kassel and williams gpsa 30oct11

7/31/2019 Kassel and Williams GPSA 30oct11

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Culture Shift?

A Reassessment of US Regional Political Culture through the 2007 SCHIP Debate

Paper prepared for the 2011 Annual Meeting of the Georgia Political Science Association

NOT FOR CITATION WITHOUT AUTHORS PERMISSION

Jason Kassel, PhD

Assistant Professor

Dept. of Political Science

Valdosta State University

Valdosta, GA

[email protected]

Bryan Williams, MEd, PhD

Assistant Professor

Dept. of Political ScienceMercer University

Macon, GA

[email protected]


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More work, in our view, needs to be done, to ascertain whether the cultural clusters

that Elazar designates do indeed exist (either at the mass orelite level). This step and,

it seems to us, should precede attempts to link public policy outputs with political

cultures. Unfortunately most work has started with the second step and assumed the

first. (Thompson, Ellis, and Wildavsky 1990, 245)

Daniel Elazars Federalism: A view from the states provides the seminal treatment for the

relationship between regional political culture, state-level civic attitudes and federalism was.

However, few studies in the recent past have been conducted to assess the continued validity of

his cultural classifications. Despite the significant influence of Elazars work in the discipline,

subsequent studies by other authors center on the adequateness or appropriateness of his

typology of political culture in the US rather than assess the continued validity of his

classification of states into the various cultural types. Furthermore, despite Thompson, Ellis and

Wildavskys exhortation in 1990, such a study has not been conducted linking regional political

culture to national political elite using Elazar. This paper attempts to rectify this lacuna through

a test of Elazar's tri-partite classification by focusing on how state-level political culture is or is

not reflected in elite discourse. We focus our attention on the discourse in the United States

Senate throughout the debate that occurred during the first session of the 110 th Congress (2007)

over the State Children Health Initiative Program (SCHIP).

We ask two questions. First, can Elazars tri-partite classification scheme be identified

through discourse analysis? Second, should the classification schema prove useful, do the

cultural frames of Senate discourse correspond to the home-state culture of the politician?

Through the combination of qualitative content analysis with quantitative statistical analysis, we

find robust evidence in support of the first question, and significant support for the second, even

after controlling for the intervening effect of political party.


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Elazars Cultural Theory

In his work, Elazar defines state-level political culture within the United States by creating

a typology of three distinct ideal-types, and classifying each state into a singular or mixed form.

These three ideal-types - individualistic, moralistic, and traditionalistic differ in terms of the

particular pattern of orientation to political action in which each [local and regional] political

system is embedded, and were rooted in the evolution and local adoption of two opposing views

of the American political system. On the one hand, American politics was designed for

individuals to bargain over self-interests (e.g. an economic marketplace) and on the other for

groups to cooperate to achieve shared goals rooted in moral principles (e.g. the classical

conception of a commonwealth).

For the individualistic culture, politics is "just another means by which individuals may

improve themselves socially and economically." Politics is utilitarian, without moral obligation,

and participation is a purely individual activity. For the moralistic culture, politics is "a public

activity centered on some notion of the public good, and properly devoted to the advancement of

the public interest." Moralist culture sees the political order as a commonwealth in which each

individual has a responsibility to participate for the public (not private) good. Far from both of

the preceding two, traditionalistic culture envisions government's function, while positive, is

limited "to securing the continued maintenance of the existing social order" and its dominating

hierarchy of elites who act as custodians of the traditional structures and norms.

Challenges to the Durability of Elazars Classifications

In his work classic publication, Elazar categorized states into specific ideal or mixed types

of political culture. At first blush, the high mobility rates in the US, as well as several episodes


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of mass migration cast doubt on the continued accuracy of his geographical location of the

various culture types. It is surprising, then, that, while the details of the cultural aspects and

categories have been challenged, the geographical assignments have not. We start with the a

priori assumption that patterns of political culture within the US have not altered dramatically

since Elazars last update in 1984. Our justification for this is based on studies of the

construction and transmission of social norms have shown how migrants can be forced to adopt

(or at least conform to) the local political culture . Acculturation may not occur immediately, but

given time, the person may slowly adjust their expectations about politicians, policies and

campaigns to adapt to their new environment.

While steady yet minor population movements between the states are likely to have little

overall affect, given the power of acculturation, mass migration could produce large and

persistent differences in the rules of the political game, the issues that divide politicians and

parties. An example of this is the effect of northerners and Hispanics to Sun Belt states .

