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I 1.2 liveluskn confirmed, i yzz i $24
We Hcc ngtiin llnil I lie 1)1)1' was adamant in its rejection of anti-
Nemiliwii More imporlaul hi ill, 1 lie parly never failed to comment on the
spin ions ('lainm made by nu iMls I hat the jew s were foreign bodies in the
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Exclusion confirmed, igzaz..ig24
which was supportive o f the national Right (DVP, DNVP), mentionedhow the foreign ministers selflessness and personal inviolability lind
been depreciated by anti-Semitic politicians;110 the paper also argued tlint
the main motive for Rathenaus murder was the belief that ( lie latter had
done too little to reverse the effects of the Versailles Treaty.111
On the whole, the D V P expressed considerable sympathy (or (lie
volkisch movement. As was the case with the Frankischer Kurin in
Nuremberg, the press highlighted the patriotism of the Nn/,is, and
ignored other aspects of National Socialism which were hardly appealingto respectable burghers fearful o f violence and radicalism. 'I his was
especially true during the Hitler-Ludendorff trial. The Dmeltlor/er
Zeitung, for example, judged that only the enemies of Germany would
benefit from such acts of Selbstzerfleischung: The demolition o f a number
of public figures; the destruction o f the valuable fruit s of national recruit
ment; hatred between German people, who belong together for good
or ill; smirking Schadenfreude by all our socialist enemies." 2 The
Diisseldorfer Nachrichlen, moreover, compared the attempted coup withthe revolutionary upheaval of 1918/19, and conceded that at least Hitler
was of German stock, whereas his critics, those literary figures who
emigrated from Austria,113 were wrong to assume that they had the right
to discuss matters dear to most Germans. The paper also described the
advocates of a harsh sentence as guardians of Zion (Zionswachlcr),1'* who
lacked
empathy for the national and patriotic convictions of the so- called traitors, whohave become guilty because they loved their fatherland perhaps too much with
their hearts . . . There may be groups who, like Shyloek, prefer to maintain up
pearances, but they are advised to be cautious and to quietly respect ( icrmansensibilities [das deutsche GefiihJ] . ' 15
This anti-Semitic bias, although veiled and indirect, was repealed in
the run-up to the May Reichstag elections. As so often before, the SI'I >
was the party of Sklarz und Parvus-Helphand, the partys nouveaux
riches , 116 but the D VP also professed to be the truly volkischparty,11' and
concluded that Germany belonged to the Germans: No flooding through
110 D N ,25 .6.19 22 . 111 Ibid., 27 .6.19 22 editorial.
112 D Z, 6.4.192 4 D er Pru fstein. See also n .4 .19 2 4 D ie Qu ittung . Unfbrtunim ly, 1 tic
Diisseldorfer Zeitungdid not appear during and immediately after the Hitler Putsch.
113 D N ,2.3.19 24 Ein Ruckblick. See also 24.4.1924 Schuld und Siiline.
114 Ibid., 30.3 .192 4 Ein Riickbiick .
115 Ibid., 1.4.19 24 Da s Urteil des Volksgerichts.
1,6 D Z,2.4.1924 Zwei G arnituren.
117 St A D X X 3 1 1 election leaflet M ay J924 Wer ist volkisch?
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' t i l l I I I ) I I 'i I'l lllllllllht Illlli h I 'll Mill I H l l l l l l l h t l l lN C ll I I I I ' l l M l t l I I J p W N, ' ' 111 I I I
iiililll Iiiii , I lii I'i i| ill I* | | | I\ lit i| ii il Im ii 11 hilil Inn wllll I hr I >NVP in 1 1 1 1 1 i i 1 1 * i l l .1 m i , m i l | I m i w i l h I h i 11i c i l i l l t h i p i n n e d I v i l t r u c e
I " ... . . . . . . . . . i l i ' i " i * | ' i i l h . I n I ) I I n n i ' I ( I u i I 1,11 A l t h o u g h I I n I ) V I u s e d m i l i
'ii mil ii ini'i|ii i \ Ii in In i|in 1111y in Ili i. period I hull in ilic immcdii tle post
H 'ii \ i ii >, ii -nil Ii mi in I m i i i Ii liiii)j;iiii|4
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Exclusion confirmed, 1922-1924
TIk* i)NVF, of course, believed the Jewish question to be no small
mill lei', bill it central problem to be solved i f Germany was to regain her
losl pride. Following the Rathenau murder, for example, the DN VP tried
to distance itself from the Mordbuben, but maintained that it was jus!
as bad how this crime . . . was exploited by political agitators.'** In the
aftermath o f Rathenaus death the party continued to call for the purging
of Jews from influential positions,129 but following the Ruhr occupation
nationalist organizations were severely restricted.130 What is more, the
Diisseldorf D N VP seems to have rejected the extremism o f volkisch radi
cals like von Graefe and Wulle, as a letter by its leader, Dr H. EUenbeck,
to Kuno G raf von Westarp suggests: T his boastful nationalism is the
superficial bawl which has caused our demise . . . We have here in the
occupied western border areas [Grenzmark]a strong awareness o f national
feeling [Nationalgefiihl\. However, we reject its exaggerated and boorish
manifestations, o f which M r Wulle is the prototype. 111
Finally, the D N V P decided to concentrate more on questions o f educa
tion in this period, partly because it felt obliged to assist the ProtestantChurch, and partly because of the danger involved in keeping too high a
profile at a time when other volkisch groups were being dissolved.
