthe ghetto as they had before the deportations.The sorting and collecting work continued manymonths and during this period no further"Aktions" were held.

The Judenrat, headed by Herman Lewi, wasliquidated on November 20, 1942. As far as isknown, Lewi and his family members and othermembers of the Jewish council were taken to theJewish cemetery and murdered there. A centralperson in the "small ghetto" who was responsiblefor the Jewish workers vis a vis the Germans wasa former Judenrat member, Gotlib. The Germansleft 13 Jewish doctors in the ghetto and their jobwas to care for the thousands imprisoned in thelabor camps that had been established in the areaaround Kielce. On March 21, 1943, the Jewishdoctors were also murdered. All of them, exceptDr. Rajter, were taken to the Jewish cemetery andshot to death. Along with them, their families

were murdered as well, including about 20children.

In September 1942, the HASAG Company set upa factory for the production of ammunition andgrenades in Kielce, which employed 500 Jews andPoles. Other Jews of those who remained in theghetto were employed in workshops and industriesin the area of the "small ghetto". They receivedfood portions that included a kilogram of breadper week, a little coffee and soup. In November1942, 200 Jews from Kielce who had worked atthe HAS AG-GRANAT factory were transferred toa labor camp at the ammunition works of HASAGin Skarzysko Kamienna (cf.). In April 1943,another 50 Jewish workers from the ghetto weretransferred there. The "small ghetto" existed untilMay 1943. The remaining one thousand Jewswere concentrated in a field close to the trainstation. Gaier and his policemen held a selectionduring which all of the children under the age of14 were murdered in a nearby house. The otherswere transferred to several labor camps; 170 Jewswere sent to the HASAG plant in Skarzysko-Kamienna; an additional 500 Jews were dividedinto three groups: two groups were sent to thewood factories in Henrykôw and the foundry inLudwikôw and the third group was sent to thelabor camp Pionki.

In Ludwikôw, an underground group organized,commanded by Dawid Browiner and GerszonLewkowicz. They contacted the Polishunderground and were able to acquire severalpistols, and also made their own hand grenades.The head of the Jewish camp, Johan Szpigiel, toldthe Germans about the group, and on May 29,1943, the German Police force surrounded thecamp. The members of the organization werecaught and executed. As a result of these events,the camp was liquidated and those imprisonedthere were transferred to the camp at Skarzysko-Kamienna. Underground activities wereorganized at the Pionki camp as well, where theprisoners were employed in a munitions factory.The group that organized there planned a prisonerescape to join the partisans. On May 10, 1944,about 20 prisoners succeeded in escaping. Someof them joined a unit of Russian partisans; 5 otherswere murdered by anti-Semitic partisans from theNSZ forces (the armed National forces).

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22 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

After the War

At the end of the war, about 250 Jews returned toKielce, most of them from among those who hadfled to the Soviet Union when the war broke out.About 200 of them lived in a block of apartmentsat 7 Planty Street. In this house, the offices of therenewed Jewish community were also located, thedepartment for religious services and the trainingkibbutz of "Hanoar Hatzioni" [Zionist Youth]. InAugust 1945, the "Jewish Committee" organizedin Kielce, headed by Dr. Kahan. The committeebegan to care for the Jewish refugees who returnedto the city, including a group of survivors fromAuschwitz. The aid and rehabilitation wasfinanced, as in other places in Poland during theseyears, by funds from the Joint.

ANTI-SEMITISM & THE POGROM OF 1946

In December 1945, a grenade was thrown at thebuilding at 7 Planty Street. The grenade did notcause damage to people or property, but theincident caused a panic among the Jews who livedin the building. A delegation of the "JewishCommittee" turned to the municipal BishopKaczmark and requested that he take action tomoderate the wild anti-Semitic activity that wastaking place in the city. The Bishop received thetwo Jewish representatives, Kahan and Alpert, andduring a conversation that lasted for two hours,presented them with his position that it would bebest for the Jews to return to their traditionaloccupations in commerce and the free professions,in which they had excelled in the past. Theinvolvement of Jews in political matters, theirinfluence on the new administration in Poland andthe new positions they held in the publicadministration and the government staff arousedthe opposition of the Polish citizens. Therefore,the Bishop said, one can understand the enmity thePoles have for the Jews. The members of the"Jewish Committee" turned in this matter also tothe head of the Catholic Church in Poland,Cardinal Hlond, but he also refused to interveneand to come out openly against the activities of theanti-Semites and against the violence that wasspreading in the city. In May 1946, MichaelZylberberg, the secretary of the "Committee ofReligious Communities" that had been establishedafter the war, met with Cardinal Hlond. In thisconversation, which was defined as private, theCardinal did indeed express his opposition to

attacks on Jews and condemned anti-Semitism inthe country, but he refused to publish a publicstatement to the community of believers in Poland.

On July 4, 1946, at 8 o'clock in the morning, aman appeared in the streets of Kielce with his 8-year-old child, Henryk Blaszczak. They said thatthe Jews who lived at 7 Planty Street hadkidnapped the child, and that an additional 12children that the Jews had kidnapped were hiddenin the building. According to the two, the Jewsintended to murder all of these children. The childpointed to a Jew who was passing by in the street- a man who was known to be mentally unstable- and said that he was the man who had kidnappedhim and hidden in him the cellar of the Jewishcommunity building. Henryk Blaszczak hadindeed disappeared from his home on July 1,1946. He was hidden by his father, a chronicdrunkard, in the house of Antony Pasowski inKielce, and later transferred to a small farm in thevillage of Bielki, where he was held in the homeof the farmer Tadeusz Borzecki until July 3,1946.The boy's father staged the entire kidnapping.One of the theories was that the father did thisbecause he feared that the Jews who had returnedto Kielce would demand the return of theapartment in which he was living, whose ownershad been deported to Treblinka. Perhaps he hopedthat the story of his son's kidnapping by the Jewswould cause a provocation that would cause theJews to leave the city.

After an hour, at 9 in the morning, the rumorsabout the "kidnapping" had spread all over thecity, and across from the Jewish communitybuilding, a large crowd had gathered. The first togather were groups of women, who began to callout anti-Semitic slogans and incite against theJews. At 10, policemen arrived at the buildingand conducted a search of its rooms. They didn'tfind the children who were supposed to have beenhidden there, and besides that, the building didn'teven have a basement. But the rabble outsidebegan throwing stones and breaking the windowsof the building. At 10:30, the first Jew wasmurdered. This,was the tinsmith Berl Fridman,who was removed from the building by thepolicemen and murdered by the mob. The Jews inthe building fortified their positions and took outthe arms that they had with permits for purposesof defense. At 12:00, a group of policemen

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 23

commanded by Sergeant Wladislaw Blachotarrived. They entered the building and took fromthe Jews the little bit of arms that they had. Oneof the policemen even shot at Dr. Kahan and killedhim. The policemen began to throw Jews out ofthe windows into the street. And meanwhile, themob that had gathered outside broke open thedoors to the building and pushed inside. In aninquiry that was held after the fact, it wasestablished that Blachot was the only policeman ofthe group who entered the building; all of theothers who were with him were hooliganspretending to be policemen.

At 10 o'clock, before the mob broke into thebuilding, Dr. Kahan telephoned the districtadministration and informed them that over 5,000people had surrounded the building and wereabout to break in. When the militia arrived, thepogrom was already underway and it was notpossible to stop the rioters. The representative ofthe authorities, Henryk Urbanowicz, refused togive the order to the members of the militia toshoot towards the mob in order to disperse it. Asa result of the telephone call of Dr. Kahan, theauthorities called upon the security police inKielce, which was located in Porszaj Street, adistance of 10 minutes walk from Planty Street.Major Wladislaw Subczinski, the commander ofthe station, was requested to send a unit for riotcontrol, but he refused, claiming that the membersof his unit had been busy the previous night inactivity against the underground and were unableto go out to another mission. Only at four o'clockin the afternoon did a unit of soldiers arrive atPlanty Street and put an end to the pogrom.During an entire day, thousands of incited riotersattacked a small group of Jews and no officialauthority took any real steps to stop the pogrom.In the final accounting, 47 Jews were murderedthat day on Planty Street, among them pregnantwomen and children. The riots spread to the trainstation in Kielce and all together between 60 and70 Jews were murdered on July 4, 1946 and about100 were injured.

After the pogrom, 100 Poles were arrested.Twelve of them were put on trial. Nine of theaccused were sentenced to death. In theinvestigation of the incident, it was establishedthat the commander of the security police in thecity, Subczinski, had warnings about riots that

were expected against the Jews some time beforethe pogrom. The Ministry of Internal Security ofthe Polish government found him, as well as threeother officers in the Polish police and the militia,guilty of poor judgement and of not carrying outtheir duties at the time of the incident, but theywere not put on trial.

On the evening of July 4, members of the central"Jewish Committee" in Warsaw arrived in Kielce,among them Dr. Awraham Berman and leakCukierman. The members of the committee metwith the mayor of Kielce and with the districtofficials to decide how to deal with the Jews whohad survived the pogrom. It was settled that theJews, among them also the wounded who hadbeen sent to the hospital in the city, would betransferred from Kielce to Lôdz by a special RedCross train. The injured were taken out of thehospital and the convoy set out accompanied bymilitary personnel and armored vehicles for fearof additional attacks on the survivors. When thetrain reached Lôdz, the injured and the survivorswere transferred to the care of the "JewishCommittee" in the city.

The Catholic Church in Poland did not come outfirmly against the incidents in Kielce. CardinalHlond did condemn the murder, but at the sametime, he insisted that the incidents in Kielce haddeep causes whose source was in the tensionbetween Jews and Poles based on the politicalroles that the Jews had in establishing the newadministration in the country. Central politicalfigures in Poland, such as Stanislaw Mikolaiczikand the Defense Minister Stanislaw Rakowicz,also avoided condemning the incidents in Kielce.In contrast, the prime minister of Poland, Oskowa-Morawski, condemned the pogrom forcefully andsaid that in Kielce the spirit of Nazism that had sorecently held sway at Auschwitz and Maidanekhad once again revealed itself.

The pogrom in Kielce was a traumatic incident forthe Jews of Poland. The Jewish press in thecountry severely condemned the incident and thesecurity forces, who had done nothing, and evenhad encouraged the mob to kill Jews. The pogromin Kielce brought about the consolidation of theJewish Defense Committee, which received armsfor defense from mobs from the nationalauthorities. But the most important result of the

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24 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

incidents in Kielce in the summer of 1946 was theincrease in the wave of people leaving fromPoland - "HaBricha" [The Escape] - towards theshores of Eretz Yisra'el.

The question of who stood behind the pogromagainst the Jews of Kielce after the war was neverclearly answered. Anti-communist elements inPoland tried to cast the blame on the secret police,which operated under the inspiration of politicalelements in Moscow. According to anothertheory, fascist and anti-Semitic groups who wereactive in Poland at this time and who wereconducting a war against the governmentauthorities were responsible for the pogrom.These underground groups murdered hundreds ofJews all over Poland during the years after thewar, whom, they said, were guilty of supportingthe pro-Communist regime that was established inthe country and of treason against Poland.Widespread circles of the Polish public supportedthe slogans that these groups proclaimed, supportthat prepared the ground for the events thatoccurred in Kielce and that enabled the massmurder that took place in the city in the summer of1946.

Bibliography:

Yad Vashem Archives: M1/E175,215,400, 908,2104,2182; 03/2402, 2909, 2985, 3589;02/314, 1000; TR-10/673, 911.

Central Archives for the History of the JewishPeople: HM/2141,5773.

Central Zionist Archives: S5/1707, 1773, 1801;S6/1868; Z3/178; Z4/33,2065, 3003-IV, 3569-IV.

HaShomer HaTza'ir Archive, Givat Chaviva:(1)22.1.2

Training Groups Recount, The Kibbutz Named forBer Borochov, Kielce and Bedzin Groups, Tel-Aviv, 1983. (Hebrew)

Pinchas Cytron, Sefer Kielce. Toldot Kehilat Kielce,Miyom Hivsuduh V'ad Churbanah [SeferKielce, The History of the Kielce Communityfrom its Foundation to its Destruction], Tel-Aviv, 1957. (Hebrew, 328 pp.)

David Sztokfisz (editor), Al betenu she-harav - Funder khorever hey m [About our home which wasdestroyed],Te\-Aviv, 1981.

Adam Massalski & Stanislaw Meducki, Kielce wlatach okupacji hilerowskiej 1939-1945,Wroclaw, 1986, pp. 50-67.

M. Meducka, "2ydowskie instytucje kulturalne wKielcach 1919-1939", BZLH (1984), nos. 1-2(129-130), pp. 61-73.

Bozena Szaynok, Pogrom Êydow w Kielcach 4 lipca1946, Warsaw, 1992. (127 pp.)

Krzystof Urbanski, "Stosunek bogategomieszczaristwa do prob osadnictwazydowskiego w Kielcach 1833-1863",BÊIH(19%5), nos. 133-134, pp. 3-22.

Unzer Wort, No. 5, July 1946.

Befreiung, 20.2.1919.

Das Yidishe Tagblat, 16.10.1931, 1.8.1932,22.8.1933,6.5.1936.

Das Neue Leben, 12.7.1946.

Der Yidisher Arbeter, 22.7.1938.

Haint, 2.3.1910,27.1.1911, 13.10.1912,26.11.1912,4.1.1915,21.3.1915, 12.12.1916, 14.1.1917,19.7.1917,23.7.1917,24.10.1918,15.11.1918,19.11.1918,24.11.1918,25.11.1918,18.12.1918, 14.6.1921,29.6.1921,29.7.1926,13.10.1927,17.11.1927,2.1.1928,3.4.1928,10.5.1928,2.1.1929,24.1.1929, 3.4.1929,15.5.1929,29.11.1929,10.11.1929,12.11.1929,13.3.1930,9.6.1930,23.6.1930,21.12.1930,28.1.1931, 19.2.1931,28.5.1931,21.6.1931, 19.7.1931,26.8.1931,7.9.1931,2.1.1932, 7.1.1933, 26.4.1933, 31.7.1933,29.10.1933,4.1.1934,29.11.1934,2.12.1935,12.12.1935, 31.3.1936,6.5.1936. 13.10.1937,2.11.1937,22.5.1938,21.1.1939,21.5.1939,27.7.1939.

HaMizrachi, 23.9.1919,29.7.1920.

HaTzefira, 24.6.1888.

Lubliner Tagblat, 9.6.1931.

Neue Folkszeitung, 13.10.1927, 10.2.1935,6.7.1937,7.7.1938,22.4.1939.

Gazeta Zydowska, 6.8.1940, 20.8.1940, 3.9.1940,10.9.1940, 17.9.1940,24.9.1940, 1.10.1940,8.11.1940,26.11.1940,24.12.1940,27.12.1940, 18.2.1941, 11.3.1941, 12.5.1941,27.5.1941, 15.8.1941,22.8.1941.

hraelita, 9.3.1890, 17.4.1898,4.9.1898, 12.2.1899,27.8.1899, 11.2.1900,31.3.1900,2.11.1901,7.12.1901, 15.3.1902,23.9.1910.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 25

The History of Anti-Semitism in Kielce During the Holocaust Eraby Rivka Schiller

IntroductionFrom the Jewish community's earliest years to its final years, anti-Semitism was a continuous and ongoingfactor of Jewish life in the Polish city of Kielce. Perhaps this can best be demonstrated by the fact that evenone full year after World War II had drawn to a close and all of the extermination camps had been shut down,a heinous pogrom—brought on by a blood libel charge—took place here. Indeed, this event was so brutaland unanticipated that word of the tragedy spread throughout Poland, eventually reaching the internationalworld. This pogrom was the "last straw" in the long established cycle of Polish persecution of the Jews. Itculminated in the mass exodus of Jewish survivors who had resettled in Poland after World War II.

A. Background Information:

1. Kielce's Geography and Topography

Kielce was the capital of what was known in Yiddish as Kelts Guberniye - the province of Kielce[1867-1917]. The city is located "in southeast Poland, north of Krakow and south of Radom" between thePilica and Wisla Rivers.1 Even before World War II, Kielce contained a major rail junction that connectedsuch urban hubs as Warsaw and Krakow, making it a center for trade. The region was - and continues tobe rich in natural resources, such as lime, timber, and marble. Thus, even today, some of the most heavilyrepresented local professions are metallurgy, mining, and saw milling - to name a few.2

2. The Kehillah 's Foundation and Early Years

Organized Jewish life in Kielce began around 1868. This can be evidenced by the first records ofJewish births listed in Kielce's civil register. Jews were admitted into Kielce in 1818, "but it was not until1868 that czarist authorities recognized an official Jewish community in the city."3 During that year, the fewunorganized Jewish families who were living in the vicinity were granted a designated plot of land on whichto live, as well as a cemetery plot. It also appears that the local Jews established a synagogue during thatsame period.4

These first Jewish inhabitants included "a handful of wealthy Jewish merchants who establishedindustries pertaining to: lime, marble, gravel, and lumber." Certain noted industrialists such as "the Zagajskifamily established furniture factories and lumberyards."5 Overall though, the Jewish community was heavilycomprised of "poor cobblers, tailors, leather stitchers, glaziers, tinsmiths and hucksters."6 Indeed, as of the

1 Israel Gutman, éd., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Vol. 2. (New York, New York: Macmillan PublishingCompany, 1990), p. 800.

2 Columbia-Lippincott Gazetteer, (New York, New York: Columbia University Press, 1952) p. 943; MiriamWeiner, Jewish Roots in Poland. (Secaucus, NJ: The Miriam Weiner Routes to Roots Foundation, Inc.; and NewYork, New York: YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, 1997), p. 58.

3 Weiner, p. 58.

4 The very first reference to Jewish life in Kielce dates back to 1535, at which time Jews were driven out of the city.Christian inhabitants were granted rights under the "Non Tolerantus Judaeus" act, which effectively meant that Jewswould not be permitted to dwell within the city. Finally, in 1863, Jews were permitted to resume residency in thecity. At that time, the Russian Empire granted the independent Jewish community its own cemetery plot. TheJewish population expanded quite rapidly, eventually accounting for approximately 40% of the total population.Rafal Blumenfeld, personal interview no. 1,6 December 2001.

5 Pinkos Hakehillot, Vol. VII: Kielce. (Jerusalem, Israel: Yad Vashem, 1999), p. 491.

6 Rafal Blumenfeld, "Slownik Historii Kieleckich Zydow: Introduction (Excerpt from The Dictionary of the KielceJews)." Kielce-Radom SIG Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2, Spring 1998, p. 26.

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26 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

eve of World War I, approximately 50% of the Jewish population was involved in businesses and craftworkshops. By the turn of the century Jews from neighboring townships began flocking to Kielce. "By 1921the Jews in the city numbered 15,550, about one-third of Kielce's total population. According to the 1931census, the number of Jews in Kielce was 18,083", and by 1939, it had reached an estimated total of 24,000.7

3. Polish-Jewish Relations in Kielce

Following the death of Jozef Pilsudski, Poland's war marshal, statesman, and first president (c. 193 5 )and Adolf Hitler's rise to power in Germany (c. 1932-33), many anti-Semitic acts began to take their toll onJews throughout Poland,8 and in Kielce, in particular. Jews were physically assaulted in the streets and theirproperty was damaged. Stink bombs were frequently thrown into Jewish-owned shops. As these eventsoccurred on a daily basis, Jews soon grew accustomed to this pattern of persecution. On the Jewish Sabbathand on Jewish holidays, Jews discontinued their usual strolls through the park - for fear of being attacked.During the summer, the Jews avoided certain summer lodges - for fear of being pummeled by stones. Themarket days were also sources of fear, since the anti-Semitic hooligans typically would ruin the Jewishvendors' merchandise. The situation for Jews reached such horrific heights that even the most optimisticindividuals began to contemplate their own futures.