However, even large-scale population shifts of in- and outmigration may produce contradictory

effects on partisanship and, logically, political culture . The attitudinal influence of mass

migration is as likely to wash out as not as new populations interact and negotiate conflicts in

values, goals, and norms. The formal and informal political institutions that create the context

for such conflicts to be resolved, on the other hand, should persist.

In general, the findings that emphasize high mobility rates among states suggest

that political culture is best seen as dynamic and fluid as individuals carry their cultural norms

and expectations with them to new locations. Our expectation, on the other hand, is that citizens

that migrate into a region will be affected by, or forced to adopt the regional political culture so

that regional subcultures continue to represent the historical extensions of earlier settlement


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patterns and the continuing advantages of the first effect of settler groups over later arrivals that

were placed in the culture . Immigrants will adjust their expectations about politicians, policies

and campaigns to adapt to their new environment, or they will move on to look for a more

compatible and culturally attractive location (c.f. Wirt, 1997 ).

All of this suggests that it is important to reassess Elazars classification of states 50 years

after it was constructed. The theory and research design to test this linkage is straightforward.

Democratic theory requires that public officials reflect dominant orientations in their state or

community while nonconformists are not often elected or appointed. Some of these orientations

differ among the states, and the differences may be due to Elazar's political cultures.

Consequently, to test for any such association, elite attitudes should be matched to Elazars

typologies.

Political Culture, Political Elites and Policy Rhetoric

To assess Elazars relevance for understanding 21st century state-level political culture our

study is concerned with revealing political belief systems through an analysis of the Senate-level

rhetorical justifications and rationalizations that went into crafting the particular public policy

known as the State Childrens Health Initiative Program (SCHIP). Our central contention is that

U.S. Senators, and political representatives more broadly, embrace and mimic the political

culture of their constituency. This may be in rhetoric alone, in order to more effectively

communicate their suitability as a delegate, or it may a true assimilation of the beliefs. In either

case, the words of a politician matter, particularly in the role of district spokesperson or on a

stage where there is an expectation of being observed by their electorate.

Analysis of the content of elite discourse should provide a detailed measure of conformity


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between a representative and their home districteven when a politician does not vote as a

faithful delegate, they will communicate with their constituents and must speak the same

language, address the same concepts, and use the same vernacular. In this way, discourse

analysis may lead to a better, or certainly more nuanced, way to evaluate elite representation

instead of relying on voting records. That is, we hypothesize that elite speech represents culture

because that speech is cultural acceptable to their constituents. A record of senate floor

proceedings, then, should be ideal for revealing the political culture of the senators home state.

A simple model of this hypothesis can be constructed as follows:

State Political Culture> Political Elite> Policy Rhetoric

The logic behind this hypothesis comes from the central premise of elections in a

democracy, which posits a hierarchical relationship between constituents and representatives.

This relationship creates a bounded rationality in which representatives must conform or be

punished. Constituents reward their representatives with their electoral support, campaign

contributions, and popularity in polls that can be translated into political capital in Washington as

colleagues vest more interest and support in their fellows who show promise of longevity

through reelection. Punishment is the opposite, and results in the loss of direct influence in the

government and greater electoral uncertainty. Thus, as rational actors, elites will mimic the

dominant political cultural rhetoric within their state in order to prevent being punished.

Conformity in rhetoric may, in future studies, help explain how representatives maintain re-

election despite deviating from voting consistently with constituent opinion.

The SCHIP Debate

The policy we are looking at, SCHIP, was originally passed by a Republican-led Congress


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in 1996. The 2007 debate considered its reauthorization and possible limitation or expansion to

bridge a gap between families eligible for Medicaid coverage and those able to purchase health

insurance on their own. Originally a bi-partisan program, SCHIP continued to find support on

both sides of the aisle. However, in 2007, the partisan divisiveness between a Democratic

Congress and a Republican President created gridlock. Although the program remained popular

and passed both the House and Senate with overwhelming majorities, it was vetoed by President

Bush and the Congress was unable to muster the two-thirds required to override the veto.

