kinet hoyuk middle and late ia ceramics

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Middle and Late Iron Age Painted Ceramics from Kinet Hyk: Macro, Micro and ElementalAnalysesAuthor(s): Tamar Hodos, Carl Knappett and Vassilis KilikoglouReviewed work(s):Source: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 55 (2005), pp. 61-87Published by: British Institute at AnkaraStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20065535 .Accessed: 11/09/2012 06:36

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Anatolian Studies 55 (2005): 61-87

Middle and Late Iron Age painted ceramics from

Kinet H?y?k: macro, micro and elemental analyses

Tamar Hodos1, Carl Knappett2 and Vassilis Kilikoglou31University of Bristol,

2University of Exeter,

3'Demokritos' National Centre for Scientific Research, Athens

Abstract

This article presents the results of scientific analyses on a selection of sherds associated with two kilns from the site

of Kinet H?y?k (Hatay). The kilns are dated to the eighth century BC and the end of the seventh century BC. In

between these two periods, archaeological evidence suggests a period of occupation by the Neo-Assyrians. The

present study assesses the impact of this occupation on the pottery industry at the site using a combined approach of

thin section and neutron activation analyses. The results of these analyses additionally allow for a new classification

system of local wares.

?zet

Bu makale Kinet H?y?k (Hatay) yerle?im alanmdaki iki ocakla baglantili seramik par?alan ?zerine yapilan bilimsel

analizlerin sonu?lanni sunmaktadir. Bu ocaklar M.?. sekizinci y?zyila ve yedinci y?zyilm sonuna tarihlenmi?tir.

Arkeolojik deliller bu iki d?nem arasmda Ge? Assur yerle?imine i?aret etmektedir. Bu ?ah?ma s?z konusu yerle?iminburadaki ?anak c?mlek end?strisine o?an etkisini ince kesit ve n?tron etkile?im analizleriyle beraber degerlendirmektebununla birlikte analizlerin sonu?lan, y?resel kaplann yeni bir smiflandirma sistemine de olanak saglamaktadir.

Questions of trade and manufacture during the Iron

Age have been among the driving forces of schol

arship in the Mediterranean Iron Age, often linked to

the mobility and activities of the Greeks and the

Phoenicians (Horden, Purcell 2000). Pottery continuesto be one of the major material indicators of such inter

actions. However, there is growing evidence for local

production of specific pottery types across a broad area,rather than widespread distribution from single locales.

The site of Kinet Hoyuk exemplifies this during the

Iron Age, thanks not only to a clear stratigraphie

sequence with a large ceramic assemblage, but also to

the presence of kilns, one dated to the eighth centuryBC and the other to the end of the seventh century BC

These two kilns help show exactly which shapes and

styles were being produced at the site in these twoperiods, while sandwiched between them is evidence

that the site was occupied by Neo-Assyrians. Althoughmuch is often made of the immediate material impact of

conquests and occupation, little attention has been paidto their long-term impact upon local populations. One

aim of the present study is to consider this questionfrom the admittedly narrow perspective of pottery

production at the site, using these two kilns and their

associated material as a means of assessing any longterm influence the Neo-Assyrian occupation may have

had on the technologies of pottery production at the

site, such as clay paste preparation, in addition to

stylistic developments.Material associated with the Neo-Assyrian phase,

itself, has not been included in the present study, as our

focus has been on material from and associated with

the two kiln complexes themselves; questions

regarding the production and prevalence of local wares

compared with imported examples in the Neo-Assyrian

phase will be addressed in the final ceramic report.For the present study, we have subjected samples from

both kilns to scientific analysis. Material from the

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Anatolian Studies 2005

earlier kiln and related examples have been analysed

through both chemical and microscopic study, while a

sample of material from the later kiln was analysed

through microscopy alone, in light of associated

material and the conditions ofdeposition.

The result

of this study impacts upon a second aim: to inform the

final analysis of the Iron Age ceramics by providing a

means of identification and classification of the

various local wares.

The regionThe northeastern corner of the Mediterranean was a

region of tremendous cross-cultural interaction duringthe Iron Age. Populated by north Syrians, Aramaeans

and Luwian-speaking Neo-Hittites, the area also represented the westernmost limit of the

Neo-Assyrianempire from the time of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727

BC). The natural resources of the region were of greatinterest to these various peoples. The Amanus

mountain range, which lines the coast of the Gulf of

Iskenderun, had gold, copper and arsenic resources

(Yener et al. 2000: 167), and the north Syrian landscape

inspired the Assyrians in their visual arts, particularlythe representation of shrubs, fruit trees, cypress,

boxwood and cedarwood (Alkim 1965; Thomason

2001). The fertility of the region in antiquity is attested

by the preservation of cereals and olives at a number of

sites (Bonatz 1993: 131). Purple dye was also produced

locally, as suggested by the remains of quantities of

murex shell in various states of processing from Kinet

H?y?k (Gates 1999a: 263).

Perhaps more importantly, however, the area also

served as a material crossroads, as well as a cultural

one. Passage through north Syria from the Mediter

ranean is provided by the Orontes river, which meets

the Mediterranean on the southeastern side of the Gulf

of Iskenderun. Following the river valley from the sea,

one quickly enters the Amuq plain, which integrates

with the overland trade routes leading to the Anatolian

highland, northern Syria, upper Mesopotamia, southern

Syria and Palestine (Pamir, Nishiyama 2002: 295).Mediterranean populations, particularly the Phoeni

cians and Greeks, were drawn to this frontier for its

access to the region's hinterland. Thus, during the

eighth century, when Greek pottery begins to arrive in

the Near East with regularity, it is in this region that it

ismost concentrated, not elsewhere along the Levantine

coast (Boardman 2002b). The region, therefore, served

as a gateway between land and sea, through which

goods and products manufactured for dispersal weredistributed between the Near East and the Mediter

ranean by a variety of mobile people (Horden, Purcell

2000; Purcell 2005).

Kinet H?y?k during the Iron AgeKinet H?y?k is a large mound site located on the eastern

shore of the Gulf of Iskenderun (fig. 1). It is 26m in

height and covers an area of 3.3ha. Excavations have

takenplace

atthe site since 1992 under the direction of

M.-H. Gates (Bilkent University). A near continuous

sequence of occupation from the Chalcolithic period to

the first century BC has been identified, with a brief re

occupation across the 13th century AD (Gates 1999a:

260, 261; Redford et al. 2001). Geomorphologicalevidence indicates that the settlement was situated in an

estuary at the mouth of the original course of the Deli?ayriver, which now flows 2.5km to the south (Ozaner

1994). The site developed on a rise on the northern bank

of the river, while a small natural harbour formed to the

west and northedges

of the mound itself. Over its

history of occupation, until the harbour and estuary

began to silt up during the Hellenistic period, this fluvial

harbour situation served as the site's primary raison

d'?tre, and Kinet functioned as a thriving port of trade

through which goods and ideas passed (Gates 1999b).As the only elevated ground in the otherwise level

alluvial floodplain that makes up the coast along the

foothills of the Amanus mountains, the site also

maintained a strategic purpose, with excellent sight-linesaround the entire bay.

The period of the Middle Iron Age was one of

extreme mixed cultural interactions for Kinet and the

territory inwhich it was situated. Since the Bronze Age,

Luwian-speaking Neo-Hittites and originally nomadic

Aramaeans had settled in this region alongside longestablished north Syrian populations (Hodos 2006: ch.

2). These communities were organised into small citystates made up of diffuse kinship-oriented urban settle

ments that replaced the regional powers of the Bronze

Age palace towns. They formed and altered politicalalliances with one another and their regional neighboursas required, usually in response to pressure from the Neo

Assyrians (Bunnens 2000; see alsoThuesen 2002). Evenonce this region was annexed into the Neo-Assyrianadministration system, some cities and alliances would

rebel or refuse to pay tribute, forcing the Assyrian armyto return again and again (Bing 1971: 100 with refer

ences; Thomason 2001: 67).From at least the tenth century, the Neo-Assyrians

provide us with names of the north Syrian politicalterritories. The area around Kinet belonged to the lands

of Que, which extended across the plain between the

Taurus and Amanus mountains, and whose eponymous

capital lies under modern Adana. Neo-Assyrian interestin Que may have begun during the reign of Tiglath

Pileser III (744-727 BC). He was the first to annex

territories in north Syria and Phoenician holdings

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Hodos, Knappen and Kilikoglou

TarsusAdana

!Mediterranean]Sea

?HJ2?S\iskenderun=

0 Zindiii

Amanus

Mts

Kinet

'Hoy?k

Amuq

Tell

cTayinat

?atal H?yiik

Tell Judaidah

Antakya

9Ras el

iBassit

rRas lbn\>Hani

Tell Sukas

Hama

i i i

Fig. 1. Kinet H?y?k in its regional setting

directly into the Assyrian empire, demonstrating an

increasing encroachment towards Cilicia (although

Neo-Assyrian campaigns against Que go back to the

middle of the ninth century: Desideri, Jasink 1990: ch.