In essence, from the time that the Nazis began preparing to wage war, the Poles appeared to care onlyabout one thing: how to rid themselves of their Jewish inhabitants. Moreover, "the anti-Semites in Kielceand her surrounding towns were the most active in tormenting the Jews; thus, the Jews of this region receivedtwice as many afflictions as did the remainder of Poland's Jews."9

In comparison to other Polish towns, Kielce suffered greatly with regard to its total number of Jewishwar victims. Out of a total pre-war population of-25,000 Jews, only tens of Jews returned alive - and eventhese few individuals only survived by way of miracles. It was not enough that, compared to other countries,Poland yielded relatively few righteous gentiles who actively helped in rescuing Jews. What was mostunforgivable was "the fact that the Poles also aided the Nazis in their extermination plans, and madeconcerted efforts towards revealing the Jews' hiding places so that they might come to acquire theirproperty."10

Perhaps most infamous in all of Kielce's history of anti-Semitism was the pogrom of July 4,1946.This occurred more than a full year after the Jews had been liberated and World War II had finally drawnto a close. During this brutal attack, approximately forty-two (the often contradictory numbers vary fromthirty-six to seventy) Jews were murdered and several others were injured." This was the final chapter ofwhat had once been a great and mighty Jewish community.

7 Gutman, éd., p. 800.

8 By 1933, fascist anti-Semitic groups in Poland - namely, the Endeks and the Naras - became increasingly brazen,using the newly elected Hitler as their role model. Jews were frequently removed from positions of employment,synagogues and cemeteries were often desecrated, numerous anti-Semitic riots and disturbances developed, andJewish students who tried to resist anti-Semitic attacks were thrown in prison by the government magistrates. By1937, "the government authorized the universities to allocate the left side of the classrooms for Jews where specialbenches would be available." The anti-Semitic, pro-fascist dictator, Edward Smigly-Rydz succeeded Pilsudski onthe latter's death. "By the end of 1936, he had deemed it politically expedient to compromise with fascist anti-Semitism whenever possible." This, in turn, helped set the stage for Hitler's invasion of Poland two years later.Sachar, Howard M. The Course of Modern Jewish History. (New York: First Vintage Books Edition, August 1990),pp. 429-430.

9 Pinhas Cytron, Sefer Kielce. (Tel Aviv, Israel: Irgun Olei Kieltz in Israel, 1958), pp. 54-55.

10 Ibid., p. 55.

11 The contradictory numbers of dead and injured is partially due to the fact that murders and assaults were alsoperpetrated during the pogrom on railways and bus routes leading to the city. The official statistics — themselvescontradictory — of the pogrom only took into account murdered and wounded within Kielce, proper. MichaelChecinski. "The Kielce Pogrom: Some Unanswered Questions." Soviet Jewish Affairs, 5 (1), 1975, p. 59.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 27

B. The Inter-War Period

1. Kielce Pogrom of 1918: Some Distinguishing Characteristics

From the day that Poland gained her independence from Russia (1918), the situation concerning Jewsin Poland went from bad to worse. From this period forth, the Poles felt it their duty to remind the Jews thatthey were the rightful rulers of the land. This anti-Semitic hostility was demonstrated in various forms: theshaving of Jewish train passengers' beards, the frequent insults directed at Jews, and the throwing of Jewishtrain passengers from the railway cars - precisely as the train was moving at its quickest pace. Indeed, thetrain became so dangerous for Jewish passengers that Jews would rather ride by horse and buggy than risktheir lives by traveling on trains.12

In 1918, the Jews of Kielce gathered together in the regional theater to confer on the subject of alocal Jewish national council. All of the various political contingencies were there - ranging from the Bundon the left to the Agudah on the right.13 As the meetings progressed, Polish hooligans who had learned ofthe gathering surrounded the theater, spilling into the nearby streets outside. This Polish mob scene wascomprised of large numbers of Kielce's citizens - including several soldiers. They carried with them heavymetal canes and iron encased gloves. Whatever poor Jewish soul they managed to capture - either streamingoutside or yet inside of the theater - was beaten up very badly.

Unfortunately, the Jews could not sufficiently retaliate; for the onslaught was so sudden that theydid not even have a chance to realize just what had befallen them. Furthermore, the group of Jews washeavily comprised of women and children - none of whom were able to physically defend themselves. "Thepogrom resulted in the death of four Jews and left approximately 400 with permanent injuries."14

Perhaps more than anything else, the Kielce pogrom of 1918 was a foreshadowing of an evendeadlier pogrom that would later befall those few surviving Jews who were unfortunate enough to findthemselves in Kielce on July 4,1946—only a year following the war's end. The Kielce pogrom of 1918 wasdifferent from all of the Ukrainian and Russian pogroms that occurred during the same period in one majorway: the goal in Kielce was to teach the local Jews the lesson that practically speaking, they would not bereceiving any rights as citizens or minorities of Poland.15

Following World War I and the Treaty of Versailles, Poland was re-established as an independentnation - for the first time in over one hundred years.16 Along with giving Poland rights of independence, theMinorities Act was passed, which recognized Jews as a distinct race with its own unique behavioral patterns.It also granted Jews rights as Polish citizens. The Poles, now more than ever, felt it their responsibility todemonstrate to the Jews that they would not be receiving any special rights. Rather, the Polish anti-Semiteswanted the Jews to know that these so-called rights existed only on paper. In reality, minorities would onlybe repressed in Poland. The Poles were the only true masters and as such, Polish rulership could only belong

12 Cytron, p. 49.

13 The Bund, otherwise known as the Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia, had its roots inVilna, Lithuania. The Bund, which in Yiddish means "union," historically adhered to "the Marxist view of societyin class conflict, its class-conscious bias denying the validity of national/ethnic group consciousness. Thus,according to the Bund, the Jewish working class had more in common with the Polish working class than with theJewish bourgeoisie." The Agudah was an ultra-orthodox group that had quite a religious and political strongholdthroughout Poland, as well as in other parts of Eastern Europe, namely during the inter-war period. During the pre-war period, the Agudah leaders and masses general tendency was toward "political compliance in exchange for theunhindered observance of Judaism." In essence, what these Jewish parties had in common was the fact that theywere not only politically oriented, but also ideological movements. They each provided for their members' variouslife-cycle needs and interests. In addition, they each published daily newspapers, periodicals, and books. Lucy S.Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975), pp. 261-262, 268-269.

14 Cytron, p. 49-52.

15 Ibid., p. 51.

16 Warren Blatt, "Kielce and Radom Gubernias - Geographic History," Kielce-Radom SIG Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1,Winter 1997, p. 4.

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28 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

to them.17 This taste of liberty, coupled with an already deep-seated resentment towards the Jews, set thestage for the sort of anti-Semitic activity that was soon to follow.

2. The Flowering of Kielce Jewry: A Brief Respite

During the inter-war period in Kielce, the major source of Jewish income came from commerce andthe sale of handicrafts. Based on the survey that was organized by the Joint Distribution Committee inPoland, as of 1921, there were 633 businesses, 422 of which pertained to clothing. This particular area ofemployment included a total of 1,198 breadwinners, 568 of whom were Jews. Jews also tended to specializein carpentry and in the production of soap and chemical products. Other Jews found employment within thestone and marble quarries and some, in the sanitation departments and textile industry. In addition, therewere several Jewish professionals, many of whom were well respected in Kielce. "Considering the size ofthe city, the number of Jewish professionals and office workers was substantial - about 250 people."18

During the 1920's and 1930's various political movements - and their corresponding culturalactivities - took root among Kielce's Jewish community. Some of these political movements included thePoalei Zion, the Poalei Agudat Yisrael, Herzeliyah, Agudat Yedidei Ha- Universita Ha-hrit, and Tarbut—toname a few. A couple of minor Yiddish theaters opened during the 1920's, and during the 1920's and1930's, ahandful of local Yiddish periodicals and newspapers also began to circulate among Kielce's Jewishcommunity.19 For the first time, Jews also began to establish themselves socially within the greater Polishcommunity: "The importance of Jewish intelligentsia who closely collaborated with the Poles in many areassignificantly increased. Although professional links were increasingly stronger, social life continued todevelop separately mainly due to religious traditions and different customs."20

3. Era of Anti-Semitism: Specific Incidences

At the same time that Kielce's Jewish community began to flower, a variety of anti-Semitic actsbegan to occur. Indeed, during the 1930's, Kielce became one of the lead centers for anti-Semitic activity.21

As of January 1933, when the Nazis came to power in Germany, the anti-Semitic factions in Kielce beganprotesting the rights of Jews in Poland. During the course of that year, four separate trials were held in whichanti-Semitic activists were each sentenced to six-month prison terms for having committed acts of violenceagainst Jews. In November of 1934, a young Pole murdered a Jewish merchant, along with his elderlymother and another Jewish man, just outside of Kielce. In December of 1935, shortly after the NurembergLaws had been passed, the local anti-Semitic faction leaders convinced the city council to support the anti-Jewish measures being taken in Germany. In May of 1936, a seventeen-year-old Pole accused a group ofJews of having mauled him. The police investigation uncovered that the adolescent had provoked the Jewsand that they had, in turn, attacked him with a knife. The police detained thirty Jews and jailed two of them.In October of 1936, the Jewish cemetery was vandalized and approximately one hundred tombstones weresmashed. During this period, there was a great deal of anti-Jewish propaganda that spread throughout Kielceand other parts of Poland.

The influence of Nazi Germany's anti-Jewish propaganda, the deepening economic crisis, and thesuccess of the anti-Semitic propaganda of the opposition parties brought about, after Pilsudski'sdeath in 1935, a change in the heretofore relatively tolerant attitude of the Colonels' Regime. In his

"Cytron, pp. 51-53.

18 Stanislaw Meducki, "The Pogrom in Kielce on 4 July 1946." Polin 9 (1996), p. 159.

19 Some of the leading newspapers and periodicals that appeared in Kielce during this period were: KeltserVokhenblat, Keltser Unzer Ekspres, Naye Keltser Tsaytung, and the Keltser Tsaytung. Pinkas Hakehillot, p. 495.

20 Blumenfeld, p. 26.

21 Poland in the 1930's was marked by several anti-Semitic acts. According to Mr. Rafal Blumenfeld, a native ofKielce and a survivor of the pogrom of 1946, Kielce was one of the chief strongholds for the pro-Polish, pro-Catholic, anti-Semitic faction known as the Endeks or E.N.D.—a Polish acronym that stood for the Organization ofNationalist Democrats. The faction's virulently anti-Semitic leader was Roman Dumovski. Blumenfeld, personalinterview no. 1.

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statement of June 4, 1936, Premier Skladowski emphasized that although nobody should sufferviolence in Poland, the economic struggle against Jews was justified.22

In September of 1937, a group of Poles fell upon some Jews who were strolling in one of the city's parks,beating them with iron bars and clubs. Not long after this incident, one particular Jewish family's home wasset on fire. The blaze soon spread to other nearby homes, eventually leaving fifty Jewish families homeless.These acts of violence reached their peak in October of 1937, when five Jews from among two separatefamilies were brutally murdered by anti-Semitic rioters.23

C. The War Years: World War II Cornes to Kielce

1. 1939-1942: Ghetto Life and forced Labor

At the close of Summer 1939, when Hitler commanded his troops to invade Poland, the Jews grewincreasingly fearful. Masses of Jews fled from the western fronts to the eastern fronts. Families fromWarsaw, Lodz, Sosnowiec and other localities began to resettle in Kielce. Prior to this period Kielce'sJewish population had been ~23,000, but now swelled to -30,000—and this was not even including thenumber of inhabitants who had already fled from Kielce to the Russian side.24

Kielce did not suffer greatly from the Nazis' bombings; aside from a couple of buildings that weredestroyed or damaged, there were few—if any—overt signs of war. The Nazis did not want to destroy thecity's industrial infrastructure since they planned to use her as a cavalry station. By the third of September,the Polish Army's front lines began to collapse and accordingly, its soldiers hastily retreated. After the Nazisentered Kielce, during the afternoon of September the fourth, conditions changed practically overnight."Anti-Jewish atrocities began immediately: expropriations, heavy fines, forced labor, the taking of hostages,beatings, and killings."25 At this time, there were yet some Polish soldiers who protested the Nazis. Theseindividuals concealed themselves within various homes, sniping at the oncoming Nazi troops. In retaliation,the Nazis began shooting at these snipers, killing a total of eighty citizens—including several Jews. On thetenth of September, Adolph Hitler and his Nazi hordes trampled through Kielce, while en route to anotherPolish region.

In mid-September, the Nazis outlawed the Jews from walking through Kielce's major streets. Thelocal Nazi government forbade Jews from owning private property, houses, or stores. The Nazis appointedcommissar leaders to oversee the property that was formerly owned by Jews. In the initial months, Jewishlandlords were yet given part of the rent money that was due to them, but by the end of 1939, the commissarsretained these payments entirely for themselves. The Jews were then forced to turn over their savingsaccounts, radios, and work tools. Soon thereafter, many Jews were forcibly sent to work, clearing the streetsof the debris that the Nazis had left in their midst.

On September 21, 1939, the Judenrat—the Jewish Council—was appointed, with Dr. Moses Pelcas the Judenaelteste, or Jewish president.26 As the newly appointed Jewish leader, it was Dr. Pelc's task toact as an intermediary between Kielce's Jewish community and the local Nazi regime. Hermann Levy wasappointed as the second in command. A Jewish police force was also appointed, in which approximately 150officers served. The Jewish police carried clubs and wore special badges and caps.

22 Peter Meyer, Jews in the Soviet Satellites. (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1953), p. 210.

23 The murder victims came from the families of Moyshe Shmuelevitsh and Yankev Rosenholts. The three accusedmurderers were tried and sentenced to death. Two other accomplices were each sentenced to prison terms ofthirteen and fifteen years. Pinkas Hakehillot, p. 496.

24 Cytron, p. 237.

25 Gutman, éd., p. 800.26 The Nazis established a Jewish Council , otherwise known as a Judenrat in each of the leading ghettos, which theyplaced under the direction of a Jewish president—a Judenaelteste. "The Jewish presidents were the intermediariesthrough w h o m the Nazis issued their decrees, and from whom they obtained their vict ims." Sachar, pp. 537-538 .

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30 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

The first task that was required of the Judenrat was that they acquire a list of all Jews in Kielce, ages15 through 50, and their respective genders and professions. Afterwards, the Judenrat was to collect acontribution for the Nazi forces, amounting to 800,000 zloty. Based on the Judenrat's records, as ofSeptember 1939 there were approximately 18,000 Jews living in Kielce. By March 1940, the Jewishpopulation had grown to 25,400, following the influx of Jews who were fleeing from western Poland. Jewsfrom Lodz and Kalisz were brought to Kielce. Approximately 3,000 Jews from Krakow also followed suit.In February of 1941, approximately 1,000 Viennese Jews arrived in Kielce. In March of 1941, four transportgroups arrived, comprised of 6,500 additional Viennese Jews. With the sudden and voluminous influx ofJews, there was a dearth of living space. An estimated 1,500 Jews found living quarters in the GreatSynagogue. As of December 1940, the Nazis replaced Dr. Pelc with Hermann Levy. Pelc, who had beena social welfare agent prior to the war, refused to inject Jewish hospital patients with poison—as per theNazis orders. Thus, he was imprisoned and then sent to Auschwitz, where he later died.27

On September 15,1940, the Nazis made a decree forbidding the Jews from leaving their homes atnight. Shortly thereafter, between the days April 2-5, the Jews were concentrated into two ghettos. Insideof the ghetto stood a total of 500 houses, in which could live a maximum of 15,000 Jews. Unfortunatelythough, more than 25,000 Jews now found themselves crowded into these tight living quarters.

In early 1941, the Nazis established several work camps within the district of Kielce. There wereapproximately 2,000 workers interred there, most of whom were involved with the stone quarries. In thespring of 1941, several Jews were rounded up from the Kielce Ghetto and taken to the Blizyna labor camp.28

With the monetary aid provided by the Joint Distribution Committee, the Judenrat established twosoup kitchens in the fall of 1940 within the ghetto. Between the two kitchens there was a total of 600 mealsdistributed per day. By the beginning of 1941 this number had doubled. In March of 1940, the Jewishhospital was destroyed, and in December 1940, the Judenrat established orphanages and old-agehomes—most likely, because of the shrinking number of viable caretakers. As aforementioned, manyphysically fit adults were being sent away to do forced labor and other members of the Kehillah weredying—due to overly crowded living conditions, poor nutrition, and epidemics such as typhus.29

In January of 1941, Nazi officers caught two unfortunate Jews, just as they were leaving the mikvahone Friday before the Sabbath. The Nazis dragged them through the streets of the city, and afterwards shotthem. By the end of February of 1941, a group of S.S. officials had set up shop in Kielce. This includedHans Geier, who was frequently known to steal Jewish-owned possessions, and Dr. Ernst Karl Thomas.Together, the two of these officials oversaw the deportation of the Jews to the extermination camps.

2. 1942-1943: Liquidations and Extermination Camp Transports

In March of 1941, a Nazi Aktsie or death camp transport was organized, in which Nazi-deemedCommunist activists, along with three Jewish doctors were deported to Auschwitz and murdered there. InJanuary of 1942, seven Jews were shot for trying to leave the ghetto. During the summer of 1942, Ukrainianand Lithuanian fighting units, and S S police units began liquidating the ghettos in the neighboring Radomdistrict. The Kielce Ghetto's liquidation process began on August 20, 1942 and lasted until August 24,"when all the Jews, with the exception of two thousand who were young and healthy, were loaded on freighttrains and sent to Treblinka."30 The Judenrat leaders, Jewish police members, and their respective families,were permitted to remain behind in Kielce. The Jewish police rounded up the Jews in the streets fortransports and informed them that they were each allowed to take with them a package of food and personalbelongings weighing up to twenty-five kilograms. The SS official, Ernst Thomas, oversaw the Selektsiaprocess that took place in the synagogue. All of the younger and more physically fit Jewish citizens wereallowed to return to the ghetto, since they were still capable of performing manual labor. The majority ofthis group though, was sent to the local train station, from which they were to be deported to the

27 Pinkas Hakehillot, pp. 496-497.

28 Ibid, p. 497.

29 Blumenfeld, personal interview no. 1.

30Gutman, éd., p. 801.

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extermination camps. A total of 130 Jews were shoved into each of the sixty cattle cars—which had beensitting exposed for several hours, to the sun's strong summer rays. The Nazi officials would shoot any ofthe Jewish police who even dared to give food or water to any of the deportees.

During August 22-23, there was an additional Aktsie enacted by the SS officials. The elderly andsick were hastily shot in their homes or in surrounding yards. On the 24th day of August, the Jewish hospitalwas liquidated and Jews who had somehow avoided the earlier transports were now chosen for this finaltransport. On this last day of liquidation, the SS officials also murdered the heads of the Jewish police,Yehudah Schindler and the German Jew, Johann Spiegel.31

In total, -3,000 Jews were murdered in Kielce proper, during the course of those three days inAugust of 1942.32 During that same time period, the number of Jewish transportées from Kielce reached anestimated grand total of 21,000. The Jewish transportées invariably met their ends in the fiery furnaces ofTreblinka.

3. 1943-1945: Creation and Liquidation of the "Small Ghetto" and Eventual Liberation

After the aforementioned number of Jews had been deported, there were only approximately 1,600Jews left in Kielce. This included Judenrat members, a majority of male prisoners—as well as 150 womenand 40-60 children. These last remaining Jews were moved into what was now known as the "small ghetto."This was a designated area, situated within the western part of the former ghetto. Unlike the larger ghetto,that had had two exits, this ghetto had only one exit. The last remaining Jews—along with certain groupsof Poles—were forced to clean the homes of the murdered and deported Jews. Any property that had beenleft behind was now deemed state's property, and as such, was shipped on carts to central collection sites tobe sorted and organized. This sorting and collecting process spanned several months, and during this periodthere were no additional Aktsies.