The SCHIP debate is a good case-study of state-level political culture for a number of

reasons. Most importantly, after ten years, it retained great bipartisan support in the middle of

one of the most polarized congresses in history (cite from Poole and Rosenthal). Providing

healthcare for Americas children was supported in general by at least 88 Senators, and the final

bill received 68 votes (18 Republicans joining 48 Democrats and 2 independents). The bi-

partisan nature of support of this case should allow us to minimize the effect of partisanship as a

causal variable in the outcome. Further, unlike purely procedural or process-oriented debates,

the justification of a public good that affects every state allows for greater variety in the

discussion, which provides ample opportunities to display the three cultures developed by

Elazar: Moral, Traditional, and Individual. Furthermore, as Congress maneuvered to either avoid

or override presidential veto, the prolonged debate provides ample material for analysis.

Data Source for Senate Rhetoric

Our data comes from analyzing political rhetoric of U.S. Senators in the 110 th Congress

contained in the Congressional Record. For our purposes, rhetorical data has the advantage over

other types of data used in other political-culture studies in that it doesnt rely on popular or elite


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voting patterns or policy preferences, which can be determined by many confounding influences,

nor does it rely on attitudinal surveys, which suffer from the typical problems of social

acceptability and satisficing. In utilizing this data, we are positing that rhetoric on the Senate

floor removes the requirement to 'know' what a political representative is thinking or what they

believe. Instead, the floor is a stage on which they speak to their constituents and demonstrate

their connection to the dominant political culture (Mixon Jr. et. al. 2001; Frantzich and Sullivan

1996).

To derive as complete a catalog as possible of the SCHIP debate we used the search feature

of the electronic version of the Congressional Record found at

http://www.gpoaccess.gov/crecord/retrieve.html . We cast our net wide and entered related

search terms such as childrens health. We read the content of this expanded set and

eliminated findings that were substantively unrelated to the SCHIP debate. After this culling, we

ended up with 352 Senatorial speeches by 88 Senators.

Coding Rhetoric

Our first focusanalyzing Elazars tripartite theory through elite discourse required

establishing rules for the methodical analysis of the Congressional Record. From this methodical

analysis, we sought to create a discourse dataset that could be used to assess our second focus

analyzing the continued stability of Elazars classifications. This section addresses the first

question and tests our ability to methodically create and apply rules that would allow us to

successfully place Elazars typology within discourse analysis.

We began by establishing the rule that the unit of analysis was not the Congressional

Record itself but the Senators and the logic of their speeches. We immediately identified two
http://www.gpoaccess.gov/crecord/retrieve.htmlhttp://www.gpoaccess.gov/crecord/retrieve.htmlhttp://www.gpoaccess.gov/crecord/retrieve.html


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important characteristics of our data set. First, there was little variance within a set of speeches

by the same Senatordespite variation in purpose and length of speech, senators tended to

demonstrate the same intensity of each discourse frame across all instances. Second, while there

were 71 Senators the number of speeches was heavily skewed toward 11 speakers who each had

between 10 and 30 speeches while the average number of speeches in this debate was five, and

the median was 4. These two findings enabled us to have confidence in coding four speeches per

Senator (or all of a Senators speeches if the number were less than four), selecting every fourth

speech to provide chronological variation when necessary.

With this in mind we then established a conceptual rule we labeled the speech object rule.

By emphasizing speech objects we were able to focus our attention on the words contained in

the totality of a speech by each Senator rather than emphasizing the overall length or number of

words contained in each speech. The speech object concept allowed us to emphasize meaning

and develop a thicker understanding of the discourse data. From this concept, we then sought

to apply it to the logic contained within Elazars typology. We began by reading through the

first chronological ten speech objects to identify ways to connect the concept to Elazar and

comparing findings. At the end of this process we held extensive discussions to refine the

speech object concept tool and to identify paradigmatic words and phrases to distinguish the

meaning of one speech object from another. We repeated this exercise, with a discussion period

at the end of each, until we reached a total of fifty speech objects. This methodical exercise

allowed us to fruitfully update our shared list of paradigmatic words and phrases, revise our

speech object coding definitions, and coordinate our definitional applications.

The speech objects were coded into different variables that represent aspects of the three

political culture types. Each variable was evaluated on a five-point scale relating to the intensity


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and centrality of the particular discourse frame or component within a given speech object. The

scale runs from not present to strongly present. After coding the speech objects, the

Senators scores were averaged across each variable in order to obviate the uneven numberof

contributions. Although some variation was lost using this method, we found it preferable to the

high probability of over representing states or views by weighting the cases.