Prior to the May 1924 Reichstag elections, however, the party recap
tured the initiative, focusing on the Wirtschaftsbund, '32 but also giving
prominence to the racist agenda: the struggle for the D N VP was still one
against the corrosive spirit of Jewry in all areas .133 Moreover, a few'
months later the party turned against the SP D , a move intended to unitethe middle classes behind it;134 this was also one reason for reasserting I In-
partys volkisch credentials.135 In short, between 1922 and 1924 the right
wing nationalists upheld their racist message, although in comparison to
earlier periods the DNVP was more interested in combating Jewish
influence than creating a purely German society.
128 Niederrheinische Bole , 26.6.11122 Wer hat Schuld.
129 Ibid., 14 .t o. 1922 Deutschnationale Wege.
130 Gemcin, D N V P , 30. The French disbanded (he Slahllii 'hi, ill'.1 / h "> V
OJJiziersbund,and the Reichskticgerbund Kyjjhduser. Th e D N V P had already sulli red in il
autumn o f 192 2. See the letter by EUenbeck to Westarp in St A D X X I 339; tli m 1 >
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liviiiision coii/innt'il, i
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Exclusion confirmed, 1922- / 92./
in revolutionary activities which harmed the moral fibre of the nation. Asearly as April 1922, however, a growing number of Dusseldorfs Catholics
stood more firmly in the Republican camp, fully supporting the policies of
the lieich government under Joseph Wirth.141
Rathenaus murder caused anger and outrage among Centre support
crs. A protest march attracted many thousands of demonstrators, and the
speakers showed how much the party had learned in the aftermath of
Erzbergers violent death.142 At one such event, the secretary of the
workers union, Theodor Drosser, explained that the Je w was moreChristian than many a Christian, while the party leader and former
member of the Pan-Gennan League, Clemens Adams, opined: he was a
Jew, but we Centre people have never disparaged a noble and able person
because he was a Jew. This kind of foolish anti-Semitism we have never
supported.143
Although Adamss words entailed the assumption that Jews who dis
played contemptible behaviour were even more vulnerable because theywere Jews than their equally criminal Gentile neighbours (this, indeed,
was the crux o f Centre attacks on the revolutionaries of 19 18/19), his
message was quite clear: Catholics condemned recent manifestations of
volkisch hysteria and defended the accomplishments o f the Republic.14'1
In particular, working-class groups within the Centre condemned the
anti-Semitism of those who had had nothing in common with the
murderers:
Rathenau also died as a Jew, although he was a better German than many a bawlor,
although he acted more Christian than many a Christian. Only too many may feel
guilty in their hearts for having contributed to the stupid [bidden] Jew-bniling,without realizing that every mean word intensified the atmosphere of hatred, until
it culminated in this terrible murder.145
The Hitler Putsch occasioned ridicule and bitterness, but: on the whole
the Centre Party was more concerned with the Ruhr crisis than wilh thnnlil|i Im n K'
Gods mercy vvmi pr limirily llie re in redeem I In- Ji'wtnli run '< iml h'vciiIh liiu yliirv hi mi(il)Hlillille people, till' imiNl rtwlnliml n mil el Sliltl I. I III Invlnli run I In
Icnmv 1111111 hit 1 In' eiirllilv 11 inn 1 1 , ilie 1 n 1 iin I Io iI 'h niii|illl|li m l pmvi l'
lf T il l ! l ir llcl i'N were prlnlm l III linn 11 in / K |jIh iI l l u 1i n ii muni ivi'i My I In tnillim n-iii1In d lri i im nl (In Im ill in in lli iii 1
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136 Dormancy and difference, 19 25-19 29
theologically motivated distaste o f right-wing extremism) and a prcdilec
tion for volkischdoctrines. To square the t wo remained an impossible task,
and we are left with the awkward impression that the layman had to hate
and love the Jews at the same time. With all the propaganda against: them,
however, the latter were well advised not to rely too heavily 011 the benign
nat ure o f Christianity s missionary zeal.
C A T H O L I C I S M
Political Catholicism, by contrast, was more cynical in its treatment of
the Jewish question*. As in the years 1922-5, the BVP refused to
commit itself to a specific line of argument, so that we come across
various responses to the problem of anti-Semitism. On the whole,however, the Peoples Party showed little in the way of sympathy for the
Jews.