The head of the Judenrat, Hermann Levy, was murdered on November 20,1942. According to mostaccounts, he and his family were taken to the Jewish cemetery and shot there. The Nazis allowed thirteenJewish doctors to remain alive in the "small ghetto"—only so that they could tend to the thousands ofprisoners who were interred in the labor camps within Kielce district. But on March 21,1943, the doctors,their respective families, and approximately twenty children were likewise, all taken to the Jewish cemeteryand shot there.33

In September of 1942, the remaining Jewish population of Kielce was placed into three labor camps.The "HASAG-Granat" contained quarries, workshops, and munitions.34 The other two camps, Henrykowand Ludwikow contained carpentries and foundries. In the HASAG-Granat plant, there were approximately500 Jewish and Polish workers. In November 1942, 200 Jews who already worked in one division of the"HASAG" were moved to yet another division of the company, located in Skarzysko-Kamienna. Accordingto the account of one Kielce survivor, Sore Karbel, "Out of all the camps in which the Jews of Kielceworked, the Skarzysko camp was the worst and most difficult. Only a few individuals managed to leave there

31 According to the accounts of one Kielce survivor, Shimen Tseltser, the head of the Jewish police was HerrZimnoboda. Herr Schindler was his lieutenant. The chief Gestapo agents included Johann Spiegel and a host ofother members, who were known to constantly bully the Jewish ghetto inmates and exhibit general Nazi-likebehavior. By the end of 1941, the Nazis had killed Zimnoboda. Schindler and Spiegel were murdered in 1942,during the course of the Treblinka transports. Cytron, pp. 239-240.

32 According to one of the cited Nazi war crime reports, the remaining number of Jews in Kielce following this massAktsie was between 1700 and 2000 - out of what had been approximately 20,000 Jews. Tovia Fridman, The Murderof Thirty Thousand Kielce Jews at the Hands of the Germans-Nazis and Their Assistants. (Haifa, Israel: Institute ofDocumentation in Israel for the Investigation of Nazi War Crimes, 1983), report no. 1, p. 6.

33 Pinkos Hakehillot, p . 4 9 8 .

34 H A S A G is an acronym for the "Hugo Schneider A G " .

35 Gutman, éd., pp. 801-802.

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32 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

[alive] during the hour of liberation."36 In April of 1943 fifty more workers still living in the "small ghetto"were also brought to work in this particular factory. The "small ghetto" existed until May of 1943. The verylast 1,000 remaining Jews were rounded up in the field that adjoined the railway station. The SS commanderGeier and his officials organized another Selektsia, in which all children under the age of fourteen—all forty-five of them—were shot?7 The few remaining Jews were deported to and distributed between labor campssuch as Skarzysko-Kamienna and Pionki. The final deportation of Jews from Kielce took place in August1944, "when all the remaining Jewish prisoners were sent to Auschwitz and Buchenwald. 8 It was at thattime that Kielce became officially Judenrein.

In one of these labor camps, an armed resistance was organized by David Barwiner and GershonLewkowicz, but unfortunately, was not successful. Yet another armed resistance was held in the labor camp,Pionki. On May 10, 1944, approximately twenty prisoners managed to escape. Many of them joined theRussian partisans; Polish partisans murdered five of the other former prisoners.39

The Soviet army ultimately captured Kielce on January 16, 1945. At the time of liberation, therewere only two Jews to be found in all of Kielce—"of what had once been a twenty-thousand strongcommunity."40

D. Post War Period

1. The Return of Survivors and the Formation of the "Jewish Council"

After the war ~200 Jews went to Kielce, forming a shadow of the city's pre-war Jewish community:"According to data from the city registration office, on 1 June 1945 there were 53,560 inhabitants in Kielce,including only 212 Jews. At the end of 1945, in the entire province of Kielce, there were forty-five centersof Jewish population with approximately 2,000 people."41 This post-war community was comprised of Nazicamp survivors, Jews who had hidden in Kielce district, and others who had fled to the interior of theU.S.S.R.42 Most of these Jews settled in the former Jewish community building at No. 7 Planty Street. Thissame building housed the religious services and the Noar HaZioni kibbutz. The majority of Jews living thereintended to emigrate soon.

In August of 1945 a "vaad"—or "Jewish council" was established, at whose head stood Dr. SeverinKahane. As was frequently the case in small Jewish communities throughout post-World War II Europe, theJoint Distribution Committee provided much of Kielce's financial aide.

2. The Kielce Pogrom of 1946

At about 8 a.m. on July 4,1946, a Polish boy who had been well coached, began telling passers-bythat he had been kidnapped, imprisoned in a cellar, and maltreated by the Jews of 7 Planty Street, the site"where about a dozen other Christian children were still trapped and about to be murdered."43 In the minds

36 Cytron, p. 246.

37 "The Nazis forced the forty-five remaining little children, the youngest of whom was ten months, to the cemetery,to shoot them down, as they ran and hid among the graves. They were buried in a mass grave." Today, there standmonuments to the memory of those martyred children—one in Kielce, the other one in Israel. Dorothy Fuerst, "TheStory of Kielce, a Cemetery, and a Survivor," Martyrdom and Resistance, Nov.-Dec. 1987, p. 11.

38 Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol . 10 - "Kielce" . (Jerusalem, Israel: Keter Publishing House, 1971), p . 990.

39 Pinkos Hakehillot, p . 499 .

40 Gutman, éd., p . 802.

41 Meducki , p . 161.

42 Encyclopaedia Judaica, p . 990 .

43 Checinski, p. 58.

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of many local Poles, this charge was perhaps all the more believable, considering that there had been multipleincitements only a month earlier, in which Jews had been accused of killing Christian children and using theirblood for dietary consumption.44

At 10 a.m., militiamen searched the house and found the whole story false. At the same time, theyconfiscated the few weapons with which some of the kibbutz members were armed. Shortly before he wasshot dead, Dr. Kahane, the Chairman of the Kielce Jewish Committee45 attempted to appeal to variousofficials: the President of the city, the militia, the army, the security authorities, the command of the Soviettroops, and Bishop Kaczmarek—the bishop of Kielce at the time—but it was all to no avail.

At about 11 o'clock three lieutenants of the Polish Army entered the room in which Kahane waslocated at that moment. When the officers came into the room, Dr. Kahane held the telephonereceiver in his hand. . . They told him they had come to remove weapons. . . One of them walkedup to Dr. Kahane, told him to keep calm because soon everything would be over, and thenapproached him from behind and shot him straight in the head.46

Indeed, the church's response was that they would not intercede, for the Jews had brought Communism intoPoland. In the aftermath of the pogrom, only Bishop Kubina of Czestochowa would issue a statementcondemning the Kielce pogrom.

By 11 a.m. a vicious mob had gathered around, and militiamen began throwing Jews out of thewindows and the door. A number of Jews were murdered by the local lynch party. Still others, such as Dr.Kahane, met their ends by shooting. Roman Wach, a Pole who resided in Planty 13 and who witnessed thevicious onslaught, presented the following image in the pogrom's aftermath:

At about 11:30, some eight young people coming from the direction of the railroad station onSienkiewicza St. drove some men down the middle of the road. . . He was hit with fists on the faceand head. . . from his face I could tell he was a Semite. . . I would like to mention that as a formerprisoner of concentration camps I had not gone through an experience like this. . . I have seen verylittle of sadism and bestiality on this scale.48

Finally, at 4 p.m. an army unit from Warsaw arrived. It did not halt the looting, but rather, took anactive part in the process. However, it did put an end to the massacre. In the wake of this brutal attack, manyJews were murdered and even more were injured, most of them seriously. Due to the chaos at the time and

44 In the early post-war years rumors of ritual murder were frequently used as highly effective tools to inciteordinary citizens to commit overt anti-Semitic acts—of which the Kielce pogrom of 1946 was the most infamousexample. There were several versions to this blood libel charge, one of which had the Jews keeping the blood of themurdered Polish victims and giving their bodies to the Soviets and Ukrainians. Joanna Michlic-Coren, "Polish JewsDuring and After the Kielce Pogrom." Polin 13 (2000), p. 256.

45 S.L. Shneiderman was an American journalist who happened to be visiting Poland at the time that the Kielcepogrom broke out and came to Kielce as the pogrom was drawing to a close. He provided the followingbiographical information and observations regarding Dr. Kahane: "Dr. Kahane was born in L w o w . Throughout theNazi occupation he fought in the ranks of the Polish guerillas. At the end of the war he settled in Kielce, where heassumed leadership of the remaining Jews, w h o numbered one hundred fifty... Dr. Kahane died a martyr,appealing with his last breath to the conscience of his murderers ." Shneiderman, Samuel Loeb. Between Fear andHope. (New York: Arco Publishing Co., 1947),' p. 9 1 .

46 Bozena Szaynok, "The Pogrom of Jews in Kielce, July 4, 1946." Yad Vashem Studies 22 (1992) , p. 216 .

47 Aside from Bishop Kubina, other Polish Catholic representatives did not openly condemn this vicious act. Rather,they attributed the outbreak of the pogrom to political — as opposed to — racial animosities and ' " b l a m e d Jews inthe government for creating animosit ies ' leading to such events ." Last, according to the Bishop o f Lublin in thewake of the pogrom, " the question as to whether or not Jews use blood for their rituals has not yet been clarified."Meyer , p . 2 5 3 .

48 Szaynok, p . 220.

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34 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

the relatively small number of Jewish survivors, the numbers of injured and dead vary from source to source.The number of injured ranges from 70-100+, while the number of dead ranges from 36-70.49

Following the Kielce pogrom, the government tried and executed seven of the murderers andattacked the main hideouts of the underground; but anti-Semitism continued to flourish. "Only in 1947, whenthe government consolidated its power and used strong measures against the underground, was orderrestored. Attacks on Jews became rare. 'The superficial calm was a result of strong police measures ratherthan of a genuine change of mind on the part of broad segments of the population.'"50

The outbreak of this major and medieval-style pogrom so soon after the Holocaust served as onlythe most blatant example of the hostility encountered by returning Jews. It convinced a large number of themthat no real Jewish community could resume existence in Poland. Jews were seized with panic and hundredsand thousands began to flee daily. "In 1946, about 150,000 left Poland."51 Thus ended the one thousand yearhistory of Jewish existence in Poland. In the words of the Polish-born, American journalist, S.L.Shneiderman:

The ancient tradition of the murderous pogrom, it turned out, was not at all a thing of the past. Theforty-two victims of the Kielce Pogrom, including a mother and her newborn child, were laid to restin a mass grave. Only ninety Jews of Kielce had survived the war and forty-two of these were wipedout in a few hours. If there was any hope for a new beginning for the Jews of Poland, the KielcePogrom raised it to the ground in blood.52

Conclusion

As based on the aforementioned accounts, beginning in the early days of Jewish settlement in Kielce,and culminating in the ignominious and infamous Pogrom of 1946, it is evident that anti-Semitism plaguedKielce on an almost continuous basis. Unfortunately, Kielce's Jews were not the only Jews targeted forpersecution. Rather, this grand-scale act of violence was only one of many such events, which took placebetween 1945 and 1947, in the wake of the Holocaust. "Nevertheless, it was striking because of itsdimensions, because of the brutality with which it was accomplished, and because of the participation oflocal forces representing the new communist authority."53 Moreover, the fact that the Jewish survivors inKielce were concentrated in one block of flats perhaps made them likelier candidates than other Jews whowere living more dispersed, in communities throughout Poland, following the end of World War II.

In essence, for the Jewish survivors returning to Poland, the Kielce Pogrom of 1946 was the ultimateconfirmation of the following well-known and long-established Yiddish adage, "Di Polyakn hobnarayngenumen hasn Yidn mit di marnes milkh"—"The Poles absorbed their hatred for Jews with theirmothers' milk."54 The majority of Poland's Jews came to the quick and frightening realization that they hadno future in the country that had served as their homeland for hundreds of generations. Thus, in the monthsensuing this attack, Poland witnessed the mass exodus of the last remnant of hundreds of thousands of herJews. Some emigrated to the west, while others—often times the more Zionistic parties—opted for Palestine.Poland was never again to reach the same heights of Jewish existence that she had once known.

49 Checinski, p. 59.

50 Meyer , p . 2 5 3 .

51 Ibid., p . 256 .

52 Shneiderman, p . 10.

53 Michl ic-Coren, p . 2 5 3 .

54 This is a phrase that this paper ' s author has heard uttered often times by Yiddish speakers—Holocaust survivorsand non-Holocaust survivors, alike. The author is not certain of this expression 's origin; although it is presumedthat it dates back to pre-Wor ld War II.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 35

Appendix

Necrology and Background Information of Jews Murdered in Kielce Pogrom of 1946

Adler, AvromEyznberg, YisroyelEylbirt, OsherBarukh, YisroyelBeshita, KhayimGutvurtsel, Pol(y)aGurshtuts, BaylaGertner, BayleDutshka, Flutra* (child)Vandler*VaynbergVayntro(y)b, AvromVaynribZoybermanZilberberg, SofiaZandberg, RokhlKharendorf, Leyzer*Telemboym, Nosn (or Titlboym, Noftoli)*Dr. Kahane, SeverinMorovyets, MoysheMikolovski, Mendl

Sambarski (or Samborska—unborn child of GeniaSambarski)*

Sovinska, OfelinaSokolovski, Yekhiel Simkhe*Plutno, SholemPrashovska, Ester*Prays, YitskhokFaynkukhen, DovidFish, ReginaFish, Adash (or Adam—Regina Fish's four-week-

old infant)Fridman, BerlKasKarp, ShmuelKersh, HershlKersh, Yishaye*RabindorfRutshka, YisroyelRayzman*Shulmanovitsh, Z.Shumakher, FanyaShtunkaB 2969 Oshvyentshim (i.e., Auschwitz)

There were additional murder victims of the Kielce pogrom of 1946 whose names do not appearwithin this necrology. This is due to the sheer fact that the physical damage done to some of the bodies wasso severe that they could not successfully be identified. This is evidenced in the following depiction of thepost-pogrom burial ceremony:

The bodies of the martyrs were carried on forty trucks; they had assigned one truck for each.56 Thebodies of the murdered babies (Mrs. Fisz's three-week-old baby, and the stillborn child ofSamborska) were in little boxes placed beside the large coffins of adults. At the head of the line wasthe body of Dr. Kahane, who died at his post. His coffin was covered with a blue-white flag. Theother coffins bore the names of the dead; some were simply marked by the letters N.N. indicatingthat the name was unknown.57

ss The necrology and background information pertaining to the Jews murdered in the Kielce pogrom is based on thefollowing sources: Shmerke Kaczerginski's article, "Vos ikh hob gezen un gehert in kelts." ("What I Saw and Heardin Kielce.") Unzer Wort 5, July 1946, Personal interview no. 2, held with Rafal Blumenfeld on 14 February 2002,and S.L. Shneiderman's post-pogrom account, Between Fear and Hope - Chapter Five: "I Saw Kielce," pp. 85-107, New York: Arco Publishing Co., 1947. Unfortunately, there are slight discrepancies between the namespellings presented by these various sources, making it difficult to ensure that thensliterations presented here areentirely accurate. * Asterisks are used to indicate noteworthy discrepancies in name spellings. The orthographyused here for Jewish names is in accordance with the rules generally applied to Yiddish transcription.

56 The discrepancy between Shneiderman's total victim count and the total victim count listed above can beunderstood in light of the fact that there were additional deaths—due to pogrom-incurred injuries— following theburial that took place on 7 July 1946. The necrology listed above takes into account both post-pogrom sources, aswell as more recent sources.

57 Shneiderman, p. 100.

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36 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

At this point in time—nearly fifty-six years after this tragedy occurred—there is an obvious challengeinvolved in obtaining biographical or genealogical background information that pertains to the pogrom'smurder victims. Many of the aforementioned individuals were natives of Kielce. However, some—such asDr. Kahane, a native of Lwow—had little or perhaps no pre-World War II connections to Kielce. This, inturn, must have contributed to the already overwhelming burden of identifying the dead.

Nonetheless, a few remarks can be made in regard to several of the murder victims:58 Dr. SeverinKahane was the president of the Jewish Committee, a partisan and a soldier who fought in the front linesof the Polish army. At the time of the pogrom, Dr. Kahane already had all the legal papers that werenecessary for emigration. Moyshe Morovyets published a magazine that was affiliated with the JewishCommittee. Vaynberg arrived the very day of the pogrom, from the neighboring town of Chmielnik.Sholem Plutno was a fighter in the Soviet and Polish armies. Yitskhok Prays was the former owner of"Hotel Polski." Leyzer Kharendorf was in the Kielce Ghetto and the concentration camps. Mrs. Rayzmanwas from Radom, and even as she was being buried, her husband was in the hospital—in critical condition.

Regina Fish and her four-week-old son, Adash met a brutal end. Hooligans came to the Fishhome—located on Leonarda Street—kidnapped Mrs. Fish, and eventually shot her and her infant. Prior toher murder, Regina Fish made various efforts to bribe the hoodlums with seventeen US dollars, a gold pin,and three rings, but this did not manage to save her life. After the kidnappers drew their guns, she attemptedto flee to the neighboring woods, but was not able to escape quickly enough. "Shots resounded, and Mrs.Fisz, struck in the head, fell dead. A short time later the bandits sent peasants from the village to bury thebodies of Mrs. Fisz and her baby."59

Another grotesque incident occurred, that likewise, involved a woman and her infant. However, inthe case of Genia Sambarski, she was in her eighth month of pregnancy; the infant was yet unborn. Themurderers pierced through her stomach with a knife60 and the infant had to be surgically removed—in orderto save the life of the mother.

On the morning of the pogrom, Ester Prashovska, a nurse, was busy bandaging wounded patientsand was murdered while at work. Prior to her murder, Ms. Prashovska served as the acting secretary of theKielce Jewish community. Moreover, she had somehow managed to survive Auschwitz—only to be killedwhile trying to save other peoples' lives. Many of the other murdered Jews listed above fell under thecategory of: Jews who had fled Kielce in the early days of World War II, repatriates, and ghetto Jews.

58 The biographical details presented here that pertain to the pogrom's murder victims have been extracted primarilyfrom Shmerke Kaczerginski's article, "Vos ikh hobgezen ungehert inkelts" ("What I Saw and Heard in Kielce.")Unzer Wort 5, July 1946.

59 Ibid., pp . 95-96.

60 Ibid., p. 93.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 37

Bibliography:

Blatt, Warren. "Kielce and Radom Gubernias - Geographic History." Kielce-Radom SIG Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1, Winter1997.

Blumenfeld, Rafal. "SlownikHistorii Kieleckich Zydow: Introduction (Excerpt from The Dictionary of the Kielce Jews)."Kielce-Radom SIG Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2, Spring 1998.

. Personal interview no. 1,6 December 2001; Personal interview no. 2, 14 February 2002.

Checinski, Michael. "The Kielce Pogrom: Some Unanswered Questions." Soviet Jewish Affairs, 5 (1), 1975.

Cytron, Pinhas. Sefer Kielce. Tel Aviv, Israel: Irgun Olei Kieltz in Israel, 1957.

The Columbia-Lippincott Gazetteer of the World- "Kielce." New York, New York: Columbia University Press, 1952.

Dawidowicz, Lucy S. The War Against the Jews. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975.

Fridman, Tovia. The Murder of Thirty Thousand Kielce Jews at the Hands of the Germans-Nazis and Their Assistants.Haifa, Israel: Institute of Documentation in Israel for the Investigation of Nazi War Crimes, 1983

Fuerst, Dorothy. "The Story of Kielce, a Cemetery, and a Survivor." Martyrdom andResistance, Nov.-Dec. 1987.

Gutman, Israel, ed. Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Vol. 2. New York, New York: Macmillan Publishing Company,1990.

Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol. 10 - "Kielce." Jerusalem, Israel: Keter Publishing House, 1971.

Kaczerginski, Shmerke. "Vos ikh hob gezen un gehert in kelts." ("What I Saw and Heard in Kielce.") Unzer Wort 5,July 1946.