2). By 738 BC, the state of Unqi, the Amuq plain, on

the eastern side of the Amanus mountains, had certainlybeen conquered and annexed (Hawkins 1995: 95). It is

possible that Tiglath-Pileser III began to prospect for

further conquest in Cilicia. No written records of

activity in the region are preserved from the reign of

Tiglath-Pileser's successor, Shalmaneser V (726-722

BC), although it is assumed that Que and the north

Syrian principality of Sam'al became fully incorporatedin the Neo-Assyrian empire during his reign, as there

are references to Assyrian governors over these regions

in documents dating to the reign of Sargon II (721-705

BC) (Forrer 1921: 70-71; Goetze 1962: 51; Hawkins

1979: 154).

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We do not know precisely what Kinet was called

during much of the Iron Age, although the site was

certainly known as Issos by the end of the fourth century

BC, when Alexander the Great met Darius III in 333 BC

at the eponymous battle. Kinet is situated on the plain ofIssos (Ozaner, ?ahk 1995), and Xenophon refers to the

settlement of Issos as a town with a harbour (Anabasis

1.4.1-2). As noted above, Kinet functioned as a harbour

site and remains the only elevated site on the plain. The

extensive fortification system of the late fourth century

suggests a city prepared for conflict around it (Gates

1999; 2003: 285-86).As for its earlier Iron Age name, one possibility is

that it may have been known as Siss?, associated

homophonically with Issos (Bing 1993). There are

toponymiereferences to a Siss? in the

earlyseventh

century, where it is reported in a text of Esarhaddon

(680-669 BC) that Sanduarri, king of Kundi and Siss?,

formed an unsuccessful alliance with the Phoenician

king of Sidon against the Neo-Assyrian ruler

(Luckenbill 1927: 206, nos 513-514). Although the

specific location of Siss? is not described in the

Esarhaddon text, it is usually identified with modern

Kozan, an inland site on the northern edge of the

Cilician plain (for references to this argument, see Bing1993: 101, 113, n. 17; Casabonne 1997: 40 notes that

Kundi and Siss? are described as citadels in steepmountains and argues that Kinet therefore cannot be

Siss?; while Kinet is clearly located on the plain, the

coast is extremely narrow at this point and the Amanus

foothills begin less than 6km away, where they rise very

quickly and are surprisingly steep). That Issos may be

Siss? rests upon an interpretation of the linguisticderivation of the Neo-Assyrian Siss? from the Hurro

Akkadian name Zisi, which was a coastal port during the

Late Bronze Age that is mentioned in a statue inscriptionof a local Hurrian ruler of Alalakh, Idrimi, as one of the

cities Idrimi destroyed during a campaign against the

Hittites (Bing 1993: 102-03). It is the description of the

campaign that places Zisi on the coast somewhere,

perhaps in eastern Cilicia, for which Kinet would fit the

geographic location, and fieldwork has demonstrated

that itwas a sizeable settlement during the Late Bronze

Age (although see Casabonne 1997: 40 for linguistic

arguments that Zisi may be located on Cyprus). If Zisi

is to be situated in Cilicia and its name developed

onomastically into Siss?, which in turn entered Greek as

Issos, then the Neo-Assyrian text of Esarhadden would

refer to the settlement now known as Kinet. An alliance

between Sidon and a strategic port town further alongthe coast would also make much sense for a Phoenician

king in need of an ally, especially one that functioned as

another port (Bing 1993: 104), although Phoenician

presence throughout Que is attested from a number of

inscriptions, especially the contemporary texts from

Karatepe, and there is no reason to assume that an inland

seat of power would not have been equally advanta

geous, albeit perhaps for different reasons.Winter has suggested that Sanduarri of Siss? may

also be the same person as the ruler of Karatepe who

calls himself Azitawatas in the famous Karatepe inscrip

tions, on the grounds that Sanduarri may be read as a

phonetic rendering of the name Azitawatas (Winter1979: 146, n. 138). It is impossible to determine how

probable this identification may be. The Karatepe

inscriptions state that Azitawatas was promoted by the

Adana king Awarikus, and that he extended the terri

torial control of Adana and prospered (for example,

Hawkins, MorpurgoDavies

1978;Hawkins

1999;but

see Casabonne 1997: 40-41, n. 28 for chronological

difficulties). The suggestion is compatible with the

geography of the region, but without additional

supporting evidence, this connection must remain only a

possibility. We know so little of the social circum

stances of individuals that there is little non-epigraphicevidence that may be called upon. Even notions of

ethnicity?

as a social construct? are not illuminating

during this time, for although Azitawatas is a Luwian

name, it is not necessarily the case that he identified

himself as distinctly ethnically Luwian. The Iron Agerulers of Sam'al have Anatolian/Neo-Hittite/Luwian

names (Panamuwa, Kilamuwa) as well as Aramaean

ones (Bar-rakib, BRSR), while Aramaic inscriptionswith Aramaean and Semitic names have been found at

Hama (Sam'al: Bunnens 2000; Hama: Otzen 1990). The

mixed cultural origins of this region, coupled with

evidence for the movement of populations by the Neo

Assyrians (and later the Neo-Babylonians), renders anystrict ethnic identifications impossible. Furthermore,ethnic identity may not have been as significant as

cultural unity, especially in opposition to the behemoth

that was the Neo-Assyrian empire.

The archaeology of Kinet's Middle Iron Age periodreflects this very cultural diversity. Although Kinet is

situated within the territory of Que, its material culture of

the Iron Age finds greatest compatability with that from

settlements in the territory of Unqi, whose capital at Tell

Tayinat on the Amuq plain of the lower Orontes valleywas the primary destination of imported Greek ceramics

from the eighth century BC. However, Kinet also

demonstrates close material ties with Tarsus as well.

Thus it can be argued that the material culture of north

Syria extended into Cilicia and certainly cut across the

political boundaries of the period. This position contrasts

with that of Winter, who sharply distinguishes the

cultural differences, especially the degree of 'aramaici

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sation', between Que and Sam'al (Winter 1979: 138).Rather than being divisions of culture and provinceenforced by mountains, these cultural distinctions are

blended, from Unqi to the coastal strip across the

Amanus mountains that Kinetinhabits,

into cultural

transitions across the region as a whole.

During the ninth and eighth centuries, the site

functioned as a large port town to which fine table wares

and storage vessels were imported from Greece, Cyprusand Phoenicia. An eclectic taste in fashion is suggested

by imported fibulas, which include a rare 'swollen bow'

example from Thessaly, a rare Near Eastern 'elbow' typeand a unique molded bow in the form of a nude woman

clutching her breasts. The cosmopolitan nature of Kinet

may be further demonstrated by a Phoenician onomastic

of a Luwian name, possibly dedicatory and provisionallyread as 'To Sarmakaddanis', on a large storage jarassociated with a monumental building on the western

side of the settlement (Gates 2004: 408; preliminary

reading by A. Lemaire). This structure looked down

upon the active harbour. Its walls, encasing large rooms,were built on lm wide foundations of riverstones with a

mud-brick superstructure coated in a thick layer of

plaster. A series of outdoor pebbled and gravelled court

yards surrounded the building. An equally monumental

building, with similarly substantial walls of comparableconstruction and a thickly plastered floor, was erected on

the other side of the settlement, overlooking the river.

Quantities of pottery from both buildings attest to the

site's own substantial ceramic output of cooking vessels

and table wares decorated in the Cypro-Cilician style

(Hodos 2000a; 2000b).Sometime during the second half of the eighth

century, a sudden change inmuch of the material culture

of the settlement occurred which has been attributed to a

period of Neo-Assyrian occupation. These alterations

can be seen most clearly in three particular aspects of the

material culture of the site: the architecture; the ceramic

assemblage; and faunal remains (arguably, these are three

aspects which have received closer post-excavation

scrutiny to date than the rest of the material excavated).The buildings of this stratum were reconstructed

along a different orientation from the previous (and

subsequent) period, in a somewhat haphazard manner.