Through our analysis of nearly 200 speech objects, we identified that the speech object

concept could be fruitfully distinguished by rhetoric connected to debate concerning the

processes or possible outcomes of the SCHIP policy As we were concerned with connecting

political culture as a whole with Senatorial rhetoric we identified both types of rhetoric. By the

end of this exercise we were satisfied that we had achieved a high degree of mutual reliability in

our independent analyses and then divided the speech objects alphabetically and worked

independently to create the final analytic dataset. This extensive process led us to recognize that

Elazars tri-partite typology could be fruitfully applied to the elite discourse of the SCHIP

debate.

Elazars description of individualistic political culture turned out to be the broadest of the three,

encompassing both process and policy. Moral political culture is strongly output- or policy-

oriented. Traditional cultures emphasis on hierarchy and status quo makes its application to

process and policy fairly straightforward. Individual political culture, on the other hand, has a

different emphasis in process than it does in policy. We attempted to account for this by

disaggregating the components of individual political culture into separate variables: individual-

realism refers to a description of the political process as negotiation, bargaining, and

brinksmanship; individual-utility refers to the policy output, which should be both fiscally


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responsible and have benefit that is clearly related to the constituents. Also, as individual

political culture is distrustful of big government, the policy output should not grow the

governments size or influence. Further, aware of a self-interested explanation, we also coded

the political interest of each speech object by noting whether the emphasis was on state or

national interests. That is, if the speech object contained an anecdote about a specific person in a

state or if specific numbers of individuals in the state were mentioned code as state focus. If the

speakers focus was on the benefit to the overall country then identify as a national focus. These

rules enabled us to apply a five point scale to code the final speech object and categorize the

strength ofeach speech object within Elazars typology.

Qualitative FindingsQuestion I

Our first question in this study asks whether or not Elazars cultural typology can be

applied to elite speech. This led to the following hypothesis:

H1: Senators floor debate can be categorized into moral, traditional, and individual

frames as described by Elazar.

Through content analysis, we found a robust use of moralistic language that cited scripture,

referenced a moral imperative to help children and, in general, emphasized a lack of self-interest

and were the least ambiguous of all cultures. Morality was focused on the process in terms of

the rightness or obligation of the Senate to provide for children health also be found in terms of

policy output, such as the judgment of how a particular bill would contribute to positive,

affective outcomes for children, such as a more fulfilling life.

We found a strong indication of traditionalist language by identifying language that

focused on maintaining existing relationships and societal power centers that emphasized the


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original purpose of the SCHIP bill ten years earlier and sought to maintain the status quo.

Traditionalistic speech objects had common expressions of the process and product of SCHIP

legislation. We identified rhetoric that supported sustaining institutional arrangements that

would maintain proper procedures in the Senate by reinforcing the hierarchy of the Senate

through deference to the Senate leadership, not-too-subtle reminders to support the institutional

organization in terms of respect for the thoughtful deliberations that resulted in committee

decisions and the proper role of the Senate vis a vis the House. Traditionalist rhetoric also

sought to maintain existing federal-state relations by emphasizing that states should be given the

freedom to vary under this program and minimizing the importance of the federal government in

solving conflicts between the states. Traditionalist speech objects also sought to convey that

Senators should jump on the bandwagon by pointing to powerful people and interests that

supported the legislation.

Individualistic speech objects turned out to be the most complex and we identified two

distinct ways in which to code this form of rhetoric. The first, coded as utilitarian language,

emphasized the manner in which the program was an investment in the countrys future because

it would help recipients get a job in the future and thereby increase overall efficiency and

productivity (i.e. healthy children equals healthy workers). The second, coded as realist

language, emphasized the different ways in which government is a process of competing forces

and occasionally dirty politics (i.e. politics is nothing but corrupt bargains).

Quantitative FindingsQuestion II

The standard answer to the two questions addressed in this study holds partisan affiliation

to be the determining factor behind Senate voting behavior and rhetoric. Our analysis of the

Senate debates revealed consistent use of standard frames or memes consistent with the partisan


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perspective. For example, a common Republican frame was to return to the bills 1996 original

intent and keep the S in SCHIP meaning it should be a state rather than national program. On

the other side of the aisle, Democrats consistently argued that it was important to put children

first and pass the bill for their protection. The party line was more or less skillfully woven into

each Senators discoursefor some, it was merely bookends to their main message, while others

more convincingly integrated the ideas and words into their presentation. We thus found

evidence supporting the idea of partisan rhetoric but, with each speech object containing up to

thousands of words, there was ample rhetorical data to test the degree to which partisanship

would challenge our cultural analysis.