Meducki, Stanislaw. "The Pogrom in Kielce on 4 July 1946." Polin 9 (1996).

Meyer, Peter. Jews in the Soviet Satellites. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1953.

Michlic-Coren, Joanna. "Polish Jews During and After the Kielce Pogrom." Polin 13 (2000).

Pinkas Hakehillot, Vol. VII: The Lublin and Kielce Vicinities. Jerusalem, Israel: Yad Vashem, 1999.

Sachar, Howard M. The Course of Modern Jewish History. New York: First Vintage Books Edition, August 1990.

Shneiderman, Samuel Loeb. Between Fear and Hope - Chapter Five: "I Saw Kielce," pp. 85-107, New York: ArcoPublishing Co., 1947.

Szaynok, Bozena. "The Pogrom of Jews in Kielce, July 4, 1946." Yad Vashem Studies 22 (1992).

Weiner, Miriam. Jewish Roots in Poland. Secaucus, NJ-: The Miriam Weiner Routes to Roots Foundation, Inc. ; and NewYork, New York: YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, 1997.

Acknowledgments and Dedication

I would like to specially thank the following individuals for their editorial and research assistance:Harvey, Mindy, and Miriam Schiller; Warren Blatt, editor of the Kielce-Radom SIG Journal; Mr. RafalBlumenfeld, a native of Kielce and a survivor of the Kielce pogrom of 1946; and Dr. Boris Kotlerman,professor of Yiddish Studies at Bar-Ilan University in Ramat-Gan, Israel. Last, but certainly not least, Iwould like to dedicate this article to the memory of my grandfather, Shloime Pinkus(iewicz) (1905-1998),a native of Kielce and a survivor of the Holocaust. May the memory of all those Jews who were murderedin the Kielce pogrom of 1946 and throughout the Holocaust years, be for a blessing.

Rivka Schiller is a graduate student of Yiddish at Bar-Ilan University in Israel, and is a native of Chicago.Her connection to Kielce and the Kielce vicinity is her maternal grandfather, who came from that city, andhis mother was in turn, from Chmielnik. Her grandfather was a survivor of the Holocaust (he was in theKielce Ghetto, Blizyna, Auschwitz, and other "memorable" sites), but never returned to Kielce after the war.She has always had a vested interest in matters pertaining to Yiddish, the Holocaust, genealogy, andpre-Holocaust Eastern European Jewish life.

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38 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Sefer Beit HaChaim1,422 tombstone inscriptions from the Jewish cemetery in Kielce, 1870s-1920s

The book Sefer Beit HaChaim was published in 1931 in Piotrkôw, Poland, by Moshe Menachem MendelWalden, a prominent rabbi and author of several books. The book contains the full tombstone inscriptionsof 1,422 men buried in the Jewish cemetery of Kielce, dating from the mid-1870s until the late 1920s. Mostof these tombstones no longer exist, as the cemetery in Kielce was mostly destroyed during WWII.

What makes this book so unique is that it is virtually unknown - there are only three known copies: onein Europe, one in the United States, and one in Israel. JewishGen has purchased the one copy in the US(which was in the hands of a private collector), and donated it to the Jewish Division of the New York PublicLibrary, where it can be properly cared for. JewishGen retained a photocopy of the book, so that it can betranslated and indexed, with its contents to be placed on the JewishGen website.

The inscriptions in this book could be of immense value to all genealogical researchers interested in theKielce area. Note that the majority of those buried in the cemetery in Kielce during this era were not bornin Kielce, as Jewish residency in Kielce was permitted only starting in 1863.

The book is 524 pages long, and is approximately 6" x AVi" and 3A" thick (it is printed on very thin paper).The book is printed on fairly acidic paper and must be handled with extreme care.

Pages 25-85 are a listing of all 1,422 names of those buried, in Hebrew alphabetical order by first name.Following that, from page 86 to page 458, are the complete transcriptions of each tombstone. These are alsoin the same sequence - alphabetical order by first name. The last pages of the book (pp. 459-524) are someinteresting letters from some important rabbis, which perhaps don't need to be fully translated, but theirimages could be included on the web.

Here are sample pages from Part I (the index) - pages 46-47:

47 T3 a t in »=BSin nat) p niait»

iB-n jwn 13 i

KBIT W? î

tarn "i"H ID îx'.i' fns*

Ï51.1 M » V SBS9 ?B5'J

win Ws 5*

jsin nao sa

ism can J

osin

33in l

331.1 1

111.1 5i-X R "|?a''R ' i ' s

ni™, rva 13"? e n va ",31' 1 .49! !

•s5s! ynr va i=i' ']KS;'->I 'aï va <i«'

T 3 3'W KJ1B 3X1'

' an ï ~°a Ta •fit

j's'sa r a TXS P,OT>

n5a TKo va loi'

'ans i'a e n io-.<

n-iy )Ms - a ',ev

ran > >?»»i!!,-o IOT

'R n> en;s va f>v

s c m va i n T=i'

i ; in T'X n'Ti a =r.-.aR Ta ipv

c;m jvo "sasin l i

IB",n O'll!

w i n

TS3 1"3 D'llja 101'

rn a sa'?v Ta ici"' nsa Ta s w ior>

|>'D R» 1 » * T 3 'Xl%

l5m W« vi laiis îwa va rav

w i n -,IK i aa» i'a -,oi

w n eas la ?'=sp Ta a'-" ÎITUT "P1

;sm MSas a ÏR1.V va "loi

1 .492

1 .-193

* A 9-1

1 .195

•1 .466

'-. .497

"1 498 '

1 .«9 ;

•1 .500 \

' 1 50i

••> .302

'*. .503

•1 .so* :

"1 .505

'1 .5C0

1 .507

'1 .605 •

'1 ,93 •

'1 .510

• "\ .611

i t i r W* T siyajym 1*» w V- r ,w i»v " i -515

l«n x-3 'fit

lï-Bi n-n x -pr>ïK * "

>.i asi va ara» loim sasa Ta i n r,oi

1E1,-, W» ns ISM as» va TKD ',BI

' ' 1 .SI3

' 1 .514

' -1 M \

JT

, n?m aao p nnias va sns1

nom x v,x :• «3ivs va IB<O ?ns<xv re? n » jso ,i^?r va nîi>

K»n 2 ns aa ijraan i»a 5xi3< aps>un,i 023 -s «Kl;,» va n:i<

oxi i'?c3 x3 a-,i,v apy

pnS' -13 1J3X Î R ' V

"CM Vios x p '3 >as v a aXT rpv

cym can 2 ao*!Ji?K5 'as v a nai'

121Î1 D'3ln '1 *]01' ^X',a3 V 2 7X1'

-sin oa» a ]s«iis:> naa va o'usa <pvsin ]S'j n-i x 5s?sj'is mo va .Tiais <\s\>

is-.i Baa j >3Tn va e n "jsv

iDin as 3 joui va ?x>'

win Wx t> 1K120KM « a va rpp.

asm UK n' O,IIB va qai1

lî^n jo'i o ara va ^av« i n *',/K K3 IJÎÎ3UX", D"n T a ni l '

'*i.i uac S3 I'ssi'^m ;^szi/iu sa'rv T3 XITT r - ' 'ï-1.1 .-4-5 x yttwi ?nv a?:» va I3i>

Bin B3-J iv inns n;c:«,s va «x-,-twin a ns sa is»-,sa I. IM «K)n. Va ipp

H T , 3S is jiraiym THS va tpy ( aniax)

Jt-,n ;«a i : «joi-> va fn r on» rr:v

wm icu x) >i?n Tsa i"a rpv

• i

' 1

' i

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 39

Sample pages from Part II (the inscriptions) - pages 220-221:

aaw iniM *îa w w ' Ï ISS >sfl»n ISTM on u'x J'B

•»* -unis pan ?KJM va ion ,vis ' j rn en»»

.oSin "3 Tin 3's rmas iap *5s n?33

3KM 71U ">ia enta iv-,

HIVUS 1!» as NT V*«<i

iarm JIBI D'?- pin IBQ

rswi T inn

7>iran >B<?

?vu insa

as r s iBD

? noon»

w i n issn crsn

rnisi mm rncmn n»»i i

1N3 cv 15 i*n:a VOÏW

misons '1 ivnaa vsi^i

i:-7s imr, mn v;;a I Q

i ^risa lanin 'Min us (•

.•••i j-waann

'm 3 3 ^niTta ÏSBMSÎI T»onn ip*n "jiasn TD .484

va Ki'ps 13T a'ia ni» ")••: j3 3? ans

.msui ,nsin oac J3 "IBSJ ]'SÏT"!3O s i j n ' i "

pnî1 apy1 va i w îi'ia D'JO na j» i"nsn Î ' B 485

.a'asin ,»snn nwo 's iuo:

iï3 m i r a UÎIKD I «

13R3 H1Ï3 IDpi ni;

la? niiiwa nnona '?•

n s nes i:a

•ps

Ds:n

i;«3K

,-ûOS

i3iï ?3 r

'ispn -

1 1 " on •

r.ip' "JSKJ

T Ï3 a:7i

n:ioK3 ra

1 3357 TV 100! ""!

i;"pi >nj is»s

is is nss^12:: ip B'£

arora •'33 3

sip r.vji ••<

3 a'onp «( j ^

nyna ïcis i:'js ""^3

mi 13^13

JewishGen's plans are to translate this book, into spreadsheet form. The spreadsheet will contain onlythe basic genealogical information, not the entire tombstone inscription - as many of them can be quitelengthy and flowery. The data would be initially presented as a static list, and will eventually be placed inJewishGen's JOWBR (Online Worldwide Burial Registry), with hyperlinks to the scanned images, whichcontain the full Hebrew inscription.

The spreadsheet would have the following columns:

• Given Name(s)• Father's Given Name(s)• Surname - present in only about half of the inscriptions• Date of Death (Hebrew date)• Age (if given, which is fairly rare)• Notes: Other genealogically relevant material which may be present in the tombstone inscription:

HaKohen/HaLevi status, Rabbi, young/old, married/single, place of origin, occupation, noteddescendants, ancestors, etc.

Note that index pages at the front of the book sometimes have information that the inscriptions do nothave and vice versa (and sometime even conflicting information!). These discrepancies should be noted inthe "Notes" column.

The Hebrew given names will be transliterated in "standard" Ashkenazi format, e.g. Yehoshua, Moshe,Avrohom, Elchonon, Yitzchok, etc.; and the surnames will be transliterated into Polish phonetics. We canprovide a list of Jewish surnames from Kielce, to be used as a guide by the translator.

To make the translation of this book possible, please contribute to this project - visit theJewishGen-erosity site at < http://www.jewishgen.org/JewishGen-erosity/Research.ihtml >to make a donation. It won't happen without your help. - WB

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40 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

A Pre-subscriber List - Kielce Residents

The pre-subscriber (prenumerantn) list from the book Sefer Nifle 'ot ha-Tiferet Shelomoh, Helek Rishon,by Solomon Rabinowich haKohen of Radomsko (1803-1866), edited by Rabbi Szmul-Hersz Zylbersztajnof Wierzbnik, and published 1923 in Piotrkôw. Transcribed from the Hebrew by Warren Blatt.

From Kielce:

HRH"G R' Abli Rapoport AB"DSHLYT"A

HRH"G R' Alter SHLYT"A MO"TZMy brother R' Shlomo

ZylbersztajnR' Gimpel MoszkowiczR' Mendel LipszycR' Yaakov Shlomo MoszkowiczR' Hilel ObermanR' Natan MordkowiczR' Avraham SzalmanR' Berish GorlickiR' Lipa LandauR' Sholem SoferR' Yitzchak Sylman, Evor BH"H

RadomskR' Yaakov Leib GarfinkelR' Yosel MordkowiczR' Bendit EizenR' Yaakov Michel FuksR' Avraham Yisachar FuksR' Yisraelki FridenzohnR' Natan LisR' Getzel GoldgrebR' Zalman GorlickiR' Yichiel SzenfeldR' Hirshel AizenbergR' Mordechai Hirsh ZysapelR' Avraham Yosef GutmanR' Yichiel WaldsztajnR' Moshe Chaim ZelcerR' Shmuel Efraim GoldbergR' Wolf HorowiczR' Shlomo Zalman BrykR' Yaakov ZylberszacR' Abush GoldbergR' Menashe GolombiowskiR' Aharon Yosef MoszkowiczR' Yechezkel BimkaR' Israel Charmac Sh"B

R' Bentzion RozenblimR' Naftali Emaniel, his son-in-lawR' Yisroelki FefermanR' Yichiel SzternfeldR' Pinches ZlotiR' Maier ZlotaR' Lipa Mendel ZlatcR' Yichiel GoldmanR' Shlomo KuperbergR' Hirshl DzewieckiR' Moshe ChelemnerR' Chaim LibermanR' Yosef Boruch KahanR' Moshe Chaim AVYH"CH

AlexsanderR' Shlomo BerenkewiczR' Natan David RabinowiczR' Zorach FinkielszteinR' Moshe MordkowiczR' Yisroel Zalman MoszkowiczR' Hirshl Grynszpan MO"TZR' Mordechai ZylberbergR' Nachman DiamentR' Yaakov Hilel PasermanR' Moshe Mitelman RofaR' Moshe AizenbergR' Wolf Alter from WolbromR' Maier AizenbergR' Chaim PasermanR' Kalman Leibish BrykR' Yitzchak PietrkowskiR' Yerachmiel PasermanR! Avraham Shlomo FridenzohnR' Hirshl RoizenkrancR' Wolf KliskaR' Chaim FinkielszteinR' Yisroelki BerenszteinR' Fishel KahanR' David ZysholcR' Yosel EnochR' Yosel Helemner

R' Avraham Ber AizenbergR' Yitzhak SylmanR' Shmelka AizenbergR' Wolf GoldbergR' Efraim WlodawerR' Henich KaminerR' Shlomo Ber ZylberszteinR' Eli' ZylberbergR' Mendel SzpilbergR' Berish SzpilbergR' Moshe ElbingerR' Melech EnglandR' Yoel Kleinman

From Radom:

R' Eli' RoitenbergR' Mordechai FerszterR' David PerlR' Noach Pszendowek

n»«;> mxa *w s t wraoa jrUa my rem tr*

' "» |fî3î*i *2* ?T*1 n ro imya T^ÏSI va* {aF aa p ip , #'r ^12"î .T"îX i " » î ]

'"«i î1* " i rMrt P .îlfsfiv * 2ÏD^

îan -Tip. w jTûîtf V.p/rn n*s «•b •» n vfcn

ap-cyst-orin «•

Rri-îna Stnôw-Ifrs/a '/,yi!'fi «ziôir-* ^-%

Abbreviations:

HRH"G = HaRav HaGaon = a venerable, revered rabbiMO'Tz = Moreh Tzedek = a Torah teacherAB"D = Av Bet Din = Head of Rabbinic Court

Sh"B = Shochet uBodek = ritual slaughtererShLYTA = SHyehai Lo Yomim Tovim veAruchim :

"He should have good and many days" .

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 41

Sources for Jewish History in the State Archives in Kielceby Romana Guidon

"£rodla do historii Zydôw w zasobie Archiwum Paristwowego w Kielcach"Translated from the Polish by Wlodzimierz Rozenbaum

from Érôdla Archiwalne do Dziejôw Zydôw w Polsce (Warszawa, 2001), pages 181-191

Published under the auspices of the Polish State Archives in Warsaw in 2001, Zrôdla Archiwalne do DziejôwZydôw w Polsce ["Archival Sources for the History of Jews in Poland"] is a 600-page volume containingover 50 essays, in Polish. Forty essays cover source material on Jewish history held at the various branchesof the Polish State Archives, and ten essays cover archives in Israel. Presented here is a translation of theessay on the holdings of the Polish State Archives branch in Kielce. - WB

Studies of Jewish history and culture in the Swietokrzyskie Mountains region were started in the1980s. Archivists from the State Archives in Kielce [Archiwum Paristwowe w Kielcach, hereafter "APK"]presented sources on this subject at the regional conferences.1

Documents related to Jews in the APK and its branches were created in various periods by the state,local, school, and judicial authorities, as well as the Jewish religious congregations. Geographically, theycover the old Sandomierz and Cracow provinces (wojewôdztwa=voivodeships) [ 18th century], which werelater renamed to Radom gubernia [19th century] and Kielce wojewôdztwo (province) [20th century].

The population in that territory was administratively divided into ethnic-religious groups. The 1946census did not include the religious and ethnic categories, however. Until WWII, the Jewish population inthat region constituted the largest national minority.

Sources in the APK will be discussed below separately for each historical period.

The period of Old Poland [until 1772] provides little information about Jews. The pertinentdocuments are contained in the Myszkowski Estate [Ordynacja Myszkowska] Fond in Kielce and in theSandomierz City Fond [Akta Miasta Sandomierz] at the Sandomierz Branch. Some of these documents havebeen already referred to in scholarly publications.2

The first mention of Jewish settlements in Sandomierz appeared in 1367. However, in the archives,the first document comes from the 16th century. It is located in the Sandomierz City Fond. It appears to befrom the years 1555-1565 and it is a toll road payment register for Jews who lived on Zydowska Street(platea Iudaeorum) in Sandomierz.3 However, another document, covering the years 1587-1595, lists streetnames and notes that there were 12 Jewish residents on Zydowska Street, for example, Heizik; Dawid sonof Abramowicz; Lazarus; Mojzesz; Jakub.4 The city acts also contain the poll tax records for 1727, which

1 R. Guidon, "Zrôdla do dziejôw mniejszosci etnicznych na Kielecczyznie w okresie I wojny swiatowej w ArchiwumParistwowym w Kielcach" ["Sources for the History of Ethnic Minorities in the Kielce Region during WWI at theKielce State Archives"], in Ludnosc zydowska w regionie éwiçtokrzyskim ["The Jewish Population in theSwiçtokrzyskie Mountains Region"], Kielce, 1989, [hereafter Ludnosc zydowska], pages 140-160; T. Krçgiel,"Zrôdla do dziejôw ludnosci zydowskiej w latach 1826-1939 przechowywane w Archiwum Paristwowym wKielcach, Oddzial w Starachowicach" ["Sources for the History of Jews in the Years 1826-1939 in the StarachowiceBranch, Kielce State Archives"], in Ludnosc zydowska, pp. 223-230; research in the Archives was caried out by I.Kwiatkowska, P. Pawlowski, and A. Rak.2 Z. Guidon, Êydzi i Szkoci w Polsce wXVI-XVHl wieku ["Jews and Scots in Poland in the 16th-18th Centuries"],Kielce, 1990; Z. Guidon, K. Krzystanek Ludnosc zydowski w miastach lewobrzeznej czçsci wojewôdztwasandomierskiego wXVI-XVIII wieku, Kielce, 1990; J. Muszytiska, Zydzi w miastach wojewôdztwa sandomierskiegoi lubelskiego XVIII wieku ["Jews in the Cities of the Sandomierz and Lublin Provinces in the 18th Century"], Kielce,1998.3 APK, Sandomierz Branch, Akta miasta Sadomierza [Sandomierz City Fond][hereafter AMS], sygn. 13.4 Ibid., sygn. 14.

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42 Kielce-Radont SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

give an approximate number of Jewish residents.5 This collection also contains a description of a conflictbetween Catholics and Jews in 1639 which ended with an anti-Jewish riot.6

In the middle of the 16th century, the Jews in the Sandomierz province already lived in Checiny,Ciepielôw, Janowiec, Sienno, Szydlôw, Zwoleii, Opatôw, Polaniec, Sandomierz, Staszôw, Tarlôw, NowyKorczyn, Opatowiec, Pacanôw, Piriczôw, Kurozweki, Radom and Szydlowiec.