Although still on a monumental scale, unusually for the

site, associated walls had jogs and shallow niches, and

the mud-brick sometimes had no stone foundations at all,which contrasts with the building technique both before

and after this phase, which always utilised fieldstones

and riverstones as foundations. Two cylinder seals ofNeo-Assyrian style have been recovered from the

complex on the western side of the settlement, one from

the first building phase and another from the later (Gates

2004: 407), while a third was found in the eastern side of

the settlement (Gates 2000: 197). The second building

phase of this period ended in a violent fire, after which

time there appears to have been a very brief break in

occupation (Gates2001:

208).In terms of the ceramic sequence from the site, new

types of pottery appear within this level that are

identified with Neo-Assyrian output. Neo-Assyrianceramic vessels are usually made of fine clay with evenly

ground and dispersed fine grit temper and were thrown

on fast wheels, creating symmetrical vessels that were

then well-fired. Production was highly regulated, which

created a limited number of size and shape categories

(Rice 1987: 180-91; Parker 2002: 338). At Kinet, Palace

Ware has been identified, the most telling of Assyrian

types.Chaff-tempered

vessels also appear at this time,

although chaff was not a common temper in previous

phases. Bowls with ribbed rims, fine white wares, and an

overwhelming abundance of plain wares characterise the

ceramic assemblage of this phase. Decorated CyproCilician wares decrease dramatically during this phase of

occupation to only 5% of the assemblage, in stark

contrast to the 30% painted wares represented in the

previous period (Hodos 2000a; 2000b).

Study of the faunal assemblage indicates that fish did

not form a significant part of the diet of the occupants of

the settlement during this time, in contrast to the prevalence of fish bones in the faunal assemblages from

preceding and subsequent phases (Gates 2004: 411). It is

possible, therefore, that the site was re-populated with

inland people (compare with Parker 2003: 547-48, for

example). Population relocation was a powerful means

of control in outlying regions, and this method was

certainly utilised by the Neo-Assyrians. Documents

from the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, for instance, refer to

the forced resettlement of thousands in the Cizre plainand upper Tigris river valley (Tadmor 1994: 62-63).

Given the sudden architectural changes and ceramic

developments that are associated with Assyrian tradi

tions, it is possible that Kinet served as a regional

Assyrian post, perhaps as early as the reign of TiglathPileser III. The cylinder seals found in association with

the buildings ascribed to the Neo-Assyrians would

support this. Equidistant between Tarsus and Al Mina,and with good harbours and the protection of the Amanus

mountains, the site was ideal as a major base in the

western extent of the Assyrian empire towards the end of

the eighth century, with Tarsus then serving as the

Assyrians' westernmost outpost after Sennacherib

quelled the local rebellion in 696 BC. Although notextual sources refer specifically to Kinet, it is possiblethat new settlers were brought to the site to oversee its

Neo-Assyrian occupation.

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These changes indicate that the Assyrians, or those

under their control, came to stay for an extended period of

time, preferring to use styles of pottery similar to those

they were already acquainted with and eating a familiar

land-led diet rather thanone

that integrated the offeringsof the sea. How long they remained is not known, but

after several building phases a number of their structures

suffered intense conflagration. This was followed by a

brief break in occupation, as suggested by eroded surfaces

found across the site (Gates 2001: 208). Judging by the

subsequent occupation stratum, this hiatus ismost likelyto have occurred at the end of the eighth century, or

possibly the beginning of the seventh century. Itmay be

related to Sennacherib's 696 BC campaign against

Cilicia, which resulted in the destruction of Tarsus duringthat year

(Forsberg1995 argues

againstany such

associated destruction; but see Dalley 1999; Hodos 2006).The new structures subsequently erected heralded the

Late Iron Age phase of the site's occupational history.Areas were levelled, in some cases with a thick fill of

crushed murex shell, in preparation for rebuilding, which

was on a much more modest scale and seems to have

been more domestic and industrial in nature than

monumental. Iron tools next to hearths, cobbled areas

and ovens adjacent to multi-roomed structures charac

terise both sides of the settlement over the course of the

seventh century (Gates 1999; 2001), despite numerous

rebuildings and refurbishings, and suggest that the

residents were engaged with daily life rather than

imperial conquests.

The potteryThe ceramic trading connection between Cyprus and the

Levant during the Iron Age began shortly before the last

quarter of the 11th century, when early decorated CyproGeometric wares appeared sporadically along the coast

from southern Phoenicia to Philistia. While many of

these are closed vessels, implying that their contents were

the item of trade rather than the container, the fact that anumber were decorated open vessels suggests that some

were a popular commodity in their own right, although

they may have been the private belongings of merchants

and thus secondary objects of the exchange (Gilboa1989: 217). Nevertheless, this import had a profound

impact on subsequent local production, with the

decorated ceramic output of coastal sites such as Tarsus

and Kinet blossoming during the ninth and eighthcenturies into mass production of styles that find

comparison with contemporary Cypriot shapes and

motifs (Hodos 2000a; 2000b: figs 3, 5-7). This contrastssharply with contemporary sites further inland, such as

Tille H?y?k, which had little painted pottery during the

Middle Iron Age (Blaylock 1999).

During the course of the seventh century, striking

developments occur in local ceramic assemblages. For

instance, Lehmann has observed that around 650 BC

differences between the assemblages of coastal Syria

(and Lebanon) and inland settlements diminish, witha

greater homogeneity of ware types and vessel shapesfound across the region. This may be attributed to the

impact of Neo-Assyrian territorial organisation in the

eastern Mediterranean, which had facilitated the

movement of craftsmen and traders. The observable

increased development of unified measurement units

and presumed improvements in goods trafficking mayhave formed the background for greater ceramic

standardisation (Lehmann 1998: 30).At the same time, this Neo-Assyrian domination

also had aprofound impact

on thestylistic output

of

local potters who were used to producing shapes and

motifs of Cypro-Cilician style, which had always

closely paralleled the output of Cyprus. As the Neo

Assyrians expanded their control of Cyprus' nearest and

most prolific trading destinations along the Levantine

coast during the eighth century, a sharp decrease in

Cypriot imports at sites along this littoral can be

observed (for example, black-on-red: Schreiber 2003).Trade with Greece of the same wares continued well

into the seventh century, however, which implies that

the cessation came from the mainland rather than

Cyprus. This change may therefore be attributed to

Neo-Assyrian activity (this suggestion is borne out in a

comparison between Rough and Smooth Cilicia:

Fourrier 2003). This is not the forum in which to

engage with the socio-political speculations

surrounding this development (rather, this will be

discussed in the final publication of the Iron Ageceramics from Kinet). However, it must be noted that

by the time of the advent of the Persian period duringthe sixth century, the new pottery styles that developedin local output are often attributed to influence from the

east Greek world, particularly the so-called east Greekbanded wares, although Lehmann notes that their distri

bution is confined to the eastern Levant, and they are

hardly ever found in Greece (Lehmann 1998: 15). Their

imitation, however, was much more widespread.

The ceramic assemblage from Kinet exemplifiesthis shift in style. During the Early Iron Age, Kinet

began to produce painted vessels that find decorative

parallels in the output of contemporary Cyprus. This

continued into the Middle Iron Age, with the

manufacture of a large number of Cypro-Cilician

vessels decorated with motifs from the CyproGeometric III repertoire (including Bichrome). The

Neo-Assyrian period of occupation saw a dramatic dropin the absolute and relative number of painted vessels.

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Subsequently, over the course of the seventh century,the Cypro-Cilician styles were replaced by vessels

decorated initially just with bands and then wave lines,motifs attributed to east Greece that came to dominate

the decoratedassemblage during

the sixthcentury

(Hodos 2000a; 2000b: figs 10, 11, 14).More significant is the identification of kilns from

the periods preceding and subsequent to the phase of

Neo-Assyrian presence at the site, from the firingchambers of which material of the predominant stylesof the respective periods was recovered. The kilns were

situated in the most northeastern quarter of the site. As

the prevailing winds rise over the mound from the

southwest, smoke and heat from the kilns would have

been carried away from the settlement. The earlier kiln

underlies structures associated with the Neo-Assyrian

occupation and probably dates to the first half of the

eighth century, while the later can be dated byassociated material to the very end of the seventh

century (ca. 600 BC). These kilns and their associated

material provide us with an important opportunity to

examine any long-standing impact of Neo-Assyrian

occupation on the technologies of pottery production at

the site.

The kilns

The earlier kiln consisted of a single large circular firingchamber made of yellow clay (figs 2a, 2b). Oriented

east-west, it sat within a mud-brick faced enclosure,

supported by a stone wall along the north side. The

complex as a whole measured 4.5m by 5.5m. The kiln

was of a double chamber updraft type, in which the

combustion chamber and firing chamber were separated

by a platform (Killebrew 1996: 137, figs 2d, 2e). The

diameter of the firing platform measured 3m, althoughthe central area of the firing chamber beneath remained

exposed rather than covered entirely by the platform. A

stoking tunnel on the eastern side provided access into

the kiln interior. Both the stoking tunnel and chamberfloors were approximately 50-70cm below the workingsurface of the manufacturing area adjacent to the kiln.

