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    I 1.2 liveluskn confirmed, i yzz i $24

    We Hcc ngtiin llnil I lie 1)1)1' was adamant in its rejection of anti-

    Nemiliwii More imporlaul hi ill, 1 lie parly never failed to comment on the

    spin ions ('lainm made by nu iMls I hat the jew s were foreign bodies in the

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    Exclusion confirmed, igzaz..ig24

    which was supportive o f the national Right (DVP, DNVP), mentionedhow the foreign ministers selflessness and personal inviolability lind

    been depreciated by anti-Semitic politicians;110 the paper also argued tlint

    the main motive for Rathenaus murder was the belief that ( lie latter had

    done too little to reverse the effects of the Versailles Treaty.111

    On the whole, the D V P expressed considerable sympathy (or (lie

    volkisch movement. As was the case with the Frankischer Kurin in

    Nuremberg, the press highlighted the patriotism of the Nn/,is, and

    ignored other aspects of National Socialism which were hardly appealingto respectable burghers fearful o f violence and radicalism. 'I his was

    especially true during the Hitler-Ludendorff trial. The Dmeltlor/er

    Zeitung, for example, judged that only the enemies of Germany would

    benefit from such acts of Selbstzerfleischung: The demolition o f a number

    of public figures; the destruction o f the valuable fruit s of national recruit

    ment; hatred between German people, who belong together for good

    or ill; smirking Schadenfreude by all our socialist enemies." 2 The

    Diisseldorfer Nachrichlen, moreover, compared the attempted coup withthe revolutionary upheaval of 1918/19, and conceded that at least Hitler

    was of German stock, whereas his critics, those literary figures who

    emigrated from Austria,113 were wrong to assume that they had the right

    to discuss matters dear to most Germans. The paper also described the

    advocates of a harsh sentence as guardians of Zion (Zionswachlcr),1'* who

    lacked

    empathy for the national and patriotic convictions of the so- called traitors, whohave become guilty because they loved their fatherland perhaps too much with

    their hearts . . . There may be groups who, like Shyloek, prefer to maintain up

    pearances, but they are advised to be cautious and to quietly respect ( icrmansensibilities [das deutsche GefiihJ] . ' 15

    This anti-Semitic bias, although veiled and indirect, was repealed in

    the run-up to the May Reichstag elections. As so often before, the SI'I >

    was the party of Sklarz und Parvus-Helphand, the partys nouveaux

    riches , 116 but the D VP also professed to be the truly volkischparty,11' and

    concluded that Germany belonged to the Germans: No flooding through

    110 D N ,25 .6.19 22 . 111 Ibid., 27 .6.19 22 editorial.

    112 D Z, 6.4.192 4 D er Pru fstein. See also n .4 .19 2 4 D ie Qu ittung . Unfbrtunim ly, 1 tic

    Diisseldorfer Zeitungdid not appear during and immediately after the Hitler Putsch.

    113 D N ,2.3.19 24 Ein Ruckblick. See also 24.4.1924 Schuld und Siiline.

    114 Ibid., 30.3 .192 4 Ein Riickbiick .

    115 Ibid., 1.4.19 24 Da s Urteil des Volksgerichts.

    1,6 D Z,2.4.1924 Zwei G arnituren.

    117 St A D X X 3 1 1 election leaflet M ay J924 Wer ist volkisch?

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    ' t i l l I I I ) I I 'i I'l lllllllllht Illlli h I 'll Mill I H l l l l l l l h t l l lN C ll I I I I ' l l M l t l I I J p W N, ' ' 111 I I I

    iiililll Iiiii , I lii I'i i| ill I* | | | I\ lit i| ii il Im ii 11 hilil Inn wllll I hr I >NVP in 1 1 1 1 1 i i 1 1 * i l l .1 m i , m i l | I m i w i l h I h i 11i c i l i l l t h i p i n n e d I v i l t r u c e

    I " ... . . . . . . . . . i l i ' i " i * | ' i i l h . I n I ) I I n n i ' I ( I u i I 1,11 A l t h o u g h I I n I ) V I u s e d m i l i

    'ii mil ii ini'i|ii i \ Ii in In i|in 1111y in Ili i. period I hull in ilic immcdii tle post

    H 'ii \ i ii >, ii -nil Ii mi in I m i i i Ii liiii)j;iiii|4

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    Exclusion confirmed, 1922-1924

    TIk* i)NVF, of course, believed the Jewish question to be no small

    mill lei', bill it central problem to be solved i f Germany was to regain her

    losl pride. Following the Rathenau murder, for example, the DN VP tried

    to distance itself from the Mordbuben, but maintained that it was jus!

    as bad how this crime . . . was exploited by political agitators.'** In the

    aftermath o f Rathenaus death the party continued to call for the purging

    of Jews from influential positions,129 but following the Ruhr occupation

    nationalist organizations were severely restricted.130 What is more, the

    Diisseldorf D N VP seems to have rejected the extremism o f volkisch radi

    cals like von Graefe and Wulle, as a letter by its leader, Dr H. EUenbeck,

    to Kuno G raf von Westarp suggests: T his boastful nationalism is the

    superficial bawl which has caused our demise . . . We have here in the

    occupied western border areas [Grenzmark]a strong awareness o f national

    feeling [Nationalgefiihl\. However, we reject its exaggerated and boorish

    manifestations, o f which M r Wulle is the prototype. 111

    Finally, the D N V P decided to concentrate more on questions o f educa

    tion in this period, partly because it felt obliged to assist the ProtestantChurch, and partly because of the danger involved in keeping too high a

    profile at a time when other volkisch groups were being dissolved.