The Myszkowski Estate Fond, containing inventories for the city of Pinczôw in 1769 and 1798, listsCatholic and Jewish houses and the number of property owners in Pinczôw.7 It also contains a documentfrom 1659 issued by Franciszek Myszkowski, Korytnica county administrator, allowing Dawid Jôzefowiczto settle in Pinczôw, buy a house, brew beer, and engage in commerce.8

Materials about the mobility and activities of Jews in the first half of the 19th century are containedin the Rzqd Gubernialny Radomsko [The Radom Gubernia Government = RGR] Fond. They cover the oldKrakôw and Sandomierz voivodships [provinces]. The fond contains files of the Kielce, Opoczno, andStopnica county administrators, the Social Security Administration [Dyrekcja Ubezpieczeri] archives, andthe Bodzentyn village district [gmina] documentation. At that time, Jews were still under settlementrestrictions in some towns and in the vicinity of mining fields. There were 114 towns in Radom gubernia,but Jews lived only in 49 of them.9

Of particular interest in the RGR Fond are the topographical and statistical descriptions of cities inthe Kielce region: in the APK, there are 25 from Krakôw voivodship (from the year 1820), while in the APR[the State Archives in Radom], there are descriptions of the Sandomierz voivodship towns from the years1820-1860. These descriptions include, among others, population figures with breakdowns fordenominations and occupations.10 This collection also contains service obligation tables. However, they areavailable only for 11 out of 53 private cities." Lists of Jews are contained in the Olkusz Property Assessor[Asesor Ekonomiczny Okregu Olkuskiego] Fond files (1843-1848).12 The archives of the Social SecurityAdministration contain architectural plans of synagogues, houses of prayer, and schools in Checiny,Dzialoszyce, Ksiaz Wielki, Korczyn, Pinczôw, and Sobkôw (files 46, 452, 522,1379,1440, 1441,1497).

The administrative reform of 1866 divided Radom gubernia into two gubernias: Kielce gubernia andRadom gubernia. The former contained 7 counties [powiaty]: Kielce, Jedrzejôw, Piiiczôw, Wtoszczowa,Miechôw, Olkusz, and Stopnica. The city reform of 1869 preserved the city rights for 7 cities in the Kielcegubernia: Kielce, Checiny, Chmielnik, Dzialoszyce, Miechôw, Olkusz, and Pinczôw. The other 34 citieswere downgraded to settlements.

5 Ibid., sygn. 15.6 Ibid., sygn. 10; Z. Guidon and J. Wijaczka, Procesy i mordy rytualne w Polsce wXVI-XVIII wieku ["Trials andRitual Murders in Poland in the 16th-18th Centuries"], Kielce, 1995, pp. 17-18.7 APK, Archiwum Ordynacji Myszkowskiej [Myszkowska Estate Fond, hereafter AOM], sygn. 484, k. 16-24;Inwentarz miasta Piriczowa z 1769r. ["City of Pinczôw Inventory, 1769"], publ. R. Guidon, Kielce, 1974, pp.42-43.8 APK, AOM, dok. sygn. 1259/37; Z. Guidon, J. Wijaczka, "Ludnosc Pinczowa w XVI-XVIII w." ["The People ofPinczôw in the 16th-18th Centuries"], in Ludnosc zydowska, pp. 65-66.9 S. Marcinkowski, Miasta Kielecczyzny. Przemiany spoleczno-gospodarcze 1815-1869 ["The Towns of the KielceRegion: Socioeconomic Changes, 1815-1869"], Warszawa, 1980; A. Penkalla, "Zmiana struktur zawodowychludnosci zydowskiej w guberni radomskiej w latach 1815-1862" ["Changes in Occupational Patterns Among Jewsin the Radom Gubernia in 1815-1862"], in Ludnosc zydowska; A. Penkalla, Êydzi na terenie guberni radomskiej wlatach 1815-1862 ["Jews in Radom Gubernia in 1815-1862"], Radom, 1991; W. Caban, Spo/eczeristwoKielecczyzny 1832-1864 ["The Society of the Kielce Region, 1832-1864"], Kielce, 1993, pp. 163-186.10 R. Guidon and S. Marcinkowski, "Opisy miast Kielecczyzny z lat 1820-1860" ["Descriptions of the Cities in theKielce Region in the Years 1820-1860"], Studio Kieleckie ["Kielce Regional Studies"], 1975, No. 1/5, pp. 67-73.11 APK, Radom Gubernia Government (RGR), sygn. 3768, 3787, 3808-3809.12 APK, Asesor Ekonomiczny Okregu Olkuskiego, sygn. 4; A. Penkalla and J. Szczepariski, Katalog rysunkowarchitektonicznych z akt Dyrekcji Ubezpieczeri ["A Catalogue of Drawings from the Files of the Social SecurityAdministration"], Warsaw, 1993.

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 43

With regard to information about the population figures and socio-economic situation of Jews in theyears 1867-1914, it is contained in the fonds of the Kielce Gubernia Government [Rz^d GubernialnyKielecki] and the Kielce Governor Chancery [Kancelaria Gubernatora Kieleckiego]. They show data forJewish trades in the cities of Kielce gubernia - for example, in 1870, there were 2,000 of them and by 1889,their number increased to 3,380. Some of the files refer to verifications of Jews' adherence toregulations,14 expulsions from agricultural settlements,15 military service,16 places of incarceration and prayercenters,17 and conversions to Christian faith.18

In addition to sources gathered by the gubernia institutions, there exist fonds containing archives ofthe county administrations (Pinczôw, Kielce, Olkusz, and Miechôw). The Kielce Governor Chancery Fondalso contains materials about Jews immigrating to Prussia, France, Brazil, and the United States.19

In the cities where Jews lived, there were religious schools (cheders), community learning centers(administered by the kahal), and private schools. At the beginning of the 19th century, these schools wereoutside of the state jurisdiction. They were established and financed by Jewish communities. Informationon this subject is contained in the Kielce School Administration Fond - covering the years 1810 and 1864-1917 - and in the Kielce School Board Fond (1918-1930). Jewish cheders and private schools existed in 7counties of Kielce gubernia in the following localities: Jçdrzejôw, Malogoszcz, Sobkôw, Kielce, Daleszyce,Checiny, Suchedniôw, Miechôw, Olkusz, Wolbrom, Busko, Pinczôw, and Wloszczowa, among others. Inthe second part of the 19th century, each school constituted a separate report unit, and thus, each of themseparately maintained records, such as requests to open schools, reports on instruction and educationalprograms, and reports from reviewing officials. Some Jewish youth also attended Sunday trade schools.20

The pre-WWII materials contain lists of students who attended Jewish schools in Kielce in the years1926-1930. Therewere 16 to 20 such schools (two-, four-, and seven-grade schools and cheders). They wereowned by Rajzmanowa, Ajzenberg, Finkelsztajn, Birenbaum, and Cukierman, among others.21 Jewish youthalso attended secondary schools, as witnessed by the lists of grades given to students attending Kielcesecondary schools, for example, Stefan Zeromski Lycee, which was attended by Gustaw Herling Grudzinski[a distinguished Polish émigré writer, who died recently].22

Sources on the history of Jews during WWI are located in parts in the following fonds: RzadGubernialny Kielecki [Kielce Gubernia Government]; Kancelaria Gubernatora Kieleckiego [Kielce GovernorChancery] for the years 1867-1917, as well as in the Kielce City Archives ( 1803-1950) and the Opoczno CityArchives (1914-1915); the Bodzentyn village district [gmina] (1810-1945); 12 county police commands -including posts and precincts - for the years 1915-1918 in Jçdrzejôw, Kielce, Kozienice, Opatôw, Opoczno,

13 APK, Rzqd Gubernialny Kielecki [Kielce Gubernia Government - RGK] , sygn. 4995, 5028, 5077; S. Wiech,Rzemieslnicy matych miasteczek guberni kieleckiej 1870-1914 ["Trades in Small Cities of the Kielce Gubernia,1870-1914"], Kielce, 1995; S. Wiech. Miasteczka guberni kieleckiej 1870-1914 ["Small Cities of Kielce Gubernia,1870-1914"], Kielce, 1995.14 APK, RGK, sygn. 11960, a partial map of Szczekocin including the synagogue, sygn. 1580315 Ibid-, sygn. 11082, 11360, 11398, and 11469.16 Ibid., sygn. 14659, 14707. 14717, 14794-14795, and 14886.17 Ibid., sygn. 8306 and 8541 ; Kancelaria Gubernatora Kieleckiego [Kielce Governor Chancery - K G K ] , sygn. 1522and 2939.18 APK, RGK, sygn. 1403-1404 and 2761 .19 APK, KGK, sygn. 7 3 2 , 2 3 3 7 ; R. Guidon and E. Szczepaniak, "2r6dla archiwalne do dziejôw emigracji i Polonii wzasobie AP w Kielcach" ["Archival Sources for Immigration and Polonia in the APK"] , in Dzieje Kielecczyzny whistoriografii Polski Ludowej. Baza zrôdtowa, cz. 2 ["History of the Kielce Region in the Historiography of People'sPoland. Sources. Part 2" ] , Kielce, 1987, pp. 67-83.20 APK, Kielecka Dyrekcja Szkolna [Kielce School Administration], sygn. 1436, 1445, and 1745.21 APK, Rada Szkolna w Kielcach [Kielce School Board], sygn. 27-30.22 Adam Penkalla, Êydzi na terenie guberni radomskiej, pp. 94-101; Szkolnictwo elementame na ziemi kielecko-radomskiej 1809-1862 ["Elementary Schools in the Kielce-Radom Area, 1809-1862"], Kielce, 1983; APK,Gimnazjum Bl. Kingi [Blessed Kinga School], sygn. 10; Ibid., Gimnazjum St. Zeromskiego [Stefan ZeromskiSchool], sygn. 62; Ibid., Oddzial w Starachowicach, Gimnazjum Handlowe w Skarzysku Kamiennej [StarachowiceBranch, Trade School in Skarzysko Kamienna].

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44 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Pinczôw, Radom, Sandomierz, Wloszczôw, and Wierzbnik; school, court, and notary archives; and in the E.Massalski collection. They contain materials on Russian-occupied Poland in the period from August 1914to May 1915, and of Austro-Hungary-occupied Poland up to November 11,1918. Specifically, they coverKielce and Radom gubernias and beginning with 1915, they include Busko, Wierzbnica, Kielce, Koriskie,Kozienice, Opatôw, Opoczno, Pinczôw, Radom, Sandomierz, and Wtoszczowa Counties.

The Kielce Governor Chancery Fond contains military cables and orders from commanders whoblamed Jews for the failures of Russian troops on the front." In all cities and settlements where Jewsresided, it was required that hostages be taken based on the number of the total Jewish population in a givenlocality: 1 for 100 Jewish residents; 2 for up to 10,000; and 3 above that number. The Jewish hostages weredeported deep inside the Russian territory. The Governor Chancery Fond contains reports by the Kielce andStopnica County Administrators from 1915 about the number of Jews residing in villages and settlementsunder their jurisdictions. Thus, for example, in Kielce there were 14,794 Jews, in the Kielce County -21,876, while in the Stopnica County - 24,800. Jews also were expelled from the areas adjacent to the frontlines. The decisions were made ragardless of age, occupation, and wealth of the person affected.24

The archives of the county police commands contain information on the composition of the citycouncils (in Kielce, Busko, and Pinczôw) and county governments to which Jews were also elected.25 Thereare also files on elections of synagogue supervisors in Dzialoszyce, Pinczôw, Koszyce, Wislica, Szydlôw,and Chmielnik; and copies of bylaws of various societies.26

The Kielce city Fond contain documents of the law and order institutions.27 Of particular interestare the lists of all localities under the jurisdictions of the police commands in that period. These lists indicatethe number of Jews in each locality (there were 29,253 Jews in the Kielce region, 11,606 in the Itza region,and in 1916, in the Busko region there were 20,853 Jews).28 They also indicate occupations. In fact, mostof the documents provide this information. Such data is contained in the lists of people who were to receiveassistance (food). One list of the Chmielnik Jews who owned no land, lists such occupations as peddler,bookbinder, dentist, tailor, hatmaker, and wagon driver. There is a list from 1916 of persons who obtainedpermits to own bookstores, printer shops, and newspapers.29 The Jewish population protected its interestsby establishing societies and commercial associations. The archives contain requests for permits to establishsuch organizations and copies of charters.30 Jews also established cultural associations, organized lectures,performances, parties and balls as well as committees to help the poor Jews.

The rebirth of independent Poland after WWI created conditions enabling economic, political, andsocial development - for Poles as well as Jews. The decrees of the State Commander-in-Chief [President],the Constitution of March 17,1920, and regulations from 1931 removed many anti- Jewish restrictions. Theyalso made all citizens equal under the law and permitted them to maintain their ethnic identities.31

In independent Poland, studies of Jewish history did not encounter major difficulties. There is plentyof information, generated by the state and local governments and preserved in the voluminous archives ofthe Kielce Voivodship Administration [Urz^d Wojewôdzki Kielecki], county administrations, cities, andvillage district offices. Historians estimate that in Kielce wojewodztwa (province), composed of 17 powiaty

23 APK, KGK, sygn. 2833.24 R. Guidon, irodta do dziejôw mniejszosci, pp. 140-160.25 APK, C. i K. Komenda Powiatowa w Busku [County Police Command in Busko], sygn. 244 and 381.26 A P K , C. i K. K o m e n d a P o w i a t o w a w Pinczowie [County Police C o m m a n d in Piriczôw], sygn. 2 3 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 5 2 , 4 4 9 ;C. i K. K o m e n d a P o w i a t o w a w Busku [County Pol ice C o m m a n d in Busko ] , sygn. 92 ; C. i K. K o m e n d a Powia towaw Radomiu [County Pol ice C o m m a n d in Radom] , sygn. 509, 533.27 APK, A k t a m . Kielc [Kielce City Archives] , sygn. 1546-1548 and 1269 (on the participation of the Kielce JewishCongregat ion in the M a y 3 celebrations - the Constitution Day).28 APK, C. i K. K o m e n d a Powia towa w Kielcach, sygn. 146; R. Guidon, tràdia do dziejôw mniejszosci, p . 145.29 APK, C. i K. K o m e n d a Powiatowa w Busku [County Police Command in Busko], sygn. 2 2 9 , 2 4 4 .30 APK, C. i K. K o m e n d a Powia towa w Radomiu [County Police Command in Radom] , sygn. 595; C. i K.K o m e n d a Powia towa w Opocznie [County Police Command in Opoczno] , sygn. 138, 144; C. i K. KomendaPowia towa w Sandomierzu [County Police C o m m a n d in Sandomierz], sygn. 175.31 K. Urbariski, Kieleccy Êydzi ["The Jews of Kielce"] , Kielce, 1993, p. 83 .

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radotn SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 45

(counties), the Jewish population reached more than 300,000 people in the years 1919-1939.32 Jews residedmostly in cities, small towns, and settlements. Existing documentation can be divided into several categories,such as: Jewish religious congregations; activities of Jewish parties, organizations, associations, and unions;and activities in local governments, industry, commerce, crafts, and in agriculture. In the years 1936-1938,there were 88 Jewish religious congregations in Kielce province. Documents in the Kielce ProvinceAdministration I archives include a list of village districts,33 more than 100 files deal with elections of rabbisand junior rabbis,34 and more than 130 files contains budgets of religious congregations.35 Such documentsalso exist in the archives of the Kielce County Administration [Starostwo Powiatowe Kieleckie] - some 300files. The congregation documents contain the rabbi's first and last name, year and place of birth, names ofparents, nationality, education, family status, the name of the office which approved him, rabbi's previousposition, decorations/awards, and reviews of his civic and political activities.

Jews participated in city government since 1915. Reports of city authorities prepared for theprovincial administration indicate that in the years 1922-1923, city councils were supposed to reflect thepercentages of Jewish population in their jurisdictions. Often, however, Jews had disproportionally smallerrepresentation in the city councils. For example, in Konskie there were 9 Catholic members and only 2Jewish members, in Szydlowiec 11 to 1, in Przedbôrz 12 to 1. Only in Wloszczowa, out of 24 city councilmembers, 13 were Jewish.37 Information about Jewish population is contained in city archives such asreports from city council meetings, as for example, Busko (1919-1939),38 and Kielce.39 City archives alsocontain election lists for city councils, the Sejm [Parliament], and the Senate [upper chamber of the Sejm].These lists show personal data, addresses, and denominations. The Kielce Provincial and County Archivescontain a substantial number of registration files (about 50) for Jewish associations and organizationsinvolved in cultural and charitable activities, sports, and crafts.40 Some of these organizations had existedearlier, so the relevant files also contain appended statutes from the Russian- and the Austro-Hungarian-heldPolish territories, as for example, the 1915 charter of the "Achyezer" Jewish Rescue Committee inMiechôw.41

Jews also formed scouting organizations,42 music associations, aid societies, and libraries. In 1931,the Society of Jewish Academicians was established. There were also Jewish unions of locksmiths, bakers,tailors, shoemakers, and butchers.43 Some files document activities of Zionist organizations in the years1925-1934; these organizations were active in the Sejm election campaigns of the Jewish National Bloc.Archives contain reports from their meetings.44 Documents show that Zionist organizations in the KielceCounty began their activities in 1902 and established chapters in Checiny, Suchedniôw, Bodzentyn, andSlupiaNowa. By 1928, they reached 500 members and more than 1,500 sympathizers.

32 M. B. Markowski, "Udziatludnosci zydowskiej w zyciu gospodarczym woj. kieleckiego w okresiemiçdzywojennym" ["Participation of Jews in Economic Life of the Kielce voivodship in the Inter-War Period"], inLudnosc zydowska, p. 180; see also R. Renz, Spolecznosci matomiasteczkowe w woj. kieleckim1918-1939 ["Small Town Communities in the Kielce Voivodship, 1918-1939"], Kielce, 1990.33 APK, Urz^d Wojewodzki Kielecki 1919-1939 [Kielce Voivodship Administration = UWK I], sygn. 3354.34 Ibid., sygn. 1458-1537,3360.35 Ibid., sygn. 1592-1729, 1894-1915; SPKI, sygn. 1774, 1896.36 APK, Starostwo Powiatowe Kieleckie 1919-1939 [Kielce County Administration, 1919-1939 = SPK I], sygn.1763-2035, 3358.37 A P K , U W K I, sygn . 4 5 1 .38 A P K , Oddzia t w Pii iczowie, Ak ta m. Buska [Piriczôw Branch, Busko City Arch ives ] , sygn. 15-34.39 APK, Akta m. Kielc [Kielce City Archives] , sygn. 1321-1446.40 APK, U W K I, sygn. 3 8 7 7 - 3 9 2 1 , sygn. 692 - the charter of the "Makkabi" Sport Society in Sosnowiec .41 Ibid-, sygn. 695 .nIbid-, sygn. 685.43 APK, SPK I, sygn. 500, 519, 582-586, 589, 626, 630, 665-666, 678, and 691.44 Ibid-, sygn. 364, 367, and 844.

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46 Kielce-Radont SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

In 1933, according to the County Administrator's report, the Jewish community held a protest rallyin the Kielce synagogue against Nazi anti-Jewish repressions in Germany.45

There are police reports from the years 1920-1924 documenting participation of Jews in May Daydemonstrations.46 Also, the UWKI contains information about anti-Jewish activities in Kielce Province inthe years 1932-1937. Specifically, there are some 70 anti-Jewish leaflets and anti-government newspapers(Jewish), confiscated by the authorities.47

UWK I and SPKI contain considerable number of documents (nearly 200 files) on the establishmentof craft associations in Kielce Province. These contain charters and names of the founders. Jews mostlyapplied for permits to establish craft associations for painters, metal workers, confectioners, bakers,upholsterers, shoemakers, tailors, and carpenters.48 Journeymen's and masters' files are kept in theCrafstmen's Chamber [Izba Rzemieslnicza] Fond in Kielce.49

In addition to their involvement in crafts, Jews owned sawmills, factories (for example,manufacturing soap, metal products) and were engaged in commerce (for example, leather products). TheUWK I Industry Department [Wydzial Przemyslowy] contains documentation mostly for the CzestochowaCounty.50

Jews were also on occasion engaged in agriculture. According to the Bodzentyn village district files,Goldmitz Izrael Pinkus from Bodzentyn owned the largest farm (36 morg, or about 50 acres).51 Informationabout Jewish landowners also can be found in the files of the Regional Land Office [Okregowy UrzadZiemski] covering the years 1919-1934. Jews were among purchasers of parceled land as well; 46 of thempurchased land in 1935. Furthermore, the UWKI Agricultural Department files contain information aboutJews leasing ponds for fish hatcheries.53

In the years 1939-1945, the Kielce region was incorporated into the Radom District, which alsoincluded the following counties: Kielce, Jedrzejôw, Konskie, Opatôw, Radom, Starachowice, Piotrkôw,Radomsko, and Tomaszôw. Information about Jews in this period is scant and is confined mostly to the city,village district, and jail files in Kielce and Sandomierz, and of the Commerce Registry and Mortgage Officein the Kielce Regional Court. These files deal with confiscation of Jewish property, resettlements, andincarcerations.