The superstructure of the kiln was presumablyconstructed in the pis? technique. A lime pit embedded

within the firing platform suggests a diversity of use of

the kiln, for pottery firing and perhaps also for lime

production. Field notes indicate that several sherds of

thick-walled storage vessels found inside the chamber

and on top of the firing platform showed traces of lime

coating on the interior and exterior, presumably as a

secondary taphonomic process. Material associated withthis kiln is comparable with Cypro-Geometric III, and

thus suggests its period of use as being the ninth and

eighth centuries BC.

To the southwest, several metres away, a smaller kiln

(2.5m by at least 2m) with two adjoining chambers

separated bya central mud-brick support, or wall, was

partly excavated. Only a stone wall in herringbone

masonrythat sat on

topof the

firing platformat the back

remained of the chambers' superstructure. Both kilns

were well preserved by a lm layer of sterile soil,

suggesting that the kilns had been filled in and covered

over during a single episode in preparation for a new use

of this sector of the settlement. Indeed, a monumental

building, the exact function of which remains undeter

mined at present, was constructed in this quarter, and the

outdoor areas surrounding it do not reflect industrial

activity on a household or larger scale.

However, kilns were reconstructed at a later date in

the same area, although only one can be clearly identified

(figs 3a, 3b), as another presumed kiln, located at the

present edge of the mound, was badly eroded. Itmust be

noted that the preserved kiln was not as easily articulated

in excavation as the kilns discussed above, as its state of

preservation, although better than its contemporary, was

much worse in comparison with the eighth century kiln

complex. The firing chamber of the preserved kiln was

of a more oval shape, but, like its predecessor, itwas of

double chamber updraft type constructed of mud-brick

and pis?, although embedded less deeply within the

working surface of the time (sunken only by 20-30cm).Orientated northeast-southwest, it was supported bystone walls to the southwest and northwest, giving the

kiln overall dimensions of approximately 2.5m by 3m.

The entrance to the chamber, which was flanked by

stones, was situated on the northeast side of the kiln. The

firing floor was supported by three large mud-bricks in

the middle of the chamber. Several fired clay bins filled

with crushed murex shell in varying degrees of fineness

were found adjacent to the kiln and at the same absolute

level as the base of the chamber, implying that the kiln

may not have been of a true sunken construction. The

bins themselves imply that shell may have been used forlime, perhaps as a re-use after the manufacture of purple

dye, and also that the kiln may have been used for firingmore than just pottery (for example, Aliara 1992: 111).Material from contexts associated with this kiln suggest

it should be dated to the end of the seventh century BC.

The contents of the firing chamber floor were

removed as a single lot, which included a number of

near-complete vessels (unpublished end of season

report). Within this lot were found two pieces of a verymicaceous fabric. Mica does not occur in local clays

and is rarely found at the site. Even within the contextof the kiln or any other associated deposits and assem

blages, mica was not found (although mica dust

contaminated the surface of a number of sherds,

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t A "~^^!

Fig. 2a. Eighth century kiln complex

suggesting at the time of excavation that mica might bemore prevalent than previously thought; subsequentexamination of the associated material does not support

this). The logical conclusion is that these pieces are

part of an imported vessel. As they were found within

the firing chamber itself, the implication is that the kiln

may have been filled with debris from elsewhere, and

hence with material that may have included importedwares. The degree of erosion of this kiln suggests that

there may have been a period of time when the kiln was

no longer in use and allowed to decay before it was

Fig. 2b. Eighth century kiln complex

finally filled in and levelled off for rebuilding. Thefloor lot assemblage, therefore, may not represent a

discrete collection of locally-manufactured products.The implications of this for the present study will be

discussed below.

Kilns of the Iron Age are few and far between in

Anatolia. The best known are those from Tarsus

(although overlooked by Delcroix and Huot in their 1972

study of kilns from the Near East from 5000 to 500 BC).

Pottery finds from within these suggest that the complexwas active throughout the Iron Age, and that individual

chambers werecontinually repaired

and altered

(Hanfmann 1963: 14-17). The pottery kiln complexconsisted of a series of long and narrow firing chambers

underneath clay platforms perforated by short flues. The

individual chambers were deeply sunken constructions of

clay-dressed stone or clay-dressed mud-brick. At least

one had a double firing chamber. As no trace of any

permanent superstructure was found, it is presumed that

a temporary roof was built for each firing. The chambers

themselves varied in size considerably. Most were recti

linear and varied in dimension from 3.75m by 1.3m

(narrowing to 0.8m) to 6m by 1.25m. One was more

elliptical in shape, enclosing an area of 1.72m by 0.85m.

The outlines of these kilns alone are dissimilar from the

Kinet examples, although the pottery styles produced at

both sites are comparable.

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1/?m&

WB&&1

Fig. 3a. Late seventh century kiln complex

Recent excavations at Kilise Tepe have also

uncovered contemporary kilns. These examples were

rectangular in plan (the larger one being 2m by lm) and

stone lined, each with a sunken combustion chamber

(Hansen, Postgate 1999: 112-13; Postgate 1998: 131

32). The interior surface of the larger of the two was

deeply burnt and contained white concretions. While

these concretions have not been analysed, white concre

tions that withstand high temperature firing are usually a

lime-based substance, and thus these recall the processedshell used for lime associated with the Kinet kilns of the

seventh century. The material retrieved from the Kilise

Tepe kilns is similar in date, as it formed a discrete

assemblage of local manufacture in Cypro-Archaic I

style (750-650 BC).A kiln of the Middle Phrygian period (seventh tomid

sixth century BC) was excavated in the 1950s at Gordion

but has never been published (it is discussed in

Johnston's unpublished PhD dissertation from 1970,

which we have not been able to consult; see Henrickson

1994: 112).Iron Age kilns have been identified in the Levant at

Sarepta, Tell Miqne-Ekron, Jemmeh, Ashdod, Megiddo,and Tell en-Nasbeh (Killebrew 1996: table 1, with refer

ences;for Tell

en-Nasbeh,see also Zorn

1998). Duringthe Early Iron Age at Miqne-Ekron and Jemmeh, squaredouble chamber types were in use, while square singlechamber types were used at Ashdod during the Middle

Iron Age. Circular double chamber types from the EarlyIron Age were found at Sarepta, and at Megiddo and Tell

en-Nasbeh from the Middle Iron Age. This variation of

shape and type over the Iron Age implies that more social

(cultural or familial) or geographically circumscribed

traditions of manufacturing techniques and technologiesinfluenced kiln style; the diversity does not convey a

sense of evolutionary or linear development (Killebrew1996: 156).

No kilns of Iron Age date have been recorded in

Cyprus (Fourrier 2003: 80).

Fig. 3b. Late seventh century kiln complex

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The similarity of plan and construction technique of

the two excavated Kinet kilns suggests a continuity of

firing tradition, despite the intervening Neo-Assyrian

occupation and the stylistic changes in output between

the two phases of attested ceramic production. Thedesign of the kilns and their similarities to other contem

porary examples from across a broad geographical area

suggest certain shared practices in production technology

during the Iron Age alongside local variation. It should

therefore not be surprising that the Kinet kilns do not

resemble their nearest examples, those from Tarsus.

Furthermore, the scale of operation at each site mayaccount for the different forms of firing complexes. With

such a small area of the potters' quarter at Kinet

excavated (the earlier kiln complex is known to extend

south into anadjacent trench,

where excavation halted

just at this level), it is impossible to quantify output, or to

discuss beyond generalisations the social mechanics of

pottery production at Kinet during the Middle Iron Age.

The wares

On site, initial classification of material is undertaken as

part of the annual field season. The ceramics are visuallyidentified and quantitatively recorded; diagnostic

examples are saved. The descriptive ware categorieswere loosely derived from the classification at Tarsus, as

the only regional site whose local pottery has been

comprehensively studied and published. While Al

Mina's local wares might form a better basis, since du

Plat Taylor's initial assessment in 1959 these wares have

remained woefully understudied from a fabric

perspective. The very recent study of the Syrian and

Phoenician pottery by Lehmann, for instance, takes

shape as the starting point for classification, with ware

differences as the secondary distinguishing feature

(Lehmann 2005).The Tarsian model identified four primary groups for

its Middle Iron Age assemblage: (1) local painted; (2)

local burnished; (3) local plain; (4) imported. For studyof the decorated output from Kinet, the first two Tarsian

categories are of greatest interest. The Tarsian local

painted group has been further divided on the basis of

surface decoration into: buff painted (which is, in fact,

slipped); white painted (which is also slipped); black-on

red; bichrome, which in turn was subdivided; and red

banded. The burnished group includes: red slip; a two

tone technique; and other minor categories based uponsurface colour variation including orange, yellow, brown,

and bucchero.