Our impression while coding the Senate debate was that the various cultural frames were

clearly distinct with only a little overlap. Even so, each discourse frame was often visible to a

varying degree within a single speech object and certainly across the speech objects of a single

senator. The first test, then, was to measure the extent to which the frames were mutually

exclusive, that a Senator who, on average, strongly used one frame would use the other frames

more weakly. A positive finding on this front would provide sufficient face validity to our

model and methodology to warrant that we continue our investigation.

Table 2 below contains the results of the bivariate correlations of the intensity of one

Senators use of the three frames. After coding each speech object on a five-point scale (0=none,

4=strong), all of a Senators coded speech objects were averaged so as not to create a disparity

between those who contributed to the debate on many occasions and those who did not. The

numbers on top are the correlation coefficient accompanied by the p-value immediately below.

As this is a preliminary test of concept, we opted to accept results within a two-tailed confidence

interval of p


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zero-order correlations, we decided to run first-order partial correlations controlling for the

confounding effect of political partythese two models are interposed in order to facilitate

comparison across a single variable. Zero-order correlation results are in the odd numbered

rows, and the partial correlation results are reported in the even-numbered columns. Comparing

the outcomes shows that, while partisanship does count for some of the negative correlation, the

relative strength of one frame is generally inversely related to that of the others. Future studies

along these lines may want to code the partisan memes separately from the political-culture

frames in order to allow more sensitivity to party effects.

Our model anticipates political culture to flow from the state to the discourse of its

Senators. Our expectations are that each of the three types of states will be highly positively

correlated with higher intensity or strength of the related discourse frame. Furthermore, the

mixed subtypes will align with discourse from their dominant cultural component, but at a

weaker intensity than the states with a singular cultural component. The obverse is also true, we

would expect related discourse frames to be negatively correlated with states where such a

culture is not present according to Elazar. In summary:

H2: the frame of a Senators discourse is positively correlated with a state's corresponding

political culture.

H3: the strength of a Senators discourse is negatively correlated with the absence of the

corresponding culture within the state.

H4: the strength of a Senators discourse is relative to the dilution of a states culturethe

correlation is stronger with unitary-culture states than with mixed-type states.

Table 3 below reports the number of senators in the study by state and by party. The effect

of partisanship is clearly evinced by the very low proportion of Democrats in traditional states


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(12.5% including the subtypes), and the similarly low proportion of Republicans from individual

states (10.3% including subtypes). The remaining Democrats are equally divided into Moral and

Individual states (43.8% each, including subtypes). The Republicans in this study draw a

majority of their ranks from traditional states (58.6% including subtypes), with almost one-third

elected from moral states (31.0% including subtypes). Nevertheless, there is sufficient variation

in partisanship within and between states to allow for meaningful quantitative analysis.

Consistent with our expectations, Table 4 shows the bivariate correlation estimations for

political party with strength of discourse type and with state culturein this case, all states are

collapsed under the dominant culture (e.g. moral-individual is counted as moral). Republicans

and traditional states, along with their subtypes, show the most significant association (r=.447

p=.000). The significance of the relationship between political party and all moral states as a

group suggests near randomness (r=.055 p=.672), but there is a moderate correlation between

party and individual states as a whole (r=.241 p=.061). Party also proves to be highly

deterministic of a Senators use of a particular frame. Democrats are shown to use moral and

individual-utility frames (r=.712 p=.000, r=.225 p=.085) and republicans have a positive

relationship with the use and intensity of the traditional frame (r=.428 p=.001).

Not reported in the table are the few, mostly confirmatory correlations found when

separating the states into nine-cultural subtypes. Republicans remain highly correlated to single-

culture traditional states (r=.376 p=.003) and weakly correlated with states of the traditional-

individual subtype (r=.214 p=.098). Additionally, Democrats are shown to be highly correlated

with single-culture individual states (r=.391 p=.002). The many, significant associations

between party and culture are generally sufficient to stop further investigationfor political

culture to be valuable, it has to provide explanations that party alone cant.


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To verify our belief that there is a first-order relationship between state culture and

discourse type, even after controlling for partisanship, we ran estimations of the correlations

between state type and discourse frame. The results found in Table 5 below support the

importance of political culture, which remains even after controlling for partisanship.