The APK and its branches contain more than a dozen file collections concerning Aryanization ofJewish property. In the Kielce and Sandomierz city archival holdings, there are orders of the Germanauthorities from the years 1941-1942 which concern deportations, registration of Jews, and confiscation ofJewish property.54 The fonds of the cities of Jedrzejôw, Starachowice, and Rozwadôw as well as of theDuraczôw and Odrow^z village districts contain lists of real estate owned by Jews as well as information ontransfer of these properties to the Aryan population.55 The City of Sandomierz Fond contains orders of theOpatôw County Administration with regard to registration and deportations of Jews in the years 1941-1942,

45 Ibid., sygn. 829.46 Ibid-, sygn. 849.47 APK, UWK I, sygn. 3265a, b, c, d; 3269, 3437, 3438, 3442, and 3443.48 APK, UWK I, sygn. 13615-13752; SPKI, sygn. 2351-2373.49 A P K Oddzia t w Jçdrzejowie [Jçdrzejôw Branch] , Izba Rzemieslnicza w Kielcach (deposi tory) .50 APK, U W K I, sygn. 12198 and 12220-12225.51 APK, Akta g m . Bodzentyn [Bodzentyn village district Fond] , sygn. 104.52 APK, Okrçgowy Urzgd Ziemski , sygn. 19.53 APK, U W K I, sygn. 19908.54 A P K Oddziat w Sandomierzu [Sandomierz Branch], Akta m. Sandomierza [Sandomierz City Fond] , sygn. 1660,1830.55 A P K Oddzial w Jçdrzejowie [Jçdrzejôw Branch] , Akta m. Jçdrzejowa [Jçdrzejôw City Fond], sygn. 485 , 489;Oddzial w Sandomierzu [Sandomierz Branch], Akta m. Rozwadowa [Rozwadôw City Fond], sygn. 5-8; Oddzial wStarachowicach [Starachowice Branch], Akta m. Starachowic [Starachowice City Fond], sygn. 45 , 82.

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correspondence with the Jewish congregation about residential requirements, utilization of business space,and evictions.56

The Stalowa Wola City Fond contains the list of Jews who were incarcerated in 1942 in the campin Stalowa Wola.57 The Sandomierz City Fond contains lists of Sandomierz Jewish residents in the years1940-1941 and identity papers of Jews.58 Similarly, the Koriskie City Fond contains lists of Jews who cameto Kohskie in 1940 (1179).59 The lists include the first and last names, parents' names, birthdate, marriagestatus, age, address, occupation, the date of arrival, and previous residence. These lists were compiled bythe Jewish Colony Administration in Koriskie and submitted to the City Hall. Jews came to Koriskie fromvarious localities such as Lôdz, Gniezno, Przedbôrz, Gowarczôw, Opoczno, Krakôw, Bydgoszcz, and Kalisz.The Kielce City Fond contains names of seven Jewish hostages from Kielce and a list of nine people ofHebrew faith who expressed a desire to leave for the Soviet Union in 1940.60

Archives of the Kielce and Sandomierz prisons provide interesting information as well. They containpersonal files of inmates from the years 1939-1944; among them are persons of Jewish descent. Personalfiles from the Sandomierz prison contain prisoners' notes intended for smuggling outside, and informationon the transport to Czestochowa, among others. Files of the Kielce prison contain a two-volume prisonerregister for the years 1941-1943 which specify occupation, birthdate, denomination, and current address.61

Information about the fate of the Jewish population during the Nazi occupation of Poland is alsocontained in the post-1945 files. The Cultural Department collection in the Kielce Provincial Office Fondcontains information about deportations of Jews to various locations.62 For example, in 1940, Jews weredeported from Plock to Daleszyce, and then on September 29, 1942, they were transported to Bodzentyn;Jews from the Bieliny village district were also transported to Bodzentyn in 1943, but they have not beenheard from since. In the archives of the Kielce County Administration [Starostwo Powiatowe Kieleckie],there is a 1946 letter from the Bodzentyn Village District Administration informing that, in 1943, inBodzentyn, 39 Jews were executed near the synagogues and 177 Jews were expelled by Germans from theNaglowice village district.63 The files of municipal courts for the years 1945-1950 on cases to establishpersons' death and the files of the People's Republic Attorney General's office in Kielce dealing withinheritance suits contain witness testimonies, provide information about persecutions of Jews, descriptionsof executions by Germans, deportations of Jews, liquidations of ghettos, and mass executions.64

The State Archives' documentation on post-WWII history is rather small. They are kept in theKielce Voivodship Office Fond (1945-1950), in the archives of the State Repatriation Office CountyBranches in Jedrzejôw, Kielce, Skarzysko, Starachowice and Sandomierz, in the Kielce Regional Courtarchives (1945-1950), and in the Kielce Regional Military Court archives (1946-1955).

After the war, some Jews returned to larger cities of Kielce Province. Archives of the Kielcevoivodship county administrations and of the Kielce Voivodship Office for the years 1944-1950 containinformation about persons of Jewish descent who returned to Sandomierz after the war.65 There were 79

56 APK Oddziat w Sandomierzu [Sandomierz Branch], Akta m. Sandomierza [Sandomierz City Fond], sygn. 1830,1660.57 Ibid., Akta m. Stalowa Wola [Stalowa Wola City Fond], sygn. 14.58 [bid., Akta m. Sandomierza [Sandomierz City Fond], sygn. 1814-1815, 1887, 2125.59 APK, Akta m. Koriskie [Koriskie City Fond], sygn. 447.60 APK, Akta m. Kielc [Kielce City Fond], sygn. 2652 and 2664.61 APK, Wiçzienie w Kielcach [The Kielce Prison], sygn. 1150 and 1156.62 APK, UWK, Wydziat Kultury [Cultural Department], sygn. 2179; files 2178-2186 describe occurrences ofhistorical significance in the years 1939-1945; SPK 1945-1950, sygn. 211.63 APK, Oddziat w Jçdrzejowie, Starostwo Powiatowe w Jçdrzejowie [Jçdrzejôw Branch, Jçdrzejôw CountyAdministration], sygn. 296.64 A P K , Oddzia l w Jçdrzejowie, Prokurator ia Genera lna RP. Zespôt Delegacyjny [Jçdrzejôw Branch , Ch ie fProsecutor Office, Field Offices Division], sygn. 1-2 and 1682.65 APK Oddzial w Sandomierzu, Starostwo Powiatowe Sandomierskie [Sandomierz Branch, Sandomierz CountyAdministration], sygn. 157.

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48 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Jews in Kielce in May 1945 and by June 1946, their number increased to 163.66 In 1946, two Jews returnedto Bodzentyn and 67 to Klimontôw; out of 7,025 Orthodox Jews before the war, only 15 remained.67 Returnsof Jews were also recorded by the State Repatriation Office.68 The 1945 registers contained thedenomination category. Archives of the Koiiskie County Administration contain files of the Committee toAssist Jews in Konskie. The committee was established in March 1945 with the following members of theBoard: Mine Icchak - chairman; Salberg Markus - secretary; and Hendler Leon - treasurer. There were 41members in the committee, but it was not engaged in any activity. The files contain a letter from MorrisKatz, secretary, Association of Konskie Jews in New York, to Konskie County Administrator of November1945 asking for the list of Jewish survivors in Konskie so they could be offered material assistance.69

The Kielce Voivodship Office II Fond holds reports of county administrators about antisemiticincidents in the years 1945-1946 in various localities of Kielce voivodship. For example, in Opatôw, onSeptember 10,1945, a member of the Jewish Committee was murdered, and in Czestochowa, on September9, 1945, a married couple by the name of Herckowicz was killed. Some materials in this fond concern thepogrom in Kielce on July 4, 1946. They contain appeals condemning the murders to the citizens ofCzestochowa from bishop Dr. Teodor Kubin and representatives of the City Hall in Czestochowa. Themurder of 42 Jews was also condemned by the Union of Disabled Veterans in Kielce, the Polish Army, thepresident of Kielce, the Kielce County Administrator, the Kielce voivode [governor], and the local CatholicChurch district office.70 This event is also reflected in the archives of the Kielce Regional Court (1945-1950)and of the Kielce Regional Military Court.71 These files contain defendants' testimonies, witness testimonies,and the sentences. Some of these documents have been published.72 Judging from the archives of the KielceVoivodship Office, 30 families from the Kielce region left for the United States, Argentina, and Palestinein August 1946 because of the pogrom in Kielce.73

Another issue documented in the archives is the restitution of pre-1939 Jewish property. Therestitution was handled by the municipal courts in Kielce, Skarzysko Kamienna, and Radom in the years1945-1950, by the field office of the Attorney General in Kielce in the years 1945-1954, and by the PropertyLiquidation Office in Kielce in the years 1945-1949.

Property restitution cases were handled by municipal courts. Applicants had to submit, in additionto their claims, an extract from the real estate register and in case of inheritance, a death certificate of theowner and a proof of family relationship. The archives of the Kielce Municipal Court contain 279 cases ofKielce Jewish families who applied for death certificates and the rights to the property of the deceased.

The Attorney General's field office in Kielce was established in August 1945. Its jurisdictioncovered Kielce city and voivodship. The office supervised property restitution cases handled by themunicipal courts and made sure that the death claims were documented and death certificates were properlyissued. Out of 1,675 cases involving death claims, one half concerned persons of Jewish descent. Thegreatest number of cases - more than 3,000 - involved property restitutions in Kielce, Radom, Czestochowa,and in other cities. In the years 1945-1947, Kielce Jews filed 350 claims for lots, buildings, stores, shops,

66 K. Urbariski, Kieleccy Zydzi ["The Jews of Kielce"], p. 180.67 APK, UWKII, Wydziat Kultury [Department for Cultural Affairs], sygn. 2179.68 APK, Paristwowy Urzgd Repatriacyjny Oddziat Powiatowy w Starachowicach [State Repatriation Office,Starachowice County Branch],. Sygn. 21.69 A P K , S ta ros two P o w i a t o w e Koneck ie [Koriskie County Adminis t ra t ion] , sygn. 57.70 APK, U W K I I , sygn. 1242.71 APK, Si)d Okrçgowy w Kielcach [Kielce Regional Court], sygn. 1869-1872 and 1876; Wojskowy S;jd Rejonowyw Kielcach [Kielce Regional Military Court], sygn. 520 (3 t.)72 "Antyzydowskie wydarzenia kieleckie 4.VII.1946 r." ["Anti-Jewish Events in Kielce, July 4, 1946"], Dokumenty imateriaty ["Documents and Materials"], ed. S. Meducki and Z. Wrona, vols. 1-2, Kielce 1992-1994; K. Urbariski,Kieleccy Zydzi, pp. 195-228; B. Szaynok, Pogrom Zydôw w Kielcach 4 lipca 1946 r. ["The Jewish Pogrom inKielce on July 4, 1946"], Warsaw 1992; J. Daniel, 2yd w zielonym kapeluszu ["A Jew in a Green Hat"] , Kielce1996.73 APK, U W K II, sygn. 1326, k. 145.

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and factories. Files on death certifications contain descriptions of circumstances: murders by Germans;deportations; ghetto liquidations; and mass executions.74

To protect abandoned property in Kielce, Czestochowa, and Radom, special Liquidation Officeswere established in 1946; they operated until 1949.75 The Kielce Regional Liquidation Office Fond containslists of abandoned real estate and names of new owners - some of them Jewish - in Radom, Starachowice,Szydlowiec, Checiny, and Kielce.76 Rosters of formerly Jewish holdings and real estate were compiled inother cities and counties as well.77 Jews who remained in the Kielce region recorded their recoveredenterprises, stores, and shops in the Commercial Registry Department at the Kielce Regional Court. Forexample, on June 4,1946, A. Zagajski with his sons established in Kielce a limited liability company andregistered its name, Zaklady Wapienne "Wietrznia" ["Wietrznia" Lime Mfg]; it was confiscated by the statein 1949.

A great number of notary files (more than 100 collections) - containing documents from the 1810-1950 period - as well as the real estate files, commercial registry court acts, and the Credit Associationdocuments in Kielce constitute a rich source for research on the welfare of Jews.

Also, an important source is a large collection of census books from the years 1864-1950, which arestored in the city and village district archives. These books, in addition to the first and last names, givebirthdates, parents' names, occupations, current addresses, and denominations. However, the census booksfor some localities, such as Kielce, have not survived. The census books were compiled in various periods.The ones from the first half of the 19th century are kept in the Samsonowski Region Military CommanderFond and in the Opoczno County Administrator Fond. Books from the second half of the 19th century upto 1939 are kept in the Jedrzejôw and Konskie city fonds and in the Suchedniôw and Bodzentyn villagedistrict fonds.

The State Archives in Kielce and its branches contain 42 collections of vital statistics books,containing records of births, marriages, and deaths in Jewish congregations, established mostly in 1826.Some Jewish congregations were created at different times: in Kielce in 1868; Bodzentyn- 1869;Lopuszno-1874; Jedrzejôw, Stopnica, and Pacanôw- 1875;Kurozweki-1875; and in Hza-1850. Vital statistics enableone to establish the occupational structure of the Jewish population and to reconstruct Jewish familygenealogies. With regard to the Jewish vital statistics dating before 1826, they are contained in the localCatholic church books [civil registers, starting in 1810]. However, the non-Christian population did not careabout timely notifications of births, marriages, and deaths. [See "Vital Records in Poland - A Primer" inKielce-Radom SIG Journal \:2 (Spring 1997), pages 3-7. Ed.]

The Announcement and Poster Collection [Zbiôr afiszôw i plakatôw] 1917-1949 (89 pieces) alsoprovides interesting information. It covers different periods and reflects civic and cultural life of the Jewishpopulation. Some items provide information about antisemitic acts.

The materials in the State Archives in Kielce and its branches do not constitute a complete sourcebase for studies of Jewish life in the Kielce region. The archives have considerable information gaps andreconstruction of the missing data requires painstaking research. Available Jewish documentation is verysmall and reflects Jewish participation in the life of Kielce society only to a minimal degree.

74 APK Oddzial w Jçdrzejowie, Zespôl Delegacyjny Prokuratorii Generalnej RP, Wstçp do zespolu opr. E.Szczepaniak [Jçdrzejôw Branch, Attorney General's Field Office in Kielce Fond, Introduction to the fond by E.Szczepaniak], sygn. 1-2, 1676, 1682, and 1729-1730.75 K. Nobis, Wstçp do zespolu [Introduction to the fond].76 APK, Okrçgowy Urzqd Likwidacyjny w Kielcach [Kielce Regional Liquidation Office], sygn. 28-182 and 318-353.77 APK Oddzial w Sandomierzu, Akta m. Rozwadowa, Starostwo Powiatowe Tarnobrzeskie; Oddzial w Jçdrzejowie,Starostwo Powiatowe Jçdrzejowskie [Sandomierz Branch, Rozwadôw City Archives, Tarnobrzeg CountyAdministration; Jçdrzejôw Branch, Jçdrzejôw County Administration], sygn. 366.78 APK, Naczelnik Wojenny Rewiru Samsonowskiego [Samsonowski Region Military Commander], sygn. 14;Naczelnik Powiatu Opoczyriskiego [Opoczno County Administrator], sygn. 4.

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50 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Surnames from Stownik Historii Kieleckich Zydôw[ A Historical Dictionary ofKielce Jews ]

Compiled by Dolores Lee Ring

KRZYSZTOF URBAliSKl o RAFAb BLUMENFELD

historii Meleehieh Êvdôw

The book Siownik Historii Kieleckich Zydôw [A HistoricalDictionary of Kielce Jews], by Krzysztof Urbariski andRafalBlumenfeld, was published in Kielce in 1995 (Kielce:Kielckie Towarzystwo Naukowe, ISBN 83-86006-65-X).This 198-page book, in Polish, contains 125 pages ofdictionary articles and 50 pages of photographs. There areover 700 articles - on people, organizations, and other topicspertaining to Jewish Kielce. A brief introduction and excerptfrom this work were published in Kielce-Radom SIG Journal

11:2 (Spring 1998), pages 25-27.

Dolores Lee Ring compiled a personal name index to thiswork, containing nearly 3,000 entries. A list of the surnamesappearing in this index is printed below. The full index willappear on JewishGen in the future.