One of the difficulties with this classification is that

slip and motif styles are used inconsistently as means of

classification at this level (white painted or buff painted,both of which are slipped, versus bichrome, which

generally has black and red colours on a slipped surface,which is often buff, Hanfmann 1963: 49, 51). This is a

problem particularly with the black-on-red group,because it is, in fact, a decorated version of the red slip

ware produced at the site: 'The Cilician black-on-redware [produced at Tarsus] is technically identical with

[the Tarsus] red slip ware except that decoration in black

paint was added. A modest number of fragments [of red

slip] were found in the kilns, where black-on-red was

also made' (Hanfmann 1963: 61).Such mis-classifications have contributed to the

confusions surrounding red slip and black-on-red wares

as scholars have endeavoured to link these with particularculture groups. Red slip pottery, for instance, is often

viewed as the hallmark ware of the Phoenicians, and in

thepast,

thepresence

of redslip

at a site has been taken

as firm evidence of Phoenician activity (see, for instance,Mazzoni 2000: 42). Yet red slipped pottery has often

been described only by its surface treatment (quality,thickness and colour of the slip; relative matt-ness of the

paint; the execution of the motifs themselves) and vessel

shapes, with little consideration of the paste of the

vessels themselves. Scientific studies of red slip wares

from various sites in the Levant are beginning to indicate

that red slip ware was, in fact, quite widely produced,

and, therefore, may not necessarily be indicative of

Phoenicians themselves (Winter 1995: 265, n. 9).Results of an unpublished NAA (neutron activation

analysis) report on red slip dishes from Hama, Tell

Rifa'at and the Amuq (Catalh?y?k, Tell al-Duayda, Tell

Tayinat), demonstrates that the fabric varies considerablyfrom site to site, and concludes that they were locally

produced and hardly travelled (Hughes, cited in Lehmann

2005: 88, n. 98). Analysis of red slip wares from Tell

Ajjul and Tell Fara in Palestine similarly demonstrates

they are locally produced (Liddy 1996), while red slip

examples from Al Mina are also not identical to those

from Samaria (du Plat Taylor 1959: 79; Liddy 1996).

The situation with black-on-red is even more compli

cated, since the term is used by different scholars to refer

to different wares. Some use the term to refer to the

general style of red slipped fine and medium walled openand closed shapes decorated with bands, concentric

circles and other geometric motifs executed in black

paint (as Bikai observed, 1983: 400, n. 32, 'The class

Black-on-Red is far too cluttered already with Cypriote,Phoenician and Syro-Palestinian Black-on-Red'). Others

prefer to keep it reserved for a specific Cypriot product

(for a detailed discussion see Schreiber 2003: xxii-xxix;

true black-on-red is described by Gjerstad 1948: 68-73;see also Brodie, Steel 1996; Bikai notes that she has

always been mystified by its Phoenician attribution,

Coldstream, Bikai 1988: 37). This has given rise to some

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generalisations and misinterpretations. For instance, the

black-on-red examples from Al Mina have been

described as Cypriot imports, possibly even from Kition

itself (Boardman 1999b: 149, who also based his

conclusion upon Matthers et al. 1983; unfortunately, thisparticular study has been discredited for using unprovenanced samples and analysing only certain elements,which resulted in two fabric groups going unrecognisedand possibly obscuring other variations, see Brodie, Steel

1996: 271). Schreiber's 2003 study of black-on-red

concludes that the black-on-red style was widely imitated

in local production in north Syria and Cilicia, and even

possibly as far south as Israel, but supports that the name

black-on-red be reserved for a very specific productmanufactured on Cyprus.

AtKinet,

sherds wereinitially grouped

intopainted

and plain. Within the painted categories, there are

many examples that conform to the decorated descriptions of the Tarsian groups. Yet, unlike Tarsus, which

has a homogeneous clay, two colours of paste?

pinkand cream ? occur with regularity at Kinet. Therefore,the painted wares have been sub-divided according to

paste first and slip second, irrespective at this stage of

any additional decorative schemes, such as burnishingor black-on-red style. Seven distinctive types have

been visually identified, some in direct association

with the earlier kiln, and analysed in the present study.None of these are particularly fine fabrics, as small and

medium sized inclusions are clearly visible with the

naked eye, and there are variations in the degree of

coarseness in different examples. The wares were used

for medium walled vessels. The two most common

categories are (1) cream paste with a cream slip, and

(2) pink paste with a cream slip. Less common are (3)

pink paste with a decidedly buff slip, (4) buff pastewith a buff slip, and, occasionally, (5) green paste with

a green slip, which has long been suspected of being an

over-fired version of one of the more prominent fabrics.

In addition, (6) pink paste is sometimes slipped in

white, as opposed to cream. Finally, (7) red paste with

red slip has also been found, for which the majority of

our black-on-red has been considered so far a sub

category. Within these groups, painted decoration is

predominantly in black, brown, red or purple (although

purple may be a decayed black reacting to its

deposition context, as suggested by co-joining piecesrecovered from different areas of excavation), with all

appearing as monochrome decoration on various wares,

or with red complementing black or brown in bichrome

motifs. Variations within these wares, including

examples with different decorative schemes, such as

bichrome, burnish and black-on-red imitations, were

also analysed.

It has long been suspected that the vast majority of

the pottery found at Kinet was locally produced, in

clear imitation of Cypriot and east Greek styles over

the course of the Iron Age. This was first concluded in

a 1997 study of the Late Iron Age wave line table waresfrom the site, for which of the 100 or so exampleslooked at, most were of the same fabric as the majorityof pottery from all periods at the site, while only two

appeared to be different, suggesting that Kinet potterswere manufacturing the ware (in contrast, Al Mina

seems to have imported a greater proportion of its wave

line wares, Ashton, Hughes 2005). The subsequent

discovery of wave line wasters in the later kiln

confirmed this conclusion. During the 1997 season,

when the kiln was excavated, a number of sherds from

thefiring

chamber lot were removed from their context

collection bag for neutron activation analysis as part of

a separate study (Gates 1999: 263). The results ofthat

study are not yet available. That the chamber contents

may have included material swept in and, therefore,that the contents found within may not be purely local

was not recognised during the field season. Never

theless, the presence of wave line wasters strongly

implies that the majority of wave line wares at the site

are Kinet products. It was therefore decided to proceedin the present study with an analysis of the remaining

material from the kiln chamber, but to limit this

analysis to microscopic study, in anticipation of the

results of the previous NAA study for eventual

comparison.

The Middle Iron Age has a much wider range of

decorated vessels, and variations in the surface and

biscuit colours have made it difficult to arrive at

conclusions regarding local manufacture or importwith similar ease as for the wave line wares and

contemporary output. In anticipation of the classifi

cation work that will be necessary for the final publi

cation, questions were also raised as to whether the two

primary groups, pink paste with a cream slip and cream

paste with a cream slip,were two distinct wares,

perhaps reserved for specific shapes, or if their

diversity reflects differences in clay preparation and/or

firing conditions. Their relationship to the less

common wares was also queried. Were the pronounced

differences in colour between, for example, cream

paste-cream slip and red paste-red slip due to the use of

separate clays, or was it simply down to firing

variation, deliberate or otherwise? Were all the

samples in fact local, or could some wares be identified

as imports? Given the stylistic similarities in CyproPhoenician wares across a wide area (for example,

contemporary Kilise Tepe), this is by no means a

straightforward objective.

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Thus the decision was made to supplement macro

scopic study of the pottery with both p?trographie exami

nation and neutron activation analysis (NAA). The keyto this approach is that it must be 'bottom up', beginning

with'low-tech'

methods(i.e. macroscopic examination)

and only building up with caution to more 'hi-tech'

methods (i.e. NAA), as and when the research questionsdemand (Knappett 2005). Without this kind of approachit is difficult to achieve an effective integration of

typological, technological and compositional data.

Indeed, the recent elemental study of Al Mina material byAshton and Hughes is a case in point (Ashton, Hughes

2005). This work seeks to distinguish local from

imported pottery at Al Mina, focussing particularly on

material from the later occupation levels (539-301 BC).

However, it is difficult to have full confidence in the

results, given the methodology of going straight from

macroscopic assessment to elemental analysis (usingNAA and ICP-AES), without an intermediary stage of

p?trographie examination. This means that the chemical

variation cannot be properly related either to textural

features in the pottery or the background geology of the

Al Mina area. This is further exacerbated by the fact that

no local clays are included in this analysis for

comparison.