The Bayerische Volkszeitung, for example, reported very sparingly 011
the Barmat scandal; in those rare instances when it: did, Eastern Jews
figured as the main villains.48 During the Sklarek scandal, moreover,
which again involved Centre politicians, the paper ridiculed Nazi connec
tions with the baptized Je w Dr Frenzel in order to contrast Streichers
accusations o f other parties with his own behaviour.49 But the BV P also
supported appeals that contained anti-Semitic undertones. Thus a leaflet
opposing the expropriation of the dynasties, which was co-signed by theBVP, included the following statement: The planned expropriation law
is called for by the following un-German persons: Ruczinski, Levi,
Landsberger, Nathan, Katzenstein, Rosenfeld.50
In the run-up to elections, the Peoples Party was equally opportunis
tic. In May 1928 the SPD was castigated for its support of non-
den ominational schools and the N SD A P for its irresponsible tactics, but
the party never reproached the latter for its anti-Semitic platform. The
Bauernbund,on the other hand, was unelectable because it had cooperated
with the Je w Eisner in 19 18 .51 One year later, however, in a session o f the
city council, the BVPs Nikolaus Sommer condemned Karl Holz of the
N SD A P for his constant racist remarks, since during the war members
18 BV , 22 .1.192 5 D er Su m pf speaks o f Eastern Galicians. .. . (Ostgalizier) and
immigrated Eastern money-makers.
49 Ibid., 10 .10 .192 9 Vom Hitlerfreunde Dr. Frenze l-Frankel. Der ehemals mosaische
Parteibeamte der Deutschen Volkspartei befiihrwortete den Erzbergermord und
ve rherrlichte den Ra thcnau mord .
Sl) CV-Zeitung,23.7.192 6, 397 Unlauteres Kampfmittel.
sl See , for, exam ple, B V , 19.5.1928 Voi der grolfcn Entscheidung! BHStA Abt. V FlgSg
58 20 .5.192 8 D er Bauernbund als Totcngriibcr eincs freien Bauernstandes!
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Dormancy and difference, i /n
ol all denominations sacrificed their blood and life (or (lie Ciiinmn
fatherland .52Prior to the December 1929 municipal elections, (lie party look yet
another approach. This lime it rejected all forms ol electoral alliances
against Marxism or the Je ws, bul insisted I hat it could do so only on the
grounds lhat it had always fought both groups. The National Socialists,
the BVP continued, had achieved nothing with I heir provocations and
fanaticism: The lord mayor, whom one wanted to eliminate , is more
firmly in control than before, the department stores havent disappeared,
and the influence of Jewry . . . has surely not diminished.5'1If the Peoples Party had little positive to say about the Jews, the
Catholic weekly, Smnlags-l'Yiede , was even less forthcoming. In all eight
articles touching 011 the problem of ant i-Semitism, the paper was outspo
ken in its opposition lo everything Jewish, In February 1:925 it compared
1 he Spanish Inquisition to the extermination of workers, peasants, and the
bourgeoisie under Sinowjew- Apfclbaum, Radck-Sobclsohn, Litwinoff
Karfunkelslcin, Joffe Moses, and the other Jewish Sowjelhaupilingc\ 5/1 In
October and December of that year the paper warned all workers that onlyJews gained from revolutionary upheaval, while they ended up being
the Jews vassals (Jndciiknec/ile): No, you arent the priests vassals
[Pfaffenkneelite\,but . ,M li was the Je ws own fault, moreover, that the
Nazis were attacking them during the campaign against the expropriation
of the dynasties, for among 1 lie six signatories o f the proposal. are no
fewer than four Jews: Nathan, Levy, Katzenstein und D r Kuc/,insky.56
Finally, the Catholic weekly asked its readers to consider the likely out
come of continued squabbles within Christian society: Someone oncemade a joke about Meyerbeers opera The Huguenots: Catholics and
Protestants beat each other while the Jew [derjfud]sets it to music \machl
die Musik dam]. Isn t il sad how Christians are at loggerheads - -to I lie
enjoyment o f everyone elsc?:/
Whereas the BVP acted opportunistically, revealing its deep-scaled
antipathies towards the Jews, the Catholic Church in Nuremberg was
even more hostile. All I his, however, was unrelated to the party s position
in Nuremberg politics, where the BVP cooperated with Mayor Luppe
S t A N C 7 / I X SRI* 450, 12.6,1929.S3 Staatsbibliothek M Unchen ,| 0 Bnvar. 3 15 7 v8 B aycrische Volkspartei und
Gemeindepolitik. Ein Appcll /.u Urn Niiniberger Shulllatswahleri am 8. December 1929.
114 S F , 22.2.1925 Schlagwoilc .55 IbiU., 11 .10 .19 2 5 In RtilJInnU.; 24.12.1925 Die Kirche.
56 IbiU., 28.3.192 6 l olitischc W ochenschau.
57 Ib id., 13 .3. 19 2 7 V0111 Kum pffcld tier Kirc he . For Jewish-sodalist* school teachers in
Vienna, see the 7 .1 0 .19 28 issue under the heading Voni Erntefeld der Kirche .