We would love to be able to translate this book in its entirety.If you are interested in helping to fund this translation effort,please contact the editor. - WB

Abela, Abramowicz, Adler, Agronowicz, Ajdels, Ajzenberg, Albirt, Alland, Alpert, Alpirt, Ari, Armanowski,Aronson, Arten, Auszer, Auszner, Babinicz, Bajnwol, Bakalarski, Balachowicz, Balanowski, Balfour, Balicki,Baran, Baruch, Barus, Baszysta, Bautn, Bauman, Baumert, Beer, Bekerman, Belmont, Ben-Cyjon, Ben-Elizer,Berenblut, Berensztajn, Berger, Berkerman, Berkiewicz, Berkowicz, Berliner, Berlinski, Bertel, Besser, Biedny,Bielenkin, Bilski, Bimka, Binabowicz, Binenbaum, Binensztok, Binental, Binsztok, Birenbaum, Birensztajn, Birhak,Biskupski, Blank, Blaszczyk, Bliski, Blocha, Blumenfeld, Bogdanowicz, Bojemski, Bojgen, Bonko, B6r,Borenszajn, Borensztajn, Borkowski, Boroch, Brajtman, Branda, Brauer, Braum, Brauman, Braun, Braw, Breiter,Bromer, Brower, Brucha, Bruk, Brukier, Bruner, Buczynski, Bugajer, Bugajewicz, Bursztyn, Bystrzycki, Cejtlin,Cemberkiewicz, Cetel, Chachaja, Chagenko, Charendorf, Charenslupa, Charenzowski, Charina, Charmaacza, Chasev Ciesla, Chelchowski, Chelemner, Cherszon, Chlebowski, Chmtelnicki, Chodnikiewicz, Chotiner, Chroberski,Chwat, Chytler, Chytler, Ciesla, Citron, Cukier, Cukierman, Cwajga, Cwajgel, Cwajgenbaum, cwiklinski, Cyjon,Cymrot, Cynamona, Cytron, Cytrynbaum, Czarka, Czarnecki, Czarny, Czechowski, Czyzewski, Dancyger,Daszewski, Datner, Debscy, Debski, Diament, Dinces, Dizenhaus, Dlugasz v Wohl, Dmowski, Dobraszklanka,Dobrzanski, Drechting, Druksa, Drygant, Dryganta, Dulskiego, Dutkiewicz, Dwojra, Dyzynhaus, Dzftel, Dzialowski,Dziejdek, Dzielowski, Dziura, Edelman, Edelstein, Ehrlich, Eichler, Eisenberg, Ejchler, Ejzenberg, Elbaum, Elbirt,Elencweig, Elfam, Eliasiewicz, Elkes, Epsztein, Erlich, Erman, Esche, Ezer, Fabowski, Fajgenbaum, Fajgenblat,Fajkosz, Fajnkuchen, Fajnmeser, Fass, Federman, Fejgin, Feldman, Fener, Ferster, Feuer, Filipkowski, Finkelsztajn,Finkielhaus, Finkielsztajn, Finkler, Finkowicz, Firsztenberg, Fisz, Fiszer, Fiszman, Fisztenberg, Flanenbaum,Fleszer, Fleszler, Forster, Frajman, Frajtag, Freiman, Frejzynger, Frendzel, Frericha, Fried, Friedensohn, Friedman,Frimerman, Friszman, Frux, Frydan, Frydman, Frymer, Fryszman, Fryzman, Fuks, Fuscha, Fussman, Garnfinkiel,Gautier, Gayer, Gepner, Gertler, Gertner, Ghelman, Giernatowicz, Gindberg, Gingold, Ginsberg, Glajt, Glatt, Gleen,Glem, Gnat, Gold, Goldberg, Goldblum, Golden, Goldfarb, Goldfryd, Goldhaar, Goldhart, Goldlust, Goldman,Goldrat, Goldstajer, Goldstajn, Goldszajder, Goldszmid, Goldsztajn, Goldwasser, Golebiowski, Golemowski,Golszajd, Goodman, Gordon, Gôrkiewicz, Gôrnicki, Gôrski, Gosbein, Gotfryd, Gothardt, Gotlieb, Gottlib,Gozdzinski, Grandapel, Graubad, Graubard, Grauer, Grauz, Grauzman, Grinberg, Gringras, Grinsberg, Grisman,Grojsblat, Grojsman, Grosberg, Grosfeld, Grosman, Gross, Grostal, Grubsztajn, Grunberg, Grygierczyk, Grynbaum,Grynberg, Grynszpan, Gryszpan, Grzsman, Gurewicz, Gursztuc, Guterman, Gutman, Gutwurcel, Gwiazdowicz,Gyfrys, Hacedek, Hafter, Hageman, Hajman, Halperin, Hamburg, Hamiszmar, Harendor, Harendorf, Harkawi,Hassenbein, Hasslinger, Hatore, Hausler, Hechl, Hefter, Hein, Hetbersztam, Henig, Henoch, Henryk, Herclik,

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 51

Herling, Herling-Grudzinski, Herman, Herszenberg, Herszkowicz, Herszl, Herszon, Hertz, Hirszon, Hirszowicz,Hitler, Hlond, Hocherman, Hofman, Holzman, Honig, Horberg-Hochberg, Horowicz, Horowitz, Humer, Ibinski,Ickier, Ickowicz, Idzikowski, Iksan, Iwaszkiewicz-Rudoszanski, Izaak, Izraelicki, Jadwin, Jagodzinski, Jakielewski,Jakubowicz, Jakubowski, Jakubson, Jankielewski, Jankowski, Jaronia, Jaronski, Jarzwicka, Jasny, Jeger,Jerozolimski, Johson, Jokiel, Joselewicz, Joskowicz, Jôzewczyk, Jurasz, Jurgaszko, Jurkiewicz, Jurkowska,Jutrzenke, Kaczka, Kaczmarkiewicz, Kahan, Kajzer, Kalinowski, Kalmanowicz, Kalmas, Kalsztajn, Kaminer,Kandele, Kaner, Kantor, Kapusinski, Karp, Kasrylewicz, Kasztana, Kataryniarz, Katz, Kaufman, Kedzierski, Kerbel,Kersz, Kestenberg, Kierszencwajg, Kino, Kirszenbaum, Klajman, Klajnberg, Klajnberger, Klajner, Klajnert,Klajszan, Klajsztajn, Klarman, Kleinberg, Kleist, Klingbajl, Klingman, Klotz, Kluska, Knobl, Kobiet, Koch,Kochen, Kohn, Kolpowicza, Konenblum, Koniecz, Kopel, Kopf, Koplowicz, Korengold, Korman, Kornfeld,Korona, Kosciuszki, Kosciuszko, Kosecki, Kostenberg, Kostrzewski, Kostuch, Koszerowski, Kotsis, Kowalski,Kozlowska, Kozubski, Krakauer, Kramsztyk, Krauze, Krôl, Krysztal, Ksawer, Ksieski, Kubin, Kulinski, Kupelberg,Kuper, Kuperberg, Kuperminc, Kurta, Kusewicki, Kuszewski, Labniewicz, Ladowskich, Laichter, Lajbusiewicz,Lajchter, Lajzerson, Laks, Landau, Lander, Lange, Lape, Laskowska, Latasz, Lebenstein, Lederman, Leichter,Lejwa, Lejzorowicz, Lemberg, Leon, Lerer, Leszcz, Lew, Lewartowski, Lewek, Lewensztajn, Lewi, Lewich,Lewicki, Lewin, Lewinski, Lewinson, Lewit, Lewkowicz, Liberman, Lichtensztajn, Lipszyc, Lisa, Litwacki, Lorska,Lowenstein, Lubetkin, Lubicz, Lubka, Lubliner, Lubochinski, Luftscholinger, Lustgarten, Lwa, Machtynger,Maciejski, Majerowicz, Majerson, Majtek, Maliniak, Malinowski, Maly, Mandel, Manela, Maniewski, Marber,Maria, Markowicz, Markowski, Markson, Marmur, Marymont, Mauerberg, Mauerberger, Maur, Mayer, Meer,Mehla, Mendel, Mendelbojm, Mendlewicz, Menge, Mentlik, Mess, Meszenberg, Meyer, Mezal, Micenmacher,Miejskiej, Mikulowski, Milhaud, Miller, Mine, Mincberg, Minkowksi, Miodownik, Miski, Mitelman, Mlynski,Mohilewer, Morawiec, Mordka, Mordkowicz, Morgenthau, Moszberg, Moszenberg, Moszkowicz, Muller, Muntz,Mydlarz, Nacht-Samborskiego, Najman, Najmiller, Nalkowska, Natanson, Nayfeld, Nertel, Neugebauer, Neuman,Niebelski, Niedlinger, Niski, Nissenbaum, Niziurski, Nowak, Nowowiejski, Nusynowicz, Obarzanski, Offerler,Offman, Okonska, Oksenhendler, Otner, Olszowy, Opatowski, Opel, Orzech, Osôbka, Ostrowicz, Ostrowski,Owsiany, Ozga-Michalski, Pachel, Pachol, Paciorkowski, Paderewski, Palzura, Pantierer, Paradistal, Paserman,Pasternak, Peist, Pelc, Pelerman, Peltyn, Perec, Perelman, Perl, Pesta, Petcjpwo, Peters, Petuch, Pffefer, Piasecki,Piekarski, Piesta, Pikusiewicz, Pilsudski, Pinczewski, Piotrkowski, Piotrowski, Piper, Piwko, Plawer, Plesner,Plotnicki, Pluciennik, Pluto, Pollak, Pomerancblum, Porzycki, Posliszna, Posluszny, Potasznik, Poznanski, Prajs,Praw, Preiss, Proszowski, Prusa, Prybulski, Prylucki, Przeworski, Przybyl, Raab, Rabindorf, Race, Raclawski,Raczka, Radzecki, Rafalowicz, Rajyman, Rajzman, Rapoport, Ratsztajn, Ravel, Rawicki, Reichman, Reisman(Rajzman), Reitberger, Reitter, Reizman, Rekosinski, Rembiszewski, Resler, Ripinsky-Naxon, Ritter, Rodal,Rosenberg, Rosenblatt, Rosenkranz, Rosenstein, Rosenwald, Rotbaum, Rotenberg, Rotman, Rottner, Rowicki,Royenblum, Rozdzial, Rozenbaum, Rozenberg, Rozenblat, Rozenblum, Rozencwajg, Rozenfeld, Rozenholc,Rozenkranc, Rozenstpil, Rozenwald, Rubin, Rubinka, Rubinowicz, Rubinstein, Ruffa, Rumpel, Rusak, Rusiecki,Rusinek, Russak, Rutkowski, Rybarski, Rydygier, Rygier, Ryttel, Rzadkowski, Rzedowski, Rzetel, Rzeznicki,Sabata, Salata, Samborski, Sawa, Schindler, Schmeidel, Schmeterling, Schneider, Schonfeld, Schultz, Schutenberg,Schutzer, Scislowski, Seller, Sendlak, Sercerz, Serwetnik, Seweryn, Sewetnik, Siarkowski, Sieklucki, Siennicki,Silbering, Silberstein, Siniarowski, Sirota, Skôrecki, Sledzik, Sliwa, Smotkowicz, Smyche, Sobczynski, Sobel,Sobol, Sokolnicki, Sokoloski, Sokolowicz, Sokolowski, Solarz, Solnik, Solomanik, Sonberg, Sonczow, Sosiewicz,Sosnowski, Sowiecka, Sowinska, Sowinski, Spiegel, Spinozy, Stanu, Steigman, Stein, Steinberg, Steiner, Steinman,Steigman, Stern, Stolz, Strauman, Straus, Strawczynski, Strenfeld, Strosberg, Strum, Sultanik, Swiecki,Swieczarczyk, Sworowski, Szafir, Szajnfeld, Szapiro, Szapsiewicz, Szarogreder, Szatz, Szcerza, Szeftel, Szenfeld,Szenkier, Szermentowski, Szftel, Szkarlat, Szklarczyka, Szlamowicz, Szmeterling, Szmulewicz, Szolsztein,Szpakowski, Szperl, Szpilman, Szpiro, Szreiber, Sztabholc, Sztajgman, Sztajman, Sztajnhor, Szternfeld, Szternszys,Sztrenfeld, Sztrum, Sztunke, Szturm, Szulman, Szumacher, Szuman, Szumilewicz, Szwaje, Szwer, Szyfter, Taft,Tancer, Tanenbaum, Tarnowski, Taub, Tauman, Tejtelbaum, Tenenbaum, Tenenwuncel, Tojta, Tomicki, Tomsika,Trajman, Trajster, Treiger, Tress, Twerski, Tworowski, Umoca, Urbach, Urbajtel, Urbanowicz, Urmrut, Uszer,Uszerowicz, Wagner, Waisenfreud, Wajcberg, Wajcman, Wajdenfeld, Wajman, Wajnberg, Wajnberger, Wajncwajg,Wajner, Wajngold, Wajnryb, Wajnsberg, Wajnswajg, Wajnsztat, Wajnsztek, Wajntraub, Wajsblum, Wajsbrot,Wajszlak, Waksberg, Wakslats, Waksman, Walden, Waldiferent, Walesy, Walisch, Wargon, Warszawiak,Warszawski, Wasserman, Wawelberg, Weber, Wegierkiewicz, Weincweig, Weintraub, Weisenfreud, Weltman,Wertheim, Wesolowski, Wiercinska, Wiesenfreud, Wikinski, Wilk, Wilner, Wincenty, Winer, Winnicki,Wislicz-Iwanczyk, Witczak, Wittlin, Wloszczowski, Wôjcik, Wôlf, Wolfowicz, Wolman, Wolsztad, Wronski,Wundeler, Wygodny, Yagajski, Zabotynski, Zagajski, Zagôrski, Zajac, Zajaczkowski, Zajde, Zajderman, Zajdner,Zajfman, Zaka, Zakon, Zalcberg, Zalcer, Zalsztajn, Zambrowskiego, Zauzman, Zawadzki, Zeisler, Zelcer,Zelezniaka, Zelinger, Zelinski, Zelkiewicz, Zeranskieji-Kominek, Zernicki, Zeromski, Zielinski, Zieliôski,Zielonedrzewo, Zielony, Zilberberg, Zilbering, Zilberman, Zilberstein, Zilberszpic, Zilbersztajn, Zimmer,Zimmerman, Zimnicki, Zimnowoda, Zingerman, Zloto, Zoberman, Zuchowski, Zundsztajn, Zweybek, Zygierta,Zylberberg, Zylberblat, Zylbering, Zylberszlag, Zylbersztajn, Zyndler, Zysholtz, Zyskin, Zyskind, Zysman, 2yto,Zyzmanowicz.

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52 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

Extract Data in this Issue

UzarowRadom

MarriagesBirths

1870-18841845-1848

David PriceFlorence Weingram

The vital record extracts for this issue are the 1870-1884 Ozarôw marriages, prepared by David Price; andthe 1845-1848 Radom births, prepared by FlorenceWeingram. This data has been extracted from the civilregistration books in possession of the Polish StateArchives, and microfilmed by the Church of Jesus ChristLatter-day Saints (LDS). These extractions includeinformation derived directly from the originalregistrations on the following LDS microfilms:

#1,808,848 Ozarôw 1870-1884#0,716,128 Radom 1845-1848

There are additional microfilmed records available forboth Ozarôw and Radom.

Ozarôw

Ozarôw ("Ozheruv") was located in Opatôw powiat(district), in southeastern Radom gubernia. It had aJewish population of 2,557 in 1897, with Jewscomprising 77% of the town's total population. Here wepresent extracts of the marriages recorded in the Jewishcivil registers of Ozarôw for 1870-1884, extracted fromthe Russian by David Price.

Ozarôw is a "new" town for us, for which we havenot previosuly published any extracts. However, we havepublished many other features about the Jews of Ozarôw,including Yizkor Book excepts (in 1:4), transcripts of theremaining tombstones in the Jewish cemetery in Ozarôw(in 11:4), transcripts of the Ozarover landsmanshaftcemetery in Toronto (in IV:4), and the story of therestoration of the Jewish cemetery in Ozarôw (in V:4 andVI: 1).

The Ozarôw marriages include marriage partnersfrom many other towns, notably nearby Cmielôw,Opatôw, Ostrowiec, Sandomierz, Tarlôw, and Zawichost;as well as some towns in neighboring Lublin gubernia,such as Annopol and Jozefôw.

Radom

We continue our series of births in the capital city ofRadom, with Florence Weingram's extracts of the 1842-1844 Jewish births. Extracts of earlier Radom births,1810-1825, appeared in Kielce-Radom SIG Journal III: 1(Winter 1999), pages 15-20; with the 1827-1841 birthsand marriages in 1:3 (Summer 1997), pages 39-49; andthe 1842-1844 births in V:2 (Spring 2001), pages 63-67.

The Radom Jewish civil registers for this periodapparently also include registrations from the nearbytowns of Skaryszew and Jedlirisk, as well as many smallsurrounding villages and settlements.

These extracts include the father's occupation, inPolish. For an English translation of many of these terms,see the guide in our first issue, 1:1 (Winter 1997), pages31-32; or the JewishGen InfoFile, which can be found at< http://www.jewishgen.org/infofiles/pl-occ.txt >.

Also note the footnotes on the last page, describinga few anomolies in some individual registrations.

Caution

These extracts are intended to assist the researcher inselecting records that may be of use for further study.There may be errors in interpretation in these extracts,due to the uneven quality of legibility of the handwriting,the microfilming, and the condition of the microfilmitself, in addition to errors in the original record books.As always, it is prudent for the researcher, when usingsecondary source data such as these extracts, to examinethe primary source data for final verification. It is alwaysbest for the genealogist to view the actual recordspertaining to his/her family to verify the interpretation,and glean additional facts.

-WE

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 53

Ozarôw Marriages 1870-1884

# Surname18701 SZERMAN

SZERMAN2

3

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19

ROCHWERGBRONZAJTKIESTENBAUMLEDERMANMIERNIKADLERMINCBERGWALERSZTAJNFRIDMANEBUSZICROCHWERGLAUFERGOLDMANGOLDSZPINERWAKSMANWAKSMANGRAFKLEJNMINCLIPABRIFTREGERMEKLERLEDERMANWASSERMANKLEJNMANZYCHOLCGOLDENWORENKOTEKMANCHEJMBIRENBAUMWEJSMANZYLBERBERGBOKSENBAUMALTWERGERZYCHOLCBURSZTYNMINC

18711 SZAJNER

BEDER2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

LUSTYKLUSTYKTAUBTENENBAUMWAKSMANCINADERWAJNFORTHIPEL?MANDELCUKIERMANORENSZTAJNFRYDMANHOCHBAUMHOCHBAUMGOLDMANCYPLER

Given Name

MordkaChaia BrandlaElya HerszelAltaIcek LejbusLaia PerlaLejzorPerlaMordkaChaia ChawaIzrael JankelGitlaSzajaLaia ItaHemiaChawaChaimZvslaLejzor HercykCvrla LaiaSzaja KielmanAltaIzraelNeszkaNutaLaia RaizlaHil MajerIta PerlaChaimChanaSzmaryaRvfkaJosek BerekEttaHerszelZvslaJosek SzulimRuchla Cvpra

MordkaChana SuraIzrael MoszekMindlaIzraelHindaZajwelZvslaHaskelPerlaZelikMaryaNuchym HercykGrinaSzlamaFraidla LaiaSzaja IcekChaia Chawa

Age

20202219202124

18191818211921191917

to

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201921181818341922162118181621211922

251918222218361824211817211820201820

Father

SzymonMoszekSzlamaJankelBerekJukelIzraelIcekMechelAbramHercykKsvl NutaPejsakHercvkSenderChaimSzajaGerszonIzraelZelikZelmanChaimAbramDanielKielmanZelman HerszIcekWulfSzachneWulfChilChaimSenderZelmanRafalIcekIzraelLejbus

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Mother

Perla KOGUTKraindlaFELDMANTaubaGRINBAUMBaila SZIPERRyfka LejbusiowiczEstera Mala JuklewiczCypojra Ryfka RADENBERGSura BeniaminowiczChana MINCBERGZvsla AbramowiczCywia ManesiowiczRvfka ROTBERGDobra SZAJNBLUMMatla GOLDENWORENFrajda BROFMANChaia REWERG?Estera ROCHWERGHena JanklowiczRojza Szajndla KELNERSura SZTOLMarya KONSura LeibusiowiczHena WAKTELDwoira FRYDMANRuchla BEDEREta BerkowiczSura IckowiczPesa ZYCHOLCSzajndla CZERNY?Marva GOLDMACHERLajaTYSZLERFaiaa WAKSMANDynaCUKIERItta MELMANEstera MordkowiczSura GOLDSZTAJNGitla CUKIERHessa Ickowicz

Ruchla ZelikowiczNecha CYKLAPERPer LemowiczRvfka SZERMANBrucha ERLICHMANBaila BARANEKMirla Lejbusiowicz (died)SzaindlaNISENBAUMRyfka WolfowiczGitla ManelowiczFrimeta FUKSBlima ZAUBERMANGolda ZlotowiczEstera SZYPERMANMirla GOLDSZTAJNFaiea WOLDBERGEstera Ryfka OZOROKRvfka

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AnnopolOOOOOOOOZawichostOOOOOOSandomierzO

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54 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

10

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TYSZLERWAKSMAN/

SZERMANGOTLYBBLAJBERG

18721 GOTLYB

BRAFMAN2

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SZERMANSZERMANLEDERMANSZAFIRKIESTENBAUMRAPAPORTWORCMANMANDELKLAJMANFLAJSZAKERZYCHOLCSZERKERSZENBAUMROZENSZAJN /

SZERMANGUTFREJDCUKIERMAN /

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18731 HOCHMAN

CUKIERMAN2

3

4

5

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10

DIAMENTGRINERHOCHMANCUKIERGRINBAUMWAKSMANSZTAJNCHORTKINIGSBERGAPELBAUMKIRSZENBLATCYGERYNTSZERMANTAUBFRYDMANGOTLYBGOTLYBROZENCWAJGLEDERMAN

ChaimRuchla

Icek BerekSzvmcha Maryam

LejbusRaizlaAbram SzijaHerszekMindlaMortka DawidHendlaAbramLaiaDawidMary aBeniaminTaubaIzraelNachuma DrezlaRachmilMarianka