The different techniques employed in the present

study have their own particular strengths. The p?tro

graphie examination of ceramic thin sections is well

suited to the study not only of the aplastic inclusions in

pottery fabrics, but also of the textural features in the

paste. It has the advantage of maintaining a visual link

with the sherd, such that the macroscopic and micro

scopic observations can be readily connected. However,

the technique is of limited utility when the fabric is very

fine, without any aplastics. This is where a chemical

technique such as NAA comes into its own, because it

can assess the elemental composition of the clay matrix,

regardless of the presence or not of inclusions. It can

provide parts per million measurements of around 20elements. However, this information does not mean a

great deal in and of itself? it is a technique that relies

on comparison betweena number of samples, and the

formation of chemical groups among those samples. It

thus relies heavily on the sample size, and on the statis

tical methods used to determine groupings (for example,

principal components analysis), much more so than does

p?trographie examination. Another difference between

NAA and petrography is that the preparation of samplesfor NAA requires the sample to be ground into a powder,

thus losing any textural information. This methodologyhas been developed to particular effect in work on

Bronze Age Aegean pottery (for example, Jones 1986;

Day et al. 1999).

Crucially, a combination of the two techniques allows

for a process of cross-checking. Often the petrographyand the NAA can tell exactly the same story, but in some

cases they might point to some interesting patterns. For

example,a

fabric group that seems coherent and tight inp?trographie terms might actually be revealed to have

chemical variation within it; this could arise from the

consistent use of a certain kind of temper, but in combi

nation with an inconsistent process of clay selection.

Conversely, a tight chemical group might actuallyinclude quite a range of aplastics as identified petro

graphically. Such patterns can tell us more about the

status of particular ceramic categories and the productiondecisions underlying them than if a single analytical

technique had been used.

Ceramic petrography and chemistryCeramic samples were selected for analysis in two

batches, the first in 2001 and the second in 2003. The

first group of 38 samples was selected by Carl Knappett

(CK) on site together with Tamar Hodos (TH), with a

view to understanding the kinds of fabric variation that

might be underlying perceived visual differences in

pastes and slips. The p?trographie analysis was

conducted by CK, while a programme of chemical

analysis using NAA was carried out by Vassilis

Kilikoglou (VK) at the 'Demokritos' National Centre for

Scientific Research in Athens, following a proceduredescribed in detail elsewhere (Kilikoglou, Grimanis

1993; Hein et al. 2002).The second group of samples (34) was selected by TH

on site in 2003. This batch included two local clay

samples, and sherds from kiln contexts from both the

earlier and later kilns, thereby strengthening the chances

of successfully characterising local fabrics. Only p?tro

graphie analysis, and not NAA, was used in examiningthis second batch of samples.

The analyses have allowed for the separation of ten

fabric groups; some of these, however, are very minor,

represented only by one or two samples, therefore

making it difficult to know how significant they are. The

majority of samples actually fall into one of two main

fabrics, group A and group B, with 15 (including the two

clay samples) and 31 samples respectively. These two

groups thus make up nearly two thirds of the total

sample. Group A is clearly local, given the close

similarity of the archaeological samples to the two clay

samples, not to mention the frequent association of this

fabric with kiln contexts. There are no clay samples to

establish the links between group B and the local area,although its common occurrence in kiln contexts is

telling. Furthermore, both fabrics are consistent with

what we know of the local geology (see fig. 4).

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Hodos, Knappett and Kilikoglou

Ceyhan

Quaternary alluvial deposits

Miocene marls and clays

Oph?olit?c complex with serpent?n?te

/>,-:] Basalt

Limestone

Limestone

0 I ZU 25 km

Fig. 4. Simplified geological map of the area (after 1:500,000 geological map of Turkey, 1962, Adana and Hatay sheets)

73


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We shall now present each fabric group in turn,

providing the typological, p?trographie and chemical

evidence. A discussion will follow concerning the

conclusions that can be drawn with regard to patterns of

productionand

exchangeat Kinet

H?y?kand in the east

Mediterranean Iron Age more generally.

Group A : serpentinite fabricSome of the samples in this group come from amphoraefound in kiln contexts (notably 37 and 38). Other shapes

represented are craters, all of which are described as 'red

paste, red slip' (samples 13,14,16), although a black-on

red closed vessel (31) has a gritty red fabric, and a

bichrome plate is semi-fine orange (18).In thin section (figs 6, 7), the fabric is very

distinctive, as nearly all the inclusions are serpentinite,from silt size up to 2mm. Other inclusions are quartz,

calcite, phyllite, rare volcanic and plutonic rock

fragments, clinozoisite, feldspar, chert and textural

concentration features. Note that there do not appear to

be many microfossils (foraminifera), and there is little

optical activity.In sample 13, for example, it is difficult to distinguish

a fine from a coarse fraction. Serpentinite is frequent to

dominant, mostly in the 0.1-0.25mm range, but silt size

to 0.5mm overall. Micritic carbonate inclusions are

frequent, mostly 10% calcium. One further

feature that sets group A apart is cobalt, with an averagevalue of 88ppm, much more than the average of 29ppmfor group B.

Samples

Kl, K2 (both clay samples), 13,14,16,18 (fig. 6), 31, 37

(fig. 7), 38, 7403g, 7403h, 7403k, 10841a, 10957f,

10957g, 11069a, 11069b,11069d.

KHY03/26KHY03/27

KHY03/13

KHY03/14KHY03/16

KHY03/18KHY03/37?

KHY03/31

KHY03/38KHY03/35KHY03/36

KHY03/08KHY03/11

KHY03/01

KHY03/04KHY03/02

KHY03/07KHY03/24 ih

KHY03/03KHY03/20

KHY03/12KHY03/17

KHY03/21KHY03/22

KHY03/19

KHY03/28

KHY03/29

KHY03/23KHY03/25P

KHY03/05

KHY03/10KHY03/34

KHY03/15KHY03/06KHY03/09

Fig. 5. Dendrogram of NAA results

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Fig. 6. Thin section photomicrograph

of fabric group A, sample 18 (width

of field ca. 4mm; same for all subse

quent photomicrographs)


of fabric group A, sample 37Fig. 8. Thin section photomicrograph

of fabric group B, sample 2

GroupB:

foraminifera fabricThis is the most common fabric group, consisting of 31

samples. The fabric ranges from fine through semi

coarse to coarse (in thin section, finer versions have

c:f:v of 5:90:5; the coarser examples 30:65:5). There is

also considerable variation in firing colour, which

makes visual groupings difficult. This is perfectlyillustrated by sample 7, a fragment from a barrel jug,the inner half of which has fired orange and the outer

half pale buff. This variation is seen throughout the

fabric group, albeit not quite as starkly. Hence the

group cross-cuts some of the ware groups that have

been formed through visual examination, such as pink

paste-cream slip, and red paste-red slip. It is also

common in pastes described as fine orange, semi-fine

pink-buff and semi-fine pink-orange. Another diffi

culty in pinning down this fabric group is the variation

in surface treatments ? it is used tomanufacture black

on-red, bichrome and white painted wares. One

positive attribution that one might make is that 'pink

paste-cream slip' would appear to be largely associated

with fabric B.

In thin section (figs 8-10) it is clear that this is a

calcareous fabric, and its most striking feature is the

presence of foraminifera, often quite frequent.

However, although the fabric is partly biogenic in

character, it also contains inclusions which link it to the

ophiolites in the surrounding area, namely serpentinite,

amphibole, both of which are common, and smaller

quantities of epidote group minerals (i.e. epidote,zoisite and clinozoisite), and rare igneous rock

fragments. These features, particularly the serpentinite,

suggest a general connection with fabric group A.

Whereas fabric group A would appear to be formed

froma

reddish clay containing much serpentinite, groupB ismore calcareous, perhaps from a Neogene clay bed.

The NAA results reflect the variability in this fabric,which can have varying quantities of serpentinite,

carbonates, foraminifera, quartz, epidote group minerals,etc. While on the dendrogram (flg. 5) group B is quite

evidently separate from group A, the former does not

display a great deal of internal consistency. There are

quite high standard deviations in the average elemental

ppm: calcium, for example, although consistently higherthan in group A, nevertheless ranges from 9-16%,

creating a high percentage standard deviation (18%). A

similar scenario occurs for other elements, such as

chromium and scandium.

While the NAA effectively separates groups A and B,the results are more ambiguous when it comes to certain

members included in group D. This will be discussed

below in the section on group D.