    Prior to the May 1924 Reichstag elections, however, the party recap

    tured the initiative, focusing on the Wirtschaftsbund, '32 but also giving

    prominence to the racist agenda: the struggle for the D N VP was still one

    against the corrosive spirit of Jewry in all areas .133 Moreover, a few'

    months later the party turned against the SP D , a move intended to unitethe middle classes behind it;134 this was also one reason for reasserting I In-

    partys volkisch credentials.135 In short, between 1922 and 1924 the right

    wing nationalists upheld their racist message, although in comparison to

    earlier periods the DNVP was more interested in combating Jewish

    influence than creating a purely German society.

    128 Niederrheinische Bole , 26.6.11122 Wer hat Schuld.

    129 Ibid., 14 .t o. 1922 Deutschnationale Wege.

    130 Gemcin, D N V P , 30. The French disbanded (he Slahllii 'hi, ill'.1 / h "> V

    OJJiziersbund,and the Reichskticgerbund Kyjjhduser. Th e D N V P had already sulli red in il

    autumn o f 192 2. See the letter by EUenbeck to Westarp in St A D X X I 339; tli m 1 >

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    liviiiision coii/innt'il, i

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    Exclusion confirmed, 1922- / 92./

    in revolutionary activities which harmed the moral fibre of the nation. Asearly as April 1922, however, a growing number of Dusseldorfs Catholics

    stood more firmly in the Republican camp, fully supporting the policies of

    the lieich government under Joseph Wirth.141

    Rathenaus murder caused anger and outrage among Centre support

    crs. A protest march attracted many thousands of demonstrators, and the

    speakers showed how much the party had learned in the aftermath of

    Erzbergers violent death.142 At one such event, the secretary of the

    workers union, Theodor Drosser, explained that the Je w was moreChristian than many a Christian, while the party leader and former

    member of the Pan-Gennan League, Clemens Adams, opined: he was a

    Jew, but we Centre people have never disparaged a noble and able person

    because he was a Jew. This kind of foolish anti-Semitism we have never

    supported.143

    Although Adamss words entailed the assumption that Jews who dis

    played contemptible behaviour were even more vulnerable because theywere Jews than their equally criminal Gentile neighbours (this, indeed,

    was the crux o f Centre attacks on the revolutionaries of 19 18/19), his

    message was quite clear: Catholics condemned recent manifestations of

    volkisch hysteria and defended the accomplishments o f the Republic.14'1

    In particular, working-class groups within the Centre condemned the

    anti-Semitism of those who had had nothing in common with the

    murderers:

    Rathenau also died as a Jew, although he was a better German than many a bawlor,

    although he acted more Christian than many a Christian. Only too many may feel

    guilty in their hearts for having contributed to the stupid [bidden] Jew-bniling,without realizing that every mean word intensified the atmosphere of hatred, until

    it culminated in this terrible murder.145

    The Hitler Putsch occasioned ridicule and bitterness, but: on the whole

    the Centre Party was more concerned with the Ruhr crisis than wilh thnnlil|i Im n K'

    Gods mercy vvmi pr limirily llie re in redeem I In- Ji'wtnli run '< iml h'vciiIh liiu yliirv hi mi(il)Hlillille people, till' imiNl rtwlnliml n mil el Sliltl I. I III Invlnli run I In

    Icnmv 1111111 hit 1 In' eiirllilv 11 inn 1 1 , ilie 1 n 1 iin I Io iI 'h niii|illl|li m l pmvi l'

    lf T il l ! l ir llcl i'N were prlnlm l III linn 11 in / K |jIh iI l l u 1i n ii muni ivi'i My I In tnillim n-iii1In d lri i im nl (In Im ill in in lli iii 1

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    136 Dormancy and difference, 19 25-19 29

    theologically motivated distaste o f right-wing extremism) and a prcdilec

    tion for volkischdoctrines. To square the t wo remained an impossible task,

    and we are left with the awkward impression that the layman had to hate

    and love the Jews at the same time. With all the propaganda against: them,

    however, the latter were well advised not to rely too heavily 011 the benign

    nat ure o f Christianity s missionary zeal.

    C A T H O L I C I S M

    Political Catholicism, by contrast, was more cynical in its treatment of

    the Jewish question*. As in the years 1922-5, the BVP refused to

    commit itself to a specific line of argument, so that we come across

    various responses to the problem of anti-Semitism. On the whole,however, the Peoples Party showed little in the way of sympathy for the

    Jews.