BerekChaja Blima

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Summer 2002

11 GLAZERKLAJMAN

12 LEDERMANWAJCHMAN

13 WAJNBERGLERER

14 MINCBERGGOLDSZTAJN

15 LUSTYKWETSZTAJN

16 GRINBERGBOKSENBAUM

17 BROMBERGGOLDSZTAJN

18 LEDERMANMAJZEL

18741 LANGER

PFEFERBERG2 TENENBLUM

SANDMEER3 APELBAUM

STUDEN4 BLAJBERG

BURSZTYN5 LEDRWERG

BOKSENBAUM6 KLEJNMIC

HOCHBAUM7 HOCHMAN

ZYLBERFENIG8 SANDMEER

ROZENTAL9 KOCHEN

FRYDMAN10 RAPAPORT

RAPAPORT11 KIRSZENBLAT

CUKLAPER12 ZYLBERBERG

BIRENCWAJG13 HOCHBAUM

MELMAN18751 MIERNIK

GOTLYB2 ABRAJTMAN

SZENKER3 GOTLYB

SZEF4 KARAS

BRIFTRIGER5 LERER

ERLICHMAN6 MANDEL

WAJSMAN7 MANDEL

SZAFIR8 LEDERMAN

MEKLER9 RANDEL

WAJNBERG

Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3

MoszekIdessaJankelChajaMortkaFraidaAbram WulfChawaJankelSuraAbramRaizlaElyaDwoiraElyaCipa

Chaim DawidMatlaJankelBrandlaIcek MejlichMaryaJosek SzlamaRuchlaJosekBruchaDawidRochmaAbram (wid of Gitla?)MalkaJakobHendlaJankelMaryaJankelRvwaHenochRuchlaNaftulaSzimchaIcek LejzorLaj a

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22

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2616

20

19

24

16

20

2719202018

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2019241818181920181916

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Perla LAUFEREstera Tema KARASRuchla JanklowiczBailaKOPELMANIttaMirla MoszkowiczHudesaROZENRaizla Rvwa BOKSENBAUMLiba LEDERMANBaila JARMULOWICZSura SZTOLPerla Dwoira PFEFERBERGChana Ryfka (dec.)Estera Perla HOROWICZCzarna FUKSBrandla ROZENCWAJGDobraSosa Sura APELBAUMSlawaCUKIERLaia PERELMICERMalka JakubowiczHena CUKLAPERHinda ROJZChana BOKSENBAUMFajga ROZENBLATFaiea ROZENBLAT

Ryfka AbramowiczDwoira ZYCHOLCEtla ERLICHSzaindla ARBAJTMANSzejwa FUDEMPerla GOLDSZTAJNChanaSura LeibusiowiczChaja WAJNBERGZelda EJCHORNMarya IckowiczFaiea Szaindla WAJSMANFrymeta FUKOW?Laia ZYLBERMANDwojra FRAJDMANHena WAKSZTOKChana BIRENCWAJGLaia Leibusiowicz

55

TarlowOOOOOPrzysucha?OOstrowiecOOOOZawichostOJozefow

IwaniskaOSandomierzOOOOOOOOOOLublinOStaszowOO00OpatôwOBelzinOOO

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56 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

10 FRYDMANLICHTENFELD

11 CUKIERGRISZPANCHOLC

12 GOTLYBEFEKTOR

13 CUKLAPERBEDER

14 HOCHMANKAC

15 SZAFIRTYSZLER

16 FINGERTBRONZAJT

17 SZPAGATSZERMAN

18 BEDERWAJMAN

19 KIERBELWAJNBERG

20 FRYDMANRABINOWICZ

21 ZAUBERMANRYBA

18761 ZYLBERBERG

MELMAN '2 MELMAN

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 57

4 SZPINDLERSZERMAN

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6 SOBELKIESTENBAUM

7 FISZMANERLICHMAN

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58 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

10 SZUSTER/GOLDSZTAJN

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Summer 2002

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Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3

MotelSzajndla LajaMoszek LejbusBinaAbram AbusGitla EtlaHilChaimMoszekChana SuraJankel KopelChanaJankelChana PesaSenderChana MatlaMoszek ElyaHenaHerszek BerekCvpojraAbram ZelmanRaizlaChaimHinda MajtaSzaja MoszekEsteraBerekItaAbramJochweta DwojraJosekChanaJosekRaizla MindlaJankelRvfkaHaskielEstera MalaJankelRvfkaHerszekBrandlaSzolRvfkaChaim HilZlota ChanaIzraelSzvfraChaimDwoiraJankelRuchla DwojraJakob IcekRvfka

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60

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 61

8 GLAUBERKESTENBAUM

9 MICMACHERCUKLAPER

10 TRAUBWAJNBERG

11 BOKSENBAUMDIAMENT

12 SZAFIRPRZEPURKA

13 RACIMORAFUDEM

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Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 63

Akt Surname18451 ROY(T)FARB2 MARGULES3 FRENKIEL4 WAX5 WARSZAUER6 KOZTOWSKI7 WAYSMAN8 KIRSZENBAUM9 ROZENBLIT10 WAYNTRAUB11 RYBSZTAYN12 WAYNBUCH13 SADOWSKI14 GROSFELD15 POPIELNIK16 GOLDMAN17 CUKIER18 ZAYDENWEBER19 ROZENTHAL20 GOLDMAN21 EYCHENBOYM22 WISENBERG23 KIRSZENBAUM24 RUBINSZTAYN25 KIERSZENBAUM26 NAYMAN27 MALOCH28 LOTERMAN29 FRIDMAN30 FRAYDENRAYCH31 PREMYSLOW32 GUTMAN33 GUTMAN34 WAYSBORT35 GOLDBERG36 BANKIER37 POMARANTZ38 SZPAJZMAN39 GOLDBERG40 PALIBORSKA41 KIERSZENBAUM42 ROZENBAUM43 MILERAT44 ROZENBAUM45 NAJFELT46 AJBUSIC47 WIERSZBICKI?48 GOLDSZLEGIER49 FELMAN50 SZMINDER51 GOLDMAN52 LEBENDIGIER53 ZILBERSZPITZ54 BIEKIERMAN55 FRYDMAN56 GOLDBERG57 FRYDMAN

Radom Births 1845-1848Given Name Father (occupation) Age Mother

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Abram (rzeznik)Abram (waciarz)Szlama (laznik)Motek (krawiec)Mendel (kupiec)Icek (waciarz)Moszek (krawiec)Dawid (rzeznik)Leybus (kamieniarz)Mosiek (kramarz)IzraelIzrael Jakob (czapnik)Leyzur (straznik od konc.)Izrael DawidJankiel (czapnik)Mosiek Hertz (spekulant)Mendel (spekulant)Pejsak (stolarz)Nuta (krawiec)Boruch (malarz)[cek (rzeznik)Leyzor (stragarz)Hernia? (czapnik)Josek (krawiec)Izrael (krawiec)Icek (krawiec)Motek (czapnik)Kona (tokarz)Hil (bakalarz)Hilcz (krawiec)Dawid Lejb (piekarz)Pinkus Bair? (krawiec)

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Kielce-Radom SIG Journal

AbusHana SuraWulfHawaDawid HerszBasiaZadel LejbusSura Ruchla* 8SuraSura FraidaWigdorJosekPrywaMasiaSzlamaHana GitlaAbram Jankiel

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radont SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 67

84 MILLER85 MILLER86 SZTANBERG87 BLUFARB88 GOLDBERG89 HOHKULERT90 GOLDSZLEGER91 RUTMAN92 GOLDFARB93 ADLER94 WAJSBORT95 MOSZKOWICZ96 SZMAJER97 GLAT98 DOBRUCKI99 RUBINSZTAJN100 SZUSTER101 ADLER102 NAJCHUS103 TENENBAUM104 BRESLER105 ROZENBERG106 WISENBERG107 INTERSZTAJN108 FRYDMAN109 EJZENSZTAT110 WAJSBROT(-BORT)111 ZAJDENWEBER112 WAJSBORT113 KIERSZBEREG114 BAGART115 SZAJNFELD116 WEINCWAIG117 RUPMAN118 KANTOROWICZ119 HELFANT120 PERLMYTER121 ROSENBAUM122 BIRENBAUM123 WARSZER124 SZYMCHOWICZ125 HENDEL126 WAJMAN127 BWAG(W)EN?128 BIRENBAUM129 BRESLER130 KIERSZENBAUM18471 GLAT2 HAZEN3 DYMANT4 GOLDBERG5 PRZEMYSLEW6 SZTEJER(N)7 ADLER8 KORMAN9 KOLTMAN10 BIRENBAUM11 GOTBEJFER12 GRUSZKOWICZ13 KLEJNERMAN14 GERSZTAJN

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68 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 Summer 2002

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LeybusHil TobiaszSzyiaMosiekJankielZlataIcekIdesChaim DawidKiwaBerekRuchlaNachymaChylMaior DawidBajlaMnucha RajzaJochfeta

:e-Radom SIG Journal

Jankiel (rolnik)Mosiek (krawiec)Ela (rolnik)Lejbus (wyrobnik)

Chiler (krawiec)Tobias (pachciarz)Abus (pisarz prywatny)Szmul Lejbus (handlarz)Majer (solarz)Abus (szynkarz)Leyzor (kramarz)ChilMoszek (zlotnik)Dawid (rzeznik)Gerszon (krawiec)Jankiel (pisarz prywatny)Szmerek (bakalarz)Szmul (fiirman)Abraham Chil (kolonista)- (pachciarz)Abraham (felczer)Gerszon (krawiec)SzymchaBunem (handl.)Izrael Jakob (czapnik)Perec (szklarz)Herszek (handlarz)Icek (wyrobnik)Jankiel (kramarz)Mosiek (pachciarz)Mosiek (wyrobnik)Mosiek Mendel (handl.)Kadys (deceased)Mendel (kupiec)Froim (wyrobnik)IcekZelik (krawiec)Peysak (rolnik)Elkun (wyrobnik)Dawid (krawiec)Josek (introligator)Nuach (stolarz)

Volume 6, Number 3

27292338

283630283140354026242328453427234424203324343631405032-3627263320242528

Hersz Wulf (straznik konc.) 30Hersz (liwerant)

Rachmil (blacharz)Jankiel (piekarz)Izrael (wyrobnik)Jankiel (wyrobnik)-Abus (rzeznik)Abus (mlynarz)Rachmil (blacharz)Ayzyk (macarz)Szmul (tandeciarz)Ela (krawiec)Izrael Icek (kramarz)Szmul (handlarz)Izrael Szyia (pachciarz)

30

33353040

346333303834356226

Samson (pisarz prywatny) 26Leybus (wyrobnik)Izrael Jakob (macarz)Icek (krawiec)

282630

SurazKIERSZENBLATSurazKIERMANHindazWOLMANRuchla zZYSLEWICZ

JetazHURTYK?PerazMOSZKOWICZDwora Myndla BERNBAUMEstera zBEKIERMANEtlazMOSKOWICZRyfkazPOMARANCRuchazWEJMANChawazTELMANRyfkazHELERMANGoldazKARTKOWICZChaiaz KAUFMANChawa Rywa KIERSZENBAUMRuchazRUBINSZTEYNHana z ZELMANOWICZRyklazPERLRucha z BERKOWICZNotkazGROFFELDChana z GUTMANRuchla zJOSKOWICZChawa z DOMBLATSurazZAJDMANPerla zLIKHABERLaiazAKIERMANMindlazWODKCzarnazLEYZOROWICZHanazHENCIKMAN?Menucha Laia GOLDSZTEYNHana Sura MARGULESUdes z WAJNBERGRuchla Royzla z GOLDMANZeldaz FINKIELSZTEJNPerla z FRYDMANCurtla z GOLDBERGRyfka Ruchla TAJGIELMANHanazKADYSZEWICZCzarnazBEJNISIEWICZHawazZANDSZTEJNEjdlazKANTOROWICZ

pow. IDwasazACKERMANFaigazCUKIERMANGrendla z ZYLBERBERGLaiazKOLENDRayla Slamowicz (sluzaca)GitlazARONEWICZGelazNUSYMOWICZ?Dwosia z CUKIERMANSoraGitlaz FRYDMANHaia Hinda z CHARTMANHawazWAYBATDwojra z TAYGENBAUMSzyfra z BERNBAUMIta z MARKOWICZSura z ZYLBERBERGSura Laia z ROZENCWEIGDwojra z BEREMBAUMItla Tzl MILICHIOR *23

21242233

252828263040363028252124403024273024202024303326363626303319-2920-25222522

Summer 2002

wies GembarzowRRWierzbica

Rwieé Parznicewies" PiastowRSkaryszewJedlinskRRRRRRRRJaniszow/wies" Bobylinwies PomorzanyRRRRSoltykowRWierzbicaRwies MazowizanyDzierzkow

RR *21 rfRRJedlinskKolonie SoltykowRKlwatka SzlacheckaRwieé Klwatka SzlacheckaRR/Mialkerk?Orly

3ielski, gubernia Grodzinska *22363428302428503625332036452523252624

Rwieé Dlugoiewwies Prendocinkwieé ZamlynRSkaryszowRRRRRRRwieé DlugoiowWierzbicawies PalonkiOboziskR

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Summer 2002 Kielce-Radom SIG Journal Volume 6, Number 3 71

100 AYZENBERG101 WIZENFELD102 RUTMAN103 MELCHIOR104 GIERSZTEIN105 ADLER106 MELCHIOR107 GOLDSTEIN108 CWAYGIEL109 BORNSTEIN110 ROZENBAUM111 ROZENCWEJG112 RUTS(Z)TEEV113 WAYSMAN114 GROSFELD115 MELCHIOR116 BORNSZTEIN117 KIERSZENBLAT118 FAYNGOLD119 ROZENBLUM120 ROZENCWEJG

Footnotes:

Leybus *24JudaJankielNison LeybAbram Sz(y)iaZacharyaszDwqjra HudesZacharyaszMordkaHersz DawidIzrael IcekHersz LeybHerszDanielLeyzorFaygaJudka HerszZysla

Chaim IcekSzyfra SzaydlaChaim

Leybus od? Icek (waciarz) 30Chaim Hersz (kraw. rekrut)21Nuchman (wyrobnik) 40Izrael (macarz) 30Icek (szmuklerz) 38Michal (handlarz skor) 36Ela (krawiec) 24Chaim (wyrobnik) 22Heretz (wyrobnik) 34BoruchLeyb (wyrobnik) 23Gdale Rafel 23Mordka (pakciarz) 30Abus (rekrut) 22Leybus (wyrobnik) 26Chaim (faktor) 48Kadys (macarz) 30Boruch Leyb (wyrobnik) 24Michal (kolonista) 22Izrael (wyrobnik) 34Hersz (krawiec) 63Mordka (pachciarz) 30

LaiazRUBINSZTEIN 24Perla zWAINSZTAK 22SurazJANKLOWICZ 37DwoyrazEJZENBERG 30Sura z FLAUBAUM 32RuchlazROZENBERG 33LaiazZWALENSKA 20Perla zZACHARYASZEWICZ 20DwojrazMIRTENBAUM? 30RyfkazHERSZKOWICZ 24ChaiaRyfkazCWERENER 20ChaiazFRYDMAN 28Tauba z LIDERMAN? 20UdeszJEKOWICZ? 20Laia 40ChaiaRyfkaz GOLDMAN 24RywkazHERSZKOWICZ 24RuchlazPLASNIK? 19SurazBERNBAUM 32GitlazABRAMOWICZ 40ChaiazFRYDMAN 28

RR / LipskRRRRRwies ModrzewiceR / Klwata SzlacheckaRRR / wies Royc Duchowzy?"Radom w Kozar" *25MilowiceRRRwies Obszowwies Krwatka?Rwies Golan /wies Raice? Duchowny?

1845:•1*2*3•4*5*6*7

"Strycharz" may be the occupation "stycharz".Mother's name appears as Mindla Maimanow z Zilberszpitzowiej. Conjecturing a clerical error, I placed the "z" before the maiden name.Akts # 68 and # 69 are almost identical except for mother's ages and maiden names, birth dates and birth registration dates.Occupation may be a form of "handlarz zboza".Child's given name is Icek in index.Child's given name is Marya in index.Child's given name is Matel in index. This may be a clerical error, as the middle given name in the previous Akt 94 is Matel.

*8 Name appears as Sura Ruchla in text and Sura Rywka in margin. Index did not include middle name.* 9 Given name is Gitla in index.* 10 The birth month, given here as the first day of the current month refering back to the birth registration month cited as November, is

probably a clerical error as the previous and following akts' registration and birth months are December.1846:* 11 Given name looks like "Moszek fiszel" in margin, Moszek?Tiszel in text, and Mosiek Szla in index.*12 Text states child was born in and his father was from Mlodzianow; only the margin indicates he was from Radom.1847:*13 The 13 day difference between these Julian and Gregorian calendar dates indicates an error in one of them.* 14 The 14 day difference between these Julian and Gregorian calendar dates indicates an error in one or both.*15 These Julian and Gregorian calendar dates have a 5 day difference between them and may be incorrect.* 16 The 11 day difference between these Julian and Gregorian calendar dates probably indicates an error.* 17 Child's surname is given as Frydman in text, though it is Milichior in the index, as are her father's surname and mother's married name.* 18 Text states child was born in and his father was from Radom; only the margin indicates he was from Zakow.1848:* 19 The discrepancy between the Julian and Gregorian dates indicates an error. If the January date were the 27th, as are the two following

dates in the registry, it would be consistent with a 12 day difference between calendars.*20 Mother's name was recorded as Sura z Csela z Medelsohn. Assuming that Csela was her middle name (not another maiden name), I altered

the data to comply.*21 Mother's first and second married names appear; her maiden name does not: Hana Sura GOLDBERG MARGULES.*22 Father seems to have resided in Mialkerk? Orly and later in Radom temporarily and then as a resident.*23 The "z" (of) was omitted from the mother's maiden name, but the plural family ending "-ow" was present.*24 Both child's and father's given names are Leybus in the text (except father is "Leybus od? Icek" first and "Icek Ayzenberg" later in text).

In the index, child's given name is confirmed as Leybus (though surname is spelled "Eyzenberg") for Akt 100, but is Symcha (surnamespelled "Ayzenberg) for Akt 99. There is no Ayzenberg text for Akt 99 (the entry is for another registrant) and there are two Akt 99's in theindex. Ayzenberg index Akt 99 may have been an attempt at error correction.

*25 No other information on child's birthplace and none on father's residence are provided.

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Glossary

akta

bannCyrillic

FHCFHLgubernia

HIASHilfsFareinJRI-PolandlandsmanLDS

matronymicmonogeneticobwôdpalatinatepatronymicpolygeneticpowiatuezdUSC

wojewôdztwa

Polish vital records, often seen as a column heading in vital record indices and extracts,to denote the record numbers

document of intent to marryalphabet used for the Russian language:

LDS (Mormon) Family History Center, branch libraryLDS (Mormon) Family History Library, in Salt Lake City, Utahgeographic/political subdivision of the Russian Empire, similar to a province, which

applied to the Kingdom of Poland from 1844 until World War I (Russian: ryôepinw)Hebrew Immigrant Aid Societyhelp union or aid societyJewish Records Indexing - Poland, a database project hosted on JewishGensomeone who originated in the same village prior to immigration (plural: landsleit)Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly used to denote the Mormon

Family History Library,identification by mother's given namesurname from a single progenitor; all bearers of the surname are relateddistrict, subdivision of guberniageographical/political subdivision of pre-partition Poland, similar to a provinceidentification by father's given namesurname originating from multiple progenitors; all bearers of the surname are not relateddistrict, subdivision of gubernia (Polish)district, subdivision of gubernia (Russian Ye3ffb = Polish powiat)Urzad Stanu Cywilnego = Civil Records Office, where vital records less than 100

years old are usually stored in each towngeographical/political subdivision of the Kingdom of Poland until its inclusion in

Russia's gubernia system in 1844, and again following World War I through the present

Polish Pronunciation Guide

Polish Alphabet: a ^ b c c d e ç f g h i j k l l m n r i o ô p r s s t u w y z z z

cch,hc,cz,s, sz,z,zi,

cisirz

= ts= kh= ch= sh= zh

3 =

j =dz =1 =w =

om,em,yjwV

onen

Kingdom of Poland1867-1917