In Table 5 below, political party is demonstrated to be an intervening factor in the

relationship between state political culture and the intensity and consistency of a Senators use of

a particular discourse frame. Nevertheless, the first-order relationships predicted by H2and H3

are found in the first three rows of the table above. Support for H2 is evident in the moderate

positive correlation between individual states and individual-realism discourse (r=.261 p=.055).

We found more support for H3 in the strong negative correlation between traditional states and

moral discourse (r= -.427 p=.001) and the moderate negative correlation between moral states

and individual-utility discourse (r= -.362 p=.007). Contradicting H3 is the weak positive first-

order relationship of traditional states and their subtypes to the individual-utility discourse frame

(r=.237 p=.082), which cannot be explained by political party.

The test of H4 comes from comparing the first three rows of data to the bottom three. The

categorization of states for the correlations in the first three rows of the table is a dummy

variable that combines states with a single culture with the states that have that single culture as

the dominant one in the subtype (e.g. moral AND moral-individual). The dummy variable in the

second case is only for single-type states (i.e. moral, traditional, and individual with no

subtypes). Although the partial-correlation between traditional states and moral discourse from

H3 remains significant in this test, it is less significant and of a lesser magnitude (r 2 of .064 vs r2

of .182).

As our coding schema disaggregates elements that fit under Elazars descriptions of the


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various cultural types, we found it useful to try to recombine these elements and run the test

again. The results were the same: we were unable to confirm H4. It is our opinion that this

effect may be more mathematical than anything else. The significantly reduced sample of

Senators from single-culture states led to a corresponding lack of significance in correlations.

Additionally, that the individual-realism component added no further sensitivity is likely due to

the heated political rhetoric from both parties after President Bush vetoed the bill. We did not

code specifically for that, and so were unable to make an adequate test of how individual-realism

discourse contributes to an understanding of political culture. In the final analysis, the face

validity of our model suggests that H4 deserves further consideration in future studies.

Conclusion

Overall, the strength of the party-to-state culture relationship is interesting, and consistent

with our model. In terms of our study, we attribute this to how Elazar developed the

classification of states from historical religious and ethnic migration patterns across the nation.

In this light, political culture becomes the primary explanatory factor for political behavior and

partisanship instead of vice versa.

The relative stability of political culture over time can be explained by the weak effects of

in- and outmigration relative to the strength and durability of local institutions. Acculturation

and self-selection steer new residents and new generations into old patterns whose cultural roots

are ingrained in local political institutions and norms. Such institutions include party primaries

versus caucuses, method of selection of local and state judges, and sunshine laws around local

and state political meetings. These institutions set up the framework for residents civil and

political interaction, and the parameters for discussions about political satisfaction and plans for


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political change. Even the salience of issues, then, is a result of these institutional and cultural

bounds, which translates into the acceptability and attractiveness of political platforms.

Had political party explained all of the variation in the cultural framing of Senate discourse, we

would have a hard time justifying this idea.


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Table 1: Paradigmatic speech objects

TypologyParadigmatic

ConceptPolicy Concept Process Concept

Moralistic Values morality ofsociety

Children deserve SCHIP

because they are the most

vulnerable and least

capable members ofsociety

SCHIP allows for

individualsdevelopment and

further policyexpansion

Traditionalistic Values orderly societySCHIP is naturalextension of Medicare and

Medicaid policies

SCHIP is valuable but

must be focused on

cost containment

procedures support byestablished

organizations

Individualistic

Values economicproductivity and

highlights political

bargaining

Only truly poor children

deserve the benefits

contained in the originalSCHIP program and any

attempt to reauthorization

must be focused on who

benefits and who pays.