    The Bayerische Volkszeitung, for example, reported very sparingly 011

    the Barmat scandal; in those rare instances when it: did, Eastern Jews

    figured as the main villains.48 During the Sklarek scandal, moreover,

    which again involved Centre politicians, the paper ridiculed Nazi connec

    tions with the baptized Je w Dr Frenzel in order to contrast Streichers

    accusations o f other parties with his own behaviour.49 But the BV P also

    supported appeals that contained anti-Semitic undertones. Thus a leaflet

    opposing the expropriation of the dynasties, which was co-signed by theBVP, included the following statement: The planned expropriation law

    is called for by the following un-German persons: Ruczinski, Levi,

    Landsberger, Nathan, Katzenstein, Rosenfeld.50

    In the run-up to elections, the Peoples Party was equally opportunis

    tic. In May 1928 the SPD was castigated for its support of non-

    den ominational schools and the N SD A P for its irresponsible tactics, but

    the party never reproached the latter for its anti-Semitic platform. The

    Bauernbund,on the other hand, was unelectable because it had cooperated

    with the Je w Eisner in 19 18 .51 One year later, however, in a session o f the

    city council, the BVPs Nikolaus Sommer condemned Karl Holz of the

    N SD A P for his constant racist remarks, since during the war members

    18 BV , 22 .1.192 5 D er Su m pf speaks o f Eastern Galicians. .. . (Ostgalizier) and

    immigrated Eastern money-makers.

    49 Ibid., 10 .10 .192 9 Vom Hitlerfreunde Dr. Frenze l-Frankel. Der ehemals mosaische

    Parteibeamte der Deutschen Volkspartei befiihrwortete den Erzbergermord und

    ve rherrlichte den Ra thcnau mord .

    Sl) CV-Zeitung,23.7.192 6, 397 Unlauteres Kampfmittel.

    sl See , for, exam ple, B V , 19.5.1928 Voi der grolfcn Entscheidung! BHStA Abt. V FlgSg

    58 20 .5.192 8 D er Bauernbund als Totcngriibcr eincs freien Bauernstandes!

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    Dormancy and difference, i /n

    ol all denominations sacrificed their blood and life (or (lie Ciiinmn

    fatherland .52Prior to the December 1929 municipal elections, (lie party look yet

    another approach. This lime it rejected all forms ol electoral alliances

    against Marxism or the Je ws, bul insisted I hat it could do so only on the

    grounds lhat it had always fought both groups. The National Socialists,

    the BVP continued, had achieved nothing with I heir provocations and

    fanaticism: The lord mayor, whom one wanted to eliminate , is more

    firmly in control than before, the department stores havent disappeared,

    and the influence of Jewry . . . has surely not diminished.5'1If the Peoples Party had little positive to say about the Jews, the

    Catholic weekly, Smnlags-l'Yiede , was even less forthcoming. In all eight

    articles touching 011 the problem of ant i-Semitism, the paper was outspo

    ken in its opposition lo everything Jewish, In February 1:925 it compared

    1 he Spanish Inquisition to the extermination of workers, peasants, and the

    bourgeoisie under Sinowjew- Apfclbaum, Radck-Sobclsohn, Litwinoff

    Karfunkelslcin, Joffe Moses, and the other Jewish Sowjelhaupilingc\ 5/1 In

    October and December of that year the paper warned all workers that onlyJews gained from revolutionary upheaval, while they ended up being

    the Jews vassals (Jndciiknec/ile): No, you arent the priests vassals

    [Pfaffenkneelite\,but . ,M li was the Je ws own fault, moreover, that the

    Nazis were attacking them during the campaign against the expropriation

    of the dynasties, for among 1 lie six signatories o f the proposal. are no

    fewer than four Jews: Nathan, Levy, Katzenstein und D r Kuc/,insky.56

    Finally, the Catholic weekly asked its readers to consider the likely out

    come of continued squabbles within Christian society: Someone oncemade a joke about Meyerbeers opera The Huguenots: Catholics and

    Protestants beat each other while the Jew [derjfud]sets it to music \machl

    die Musik dam]. Isn t il sad how Christians are at loggerheads - -to I lie

    enjoyment o f everyone elsc?:/

    Whereas the BVP acted opportunistically, revealing its deep-scaled

    antipathies towards the Jews, the Catholic Church in Nuremberg was

    even more hostile. All I his, however, was unrelated to the party s position

    in Nuremberg politics, where the BVP cooperated with Mayor Luppe

    S t A N C 7 / I X SRI* 450, 12.6,1929.S3 Staatsbibliothek M Unchen ,| 0 Bnvar. 3 15 7 v8 B aycrische Volkspartei und

    Gemeindepolitik. Ein Appcll /.u Urn Niiniberger Shulllatswahleri am 8. December 1929.

    114 S F , 22.2.1925 Schlagwoilc .55 IbiU., 11 .10 .19 2 5 In RtilJInnU.; 24.12.1925 Die Kirche.

    56 IbiU., 28.3.192 6 l olitischc W ochenschau.

    57 Ib id., 13 .3. 19 2 7 V0111 Kum pffcld tier Kirc he . For Jewish-sodalist* school teachers in

    Vienna, see the 7 .1 0 .19 28 issue under the heading Voni Erntefeld der Kirche .