Fine

Sample 15 (fig. 9), for example, has common micro

fossils in the fine fraction, especially planktonic

foraminifera, such as globigerina, but also some

bivalves. Also common is micrite, quartz, few to

common serpentinite, few textural concentration features

(tcfs) and plagioclase, rare epidote group minerals. In the

coarse fraction: few to common chert and quartz, a-sa,


17/28


Coarse

Sample 10957e has a fine fraction with frequent to

dominant microfossils (planktonic foraminifera), few to

common quartz, few textural concentration features and

veryfew

serpentinite.In the coarse fraction one finds

dominant micritic carbonates and microfossils; the

largest planktonic foraminifera is 1mm, with sparite verywell preserved. Also few serpentinite, sr-r, up to 0.5mm,

few quartz, a-sr, 0.1-0.5mm, few clinozoisite, mostly sa,

0.1-0.5mm, rare amphibole, and plutonic rock fragments

(composed partly of epidote group minerals) and veryrare volcanic rock fragments (amphibole and feldspar),sa, 1mm. C:f:v = 25:65:10.

Samples

7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 24, 7403J, 74031, 7403n, 7403o,

10957a, 10957d (fig. 10), 10957e, 10493b, 10493f.

Group C: overfired green buff

Samples

1, 4 (fig. 11), 5, 6, 7403e.

There are relatively few samples in this group, but all

are described macroscopically as 'cream paste-cream

slip'. The fabric is a pale greenish buff that appears to

have been high-fired? there are signs in thin section

that the clay did contain foraminifera and other calcitic

material, which was lost during firing (fig. 11). This

effect is also seen in fabric group B, particularly sample7 ? the orange part of the sherd still contains many

foraminifera, whereas in the more highly fired (external)buff part these same inclusions are missing, leaving onlyvoids. Thus group C may be associated with group B but

for its higher firing temperature. This is further

suggested by the other inclusion types present, such as

quartz, serpentinite, amphibole, volcanic and plutonicrock fragments, chert, feldspar, phyllite, epidote group

minerals and textural concentration features.

In terms of the chemistry, samples 1 and 4 do indeed

group well within the range of group B, a further clue to

the degree of overlap between groups B and C. However,

samples 5 and 6 fall further away, towards the bottom of

the dendrogram (fig 5). There do not appear to be anyconsistent differences between samples 1 and 4 on the

one hand and 5 and 6 on the other, further indication that

group B is a very large and fluid chemical grouping.

Group D: igneous fabric

Samples26 (fig. 12), 27 (fig. 13), and possibly 29 (fig. 14), 32,

23, 25.

In terms of ware groups, this fabric does not seem toshow any clear-cut co-variation: it occurs as semi-fine

red with grey core, semi-fine orange with yellow core,

semi-fine buff orange, gritty orange and pink paste

cream slip. Thus it is difficult to isolate this microscop

ically as a coherent group. We would note, however, that

in some samples a pale grey or dark grey core does seem

to be a feature. Another aspect that might be worth

notingis that the

samplesin this

fabric groupare

mostlyfrom black-on-red open vessels.

As with the fabrics above, this group can contain

serpentinite, carbonates (including foraminifera) etc, but

tends to differ slightly in having mica laths and feldspar

laths, as well as a higher proportion of igneous rock

fragments (figs 12-14). The micromass also appears to

be less calcareous. One feature that may turn out to be

key in differentiating these from local fabrics is the

presence of epidotisation in some of the rock fragments, a

kind of over-print effect linked to greenschist faci?s. This

has not been noted in any of thesamples

in groups A to C.

The p?trographie analysis is not entirely conclusive in

terms of establishing whether this group is local or not.

While there are some identifiable differences, these need

not be indicative of a non-local source. Many of the

inclusions represented are indeed broadly compatiblewith the local petrology, notably the ophiolite complexesin the region. However, the possibility of a non-local

source, for at least some of the group, is raised by the

results from NAA. As can be seen on the dendrogram

(fig. 5), samples 26 and 27 form a distinct sub-group veryfar removed from any of the local fabrics. There are

significant differences across a range of elements,

including chromium (ca. 150ppm), lanthanum (ca.

35ppm, higher than any local samples) and calcium (withthe lowest percentages, ca. 3%, of all the samples).

If samples 26 (fig. 12) and 27 (fig. 13) are non-local,then where should we look for the source? The obvious

candidate is Cyprus, which was producing these kinds of

shapes and wares at this period; furthermore, it has

ophiolite complexes in the Troodos mountain range not

dissimilar to those from the Kinet area. The difficulties of

distinguishing between the two areas petrologically have

already been noted in another context, in the analysis oflate Roman amphorae imports in Jordan (Peacock,

Williams 1986: fabric class 44; Joyner, Politis 2000).The possibility of a Cypriot origin for 26 and 27

would seem quite strong. However, the situation is far

less clear for 25, 29 (fig. 14), 32 and 33, which though

looking quite similar to 26 and 27 in thin section, do not

group with them at all chemically, and actually fall more

within the local range (see dendrogram, fig. 5). .Even

with further work in the future it may remain difficult in

some cases to differentiate securely between local and

imported Cypriot wares on the basis of petrography andchemistry alone; more work integrating these data with

details of shape, ware, decoration and technology mightbe the key.

76


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of fabric group B, sample 15

Fig. 12. Thin section photomicro

graph of fabric group D, sample 26


graph of fabric group E, sample 36


graph of fabric group Hy sample7403?



graph of fabric group B, sample10957d




graph of fabric group F, sample

7403c

11


graph of fabric group C, sample 4




graph of fabric group G, sample

10493c


graph of fabric group J, sample7403a


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Group E: very fine calcareous

Samples36 (fig. 15), 7403d, 10957b.

This is a fine calcareous fabric that might be related to

groupB. In thin

section, sample 36,for

example,is

veryfine with numerous small indistinct micrite inclusions, silt

and sub-silt size, with occasional larger ones, but no

microfossils (fig. 15). Very small serpentinite is also

present, as are some mica laths, but relatively little quartz.Coarse fraction has very few inclusions at all, just micrite,

quartz, quartzite, plagioclase and chert, 0.1-0.3mm. Very

rare textural concentration features.

NAA places sample 36 (the only one of group E to be

chemically analysed) well within the range of fabric

group B, suggesting, but certainly not proving, that this

may indeed be a local fabric.

Group F: overfired fine calcareous

Samples7403c (fig. 16), 7403f, 10841b.

This is a fine fabric (c:f:v= 5:90:5 to 10:85:5), with

signs of having been a little overfired? in thin section,

there is no optical activity, and some of the inclusions in

the coarse fraction have been affected (for example, voids

formed inmicritic carbonates). In the fine fraction there is

some quartz, micrite zones and voids, and few micas.

Coarse fraction composed almost solely of micritic

carbonates, up to 1mm. Some quartz and quartz sandstone

too, but rarely >0.25mm. Dark brown to dark grey in XP.

This group could be related to the other fine fabric

group?

group E? but there is little sign of any of the

small serpentinite inclusions seen in some samples of

that group. None of these was selected for chemical

analysis so, given the limited conclusions that can be

drawn from the petrography, it is hard to say whether or

not this group is local.

Group G: silty phyllite fabric

Samples10493c (fig. 17) and 10493e.

This is a minor fabric that could well be an import to

the site, judging by its lack of correspondence with either

the main fabric groups or the local petrology. Its main

constituents are low-grade metamorphic rocks?

phyllites?

notably absent in most other samples. The

micromass is optically active, suggesting a low to

moderate firing temperature, and there are common

planar voids. It is a coarse fabric (c:f:v=

35:55:10), and

seems non-calcareous, with quartz and mica dominant in

the fine fraction. A continuous distribution of inclusionsmakes it hard to distinguish between fine and coarse

fractions. Coarse fraction has frequent phyllites, elongateand up to 2.5mm, but taking up full size range, with many

0.25-0.5mm; also frequent quartz, mostly monomin

eralic, sa-sr, largest 0.5mm. Few large siltstones and

sandstones, sr,


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Discussion

Cilician painted wares (ninth-eighth centuries)It is unsurprising that the majority of wares can be inter

preted from the microscopic and chemical studies as

being of local manufacture, as those selected for studywere either from the kiln or of similar types that were

not clearly imported fabrics. Almost all of the examplesof pink paste with a cream slip, and cream paste with a

cream slip fall within group B (pink paste: 3, 8-12, 17,

10493a, 10957a, 10957c, 10957d; only 10957f belongsto group A; cream paste: 2; dual pink and cream paste:

7) and its close relative group C (cream paste: 1, 4-6).Minor variations, such as buff ware-buff paste (10957e,

10493b) and pink ware-buff paste (10493d, 10493f)also fall into group B. Sample 7 provided an interestingtest for the difference between

pinkand cream

pastes,for the paste of this vessel was partly fired pink-orangeand partly fired to cream-pale buff. This raises the

question of the difference between group B and groupC. The chemistry and microscopic analysis indicate that

they are separate (but related) groups, well correlated

with the macroscopic distinction between pink and

cream pastes, suggesting that the differences may be

accounted for by firing conditions or other steps in the

manufacturing process after clay preparation. It

remains to be seen whether these deliberate differences

can be correlated in the typological study with

particular vessel shapes.