SCHIP must be

developed in atransparent manner in

order to clearly

demonstrate there isno corruption


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Table 2: Bivariate correlations and partial correlations (controlling for party) between Senators relative use of frames

Discourse Frame Moral

Partial

Moral Trad

Partial

Trad

Individ-

Utility

Partial

Individ-

Utility

Individ-

Realism

Partial

Individ-

Realism

Moral 1.000 1.000 -.495**

-0.268*

0.071 -0.179 -.299**

-0.174

. 0.000 0.048 0.587 0.191 0.025 0.203

Traditional -.495

***

-0.268

**

1.000 1.000 -.416

**

-0.331

**

0.224

*

0.1220.000 0.048 . 0.001 0.014 0.096 0.375

Individ-Utility 0.071 -0.179 -.416**

-0.331 1.000 1.000 -0.067 -0.014

0.587 0.191 0.001 0.014 . 0.624 0.920

Individ-Realism -.299**

-0.174 0.224*

0.122 -0.067 -0.014 1.000 1.000

0.025 0.203 0.096 0.375 0.624 0.920 `

***p


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Table 3: Sample number and proportions of Senators from states, as categorized by Elazar,

and political party

State Culture count dem repub indep

Moral 12 7 4 1

%within Moral states 19.4% 58.3% 33.3% 8.3%%within pol party 21.9% 13.8% 100.0%

Moral-Traditional 0 0 0 0

%within Moral-Traditionalstates moral

%within pol party subtotal dem repub

Moral-Individual 12 7 5 0 24 14 9

%within Moral-Individualstates 19.4% 58.3% 41.7% 0.0% 38.7% 22.6% 14.5%

%within pol party 21.9% 17.2% 0.0% 43.8% 31.0%

Traditional 10 1 9 0

%within Traditional states 16.1% 10.0% 90.0% 0.0%

%within pol party 3.1% 31.0% 0.0%

Traditional-Moral 3 1 2 0

%within Traditional-Moral

states 4.8% 33.3% 66.7% 0.0% trad

%within pol party 3.1% 6.9% 0.0% subtotal dem repub

Traditional-Individual 8 2 6 0 21 4 17

%within Traditional-Individual

states 12.9% 25.0% 75.0% 0.0% 33.9% 6.5% 27.4%

%within pol party 6.3% 20.7% 0.0% 12.5% 58.6%

Individual 15 13 2 0

%within Individual states 24.2% 86.7% 13.3% 0.0%

%within pol party 40.6% 6.9% 0.0%

Individual-Moral 1 0 1 0

%within Individual-Moral

states 1.6% 0.0% 100.0% 0.0% individ

%within pol party 0.0% 3.4% 0.0% subtotal dem repub

Individual-Traditional 1 1 0 0 17 14 3

%within Individual-Traditional

states 1.6% 100.0% 0.0% 0.0% 27.4% 22.6% 4.8%

%within pol party 3.1% 0.0% 0.0% 43.8% 10.3%Totals 62 32 29 1


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Table 4: Correlations between political party and Senators discourse and state culture

political----------Senator discourse----------- ------------state culture--------

party moral trad individ-util

individ-real

moral trad individ

Dem. .712*** -.428*** .225* -.200 .055 -.447*** .241*.000 .001 .085 .143 .672 .000 .061

Rep. -.712***

.428***

-.225*

.200 -.055 .447***

-.241*

.000 .001 .085 .143 .672 .000 .061

***p


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2 2

Table 5: Zero- and first-order correlations (controlling for political party) between state type and use of discourse frame

senator_

Moral

partial

senator_

Moral

senator_

Trad

partial

senator_

Trad

Senator

Ind-Util

partial

senator_

Ind-Util

senator_

Ind-Real

partial

senator_

Ind-Real

state_moral 0.107 0.109 0.176 0.170 -.351**

-0.362**

-0.065 -0.049

(incl. subtypes) 0.412 0.427 0.175 0.216 0.005 0.007 0.635 0.720

state_traditional -.506***

-0.427**

0.129 -0.066 0.120 0.237*

0.019 -0.096

(incl. subtypes) 0.000 0.001 0.320 0.634 0.357 0.082 0.892 0.487

state_individual 0.100 0.118 0.022 0.127 -0.020 -0.023 0.227*

0.261*

(incl. subtypes) 0.442 0.391 0.869 0.355 0.879 0.870 0.092 0.055

state__moral .260**

0.187 -0.074 -0.037 -0.027 -0.077 -0.261*

-0.224

(no subtypes) 0.043 0.173 0.572 0.787 0.839 0.578 0.052 0.101

state_trad -.308**

-0.254*

-0.023 -0.198 0.119 0.170 0.017 -0.062

(no subtypes) 0.016 0.062 0.861 0.146 0.361 0.215 0.899 0.651

state_individ .335

**

0.213 -.284

**

-0.094 0.223

*

0.157 0.024 0.119(no subtypes) 0.008 0.119 0.027 0.494 0.084 0.252 0.862 0.387

***p


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