As noted above, examples in group A are most likelyto be local, given the similarity between examples from

kiln contexts and the local clay samples. Yet a far greatervisible variability occurs within this group, with firing

pastes ranging in colour from red (13, 14, 16 and the

more coarse and gritty looking 31) to orange (10957g,

10841a, 11069b) to pink (18, 37, 38, 11069a, 11069d).Most importantly for one aspect of the study is that groupA also includes the wave line pieces from the later kiln,with the same inclusions. This suggests that basic clay

processing techniques continued throughout the Iron

Age, despite the importation of vessels that were

manufactured differently (for example, Neo-Assyrianwares and Greek vessels).

There is a number of examples found at Kinet in

which the slip appears to be particularly white, strongly

recalling white painted ware, a product associated with

Cyprus (Liddy 1996: 486; Boardman 1999b: 149).Indeed, Gjerstad has argued that the better quality

Cypriot style wares at Al Mina (white painted and

bichrome) were manufactured by Cypriots at the site, as

the clay seems more local than Cypriot and thedecorative motifs atypical of Cypriot products, yet the

overall appearance is of higher quality than other

examples from the site (Gjerstad 1974: 115). At Tarsus,

a Cilician white painted category was identified, distin

guished from Cypriot white painted and bichrome

examples partly on the basis of the quality of the slip (aswell as the precision of the artist's hand, decorative

motifs and vessel shape, and in some cases miner

alogical differences, Hanfmann 1963: 49-50). Two

examples from Kinet with a very white slip, in contrast

to the normal cream colour of Kinet wares, were

analysed in the present study in an effort to distinguishthem from the cream slipped examples. Both samples

were of a fine red clay with a very white slip (33 and 34)and belong to group B.

Red slip wares (ninth-eighth centuries)The results of our study on the red slip wares support the

broad conclusion that redslip

waswidely produced

in

the eastern Mediterranean. Macroscopically, two

different types of red slip have been identified. One

relates to the Tarsus group of red slip and burnish, and

includes our examples of black-on-red. The other is not

only not burnished, but also often does not have a slip;the samples selected for the present study were slipless.

All of the examples analysed belong to categories A and

B and are therefore probably local: three of four plainware pieces (13, 14, 16) belong to group A, and one falls

into the spectrum of group B (15), while two red slippedand burnished (not black-on-red) examples (19 and 20)fall comfortably into group B. How these might relate

to other red slip outputs from the region remains unclear.

The recent NAA study by Ashton and Hughes of the

later red slip from Al Mina unfortunately does not

contribute sufficiently to our understanding of regionalred slip production for methodological reasons. The

NAA results presented in their table 2 reveal an aston

ishing level of variation within what are meant to be

coherent groups. Group 2, 'local red slip', for example,has wildly varying levels of chromium from sample to

sample, in a range from 73ppm to 553ppm. Other

elements also show considerable variation. One can

only imagine that the samples are considered to form a

group on the basis of ware, i.e. that they all belong to

'local red slip', rather than on the basis of the chemical

characteristics of the clay paste. This is hardly a satis

factory situation methodologically, as itmerely ends up

affirming the categories provided by the archaeologists,rather than challenging them.

Of the Kinet black-on-red examples, which

included a variety of open and closed shapes, the

results of our analyses support the notion that the style

was locally produced (21, 22, 24, 30 and 35 are groupB; 31 is group A), although local production was

supplemented by imports of black-on-red from

elsewhere (23, 26, 27, 32 and possibly 25 and 29, all in

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group D; possibly 28, in group J). Geologically, the

most likely source of these imports is Cyprus, as

suggested in the discussion of group D, above. This is

despite the presence of dark grey cores, a sign of

incomplete oxidation,on two

of the importedexamples, 26 and 27, which it might be tempting to

view as a regional custom. At Tarsus, this was viewed

as a deliberate workshop habit, and Hanfmann

contrasted it particularly with contemporary Cypriotwares, where homogeneous oxidation of the biscuit was

much more often the rule (Hanfmann 1963: 27-28).

Geology, petrography and chemistry, however, suggestthat the Kinet examples may very well be two cases of

incompletely oxidised Cypriot ware.

Several thin walled sherds may indicate more

localised trade. There is little evidence at Kinet itself to

suggest that fine wares were frequently manufactured.

Fine wares are not particularly common at the site, and

little from the kiln contexts implies that they were

manufactured here. Three examples were analysed.

One example is of the red ware type without slip

(although not particularly fine), while the other two

examples are beige in colour but otherwise similar in

shape, surface treatment and decorative motifs to the

fine walled black-on-red examples. Both beige

examples fall within the category of local products and

group together within group E (36 and 10957b). These

also compare with a black glaze cup from the later kiln

(7403d). Chemical assessment of sample 36 suggeststhat it is related to group B, one of our local groups.

Given that group B is a rather loose group, it could

easily contain material that is broadly local without

necessarily having been made at Kinet.

The red sample, 11069c, is unique in group I. This

juglet was recovered from the western firing chamber of

the smaller kiln. Given that the kiln context is

considered secure, this may be an example of a less

common ware, although one that may not necessarily be

non-local. Indeed, a body sherd of a black slipped cup

(10841b; black slip is often miscalled black glaze: see

below), which was found in association with a largevessel recovered from the firing platform of the largerkiln chamber, belongs to group F, whose provenance is

also inconclusive (but see below). Black slipped wares

in Middle Iron Age contexts are rare; this sample's

relationship to contemporary and subsequent black

slipped wares (for example, Assyrian-style Grey Ware;

Greek-style black glaze wares) needs to be exploredfurther.

Cooking ware (ninth-eighth centuries)Two pieces of what may be cooking ware, samples10493c and 10493e, were analysed microscopically.

Both pieces belong to group G, which is unrelated to the

groups of local origin and, therefore, they may be

imports. The presence of imported cooking ware has

been used as a strong argument to equate pottery with

people in the Near East; specifically, arguments for thepresence of Greek mercenaries at Me?ad Hashavyahu,Tel Kabri and Al Mina have been put forward based on

the presence of Greek cooking ware at these sites

(although exclusively for this reason, see Hodos 2006:

chapter 2). The import of cooking wares has modern

parallels. In Turkey today cooking pots are produced in

a few areas but are widely distributed. Further study of

this group is required before any more substantial conclu

sions may be drawn about the significance of this identi

fication.

Wave line ware (late seventh century)As mentioned above, the presence of wasters strongly

indicates that this style of pottery was manufactured at

Kinet at the end of the seventh century. Despite the

possibility that fill retrieved from the kiln may include

material not associated with what the kiln was used to

fire, samples from the kiln chamber were analysed. Five

samples of wave line ware fall comfortably within groupsA and B (A: 7403g, 7403h, 7403k; B: 7403j, 74031,

7403o; and 7403e within group C, our cream paste-cream

slip of the Middle Iron Age; 7403f, of group F, is incon

clusive). This suggests that the pastes are no longer as

exclusive to wares as they initially appear to be duringthe Middle Iron Age.

Black glaze ware (late seventh century)So-called black glaze wares of the Late Iron Age find

their stylistic prototype in the east Greek cup of the late

seventh century; the shape was widely imitated

throughout the Greek world and identified as the

Rhodian black glazed cup at Tocra in Cyrenaica (Hayes

1966), the type Bl skyphos at Megara Hyblaea in Sicily

(Villard, Vallet 1955) and the type E (Isler 1978) or

Schalengruppe 6 (Furtw?ngler 1980) skyphos at

Samos. Although they are called black glaze because

of the lustrous nature of the east Greek prototypes, the

surface finish is only slipped. One such cup, 7403d,

belongs to group E; as noted above, the chemical

analysis of another member of group E suggests that the

group may be related to group B, one of our firm local

groups. Yet another example from the same context,

7403c, belongs to group F. Although this group is of

inconclusive provenance, the black slip piece from the

earlier kiln, 10841b, also belongs to group F. This maysuggest that a specific clay was used for the occasional

production of black slipped wares over the course of the

Iron Age.

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Micaceous ware (late seventh century)Two micaceous pieces, (7403i and 7403m) most likelyfrom the same vessel, belong in a unique group (H) that

is utterly different macroscopically and microscopicallyfrom

anyof the other

groupsidentified. This

stronglysuggests that they represent an imported vessel. As

discussed above, its presence in the firing chamber of the