Afghan refugees in The Netherlands ---

Permanently settled or waiting for return?

Merel Kahmann

University of Amsterdam

First supervisor Anja van Heelsum

Second supervisor Ilse van Liempt

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Merel Kahmann

5791847

merelkahmann@hotmail.com

Migration and Ethnic Studies

International School for Humanities and Social Sciences

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Why Afghanistan? Anyone who has been touched by an Afghan or visited the country in

peace or in war, will understand it when I say that the country and the people are amongst the

most extraordinary on earth

Ahmed Rashid, 2000

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Acknowledgements

I want to thank Anja van Heelsum, who guided me through this research and challenged me to

obtain more and more results out of research data. Also, I want to thank Ilse van Liempt, for her

attentive input. My acknowledgements go out to Diederick Raven, responsible for the initial

inspiration of the subject of return migration.

Special thanks go out to my four parents for supporting me throughout my years of study, for

inspiring conversations at many a dinner table and particularly for crucial support during previous

years. Olivier, thank you for your Antillean influence during moments of stress and Job for your

endless proofreading, reflecting and correcting.

At last, though most importantly, I want to thank the Afghan respondents who shared their

experiences and their food, and let me feel despite the terrible war the warmth and beauty of

their country.

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CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION p. 8

CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND INFORMATION

2.1 Ethnicities p. 10

2.2 History and Refugee Flows p. 11

2.2.1 Marxist Period and Soviet Invasion (1979 -1992) p. 13

2.2.2 Mudjahedeen and the Civil War (1992 - 1996) p. 14

2.2.3 Taliban (1996 - 2001) p. 14

2.2.4 Interim Regime (2001 - present) p. 15

2.3 Dutch Migration Policy p. 17

CHAPTER 3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

3.1 Migration Theories p. 18

3.1.1 Pioneer in Migration Theory p. 18

3.1.2 Economic Theories p. 19

3.1.3 Historical Structural Approach p. 20

3.1.4 The Interdisciplinary Approach of Migration p. 20

3.2 Refugees p. 21

3.3 Re-migration p. 23

3.3.1 Theories on Re-Migration p. 23

3.3.2 Willingness and Readiness p. 27

CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY

4.1 Research Design p. 32

4.2 Interviews p. 32

4.3 Fieldwork p. 33

4.4 Respondents p. 34

CHAPTER 5 AFGHANS IN THE NETHERLANDS

5.1 Leaving Afghanistan p. 37

5.2 Afghans in the Netherlands p. 39

5.2.1 Ethnic Identity and Contact with Other Afghans p. 40

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5.3 Conditions and Motives to Stay or Return p. 41

5.3.1 Macro Conditions and Motives Influencing the Decision on

Return Migration p. 42

5.3.2 Meso Conditions and Motives Influencing the Decision on

Return Migration p. 48

5.3.3 Micro Conditions and Motives Influencing the Decision on

Return Migration p. 52

CHAPTER 6 PERMANENTLY SETTLED OR WAITING FOR RETURN?

6.1 Structuring of Motives and Conditions p. 56

6.1.1 A Country at War p. 58

6.1.2 Students and Reconstruction p. 59

6.1.3 Social Capital p. 61

6.1.4 Period of Flight p. 62

6.1.5 Feeling at Home and Nostalgia p. 63

6.2 The Maslow Transformation p. 63

6.3 Between Willingness and Readiness p. 66

CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS

7.1 Influential Motives and Conditions p. 69

7.2 Crucial Motives and Conditions p. 70

7.3 Theoretical Reflection p. 71

7.3.1 The Maslow Transformation p. 72

7.3.2 Between Willingness and Readiness p. 73

7.4 Future Research p. 73

REFERENCES p. 75

APPENDICES

Appendix I: Major Source Countries of Refugees p. 81

Appendix II: Afghans resident in the Netherlands p. 82

Appendix III: Topic List p. 83

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CHAPTER 1 Introduction

In 2002 a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Government of the

Netherlands, the Transnational Islamic State of Afghanistan and the United Nations. In this Act it

was agreed that Afghanistan was from then on considered a safe country, and that the Netherlands

and Afghanistan supported Afghans, resident in the Netherlands, to safely return. For Afghans

who want to return voluntarily different programs have been developed that support temporary

and permanent return. It were rather few people who returned to Afghanistan from the

Netherlands compared to the number that the International Organisation of Migration had

expected to remigrate1. The discrepancy between the expected and actual returnees was the

starting point for this research. Which motives and conditions play a role in considerations of

return? Do Afghans, resident in the Netherlands, actually want to return? Or is the wish to return

part of a mourning process? This qualitative research gains insight in the wishes of four groups of

Afghan refugees, from four different periods of flight over the past thirty years. In chronological

order people that left Afghanistan under: the Soviets, the Mudjahedeen, the Taliban and the

Interim-regime are distinguished. The differentiation between groups of refugees might give more

insight in how the time spent in the guest country might change the view of the home country and

probably shed a light on how meso conditions, for example belonging to a certain ethnic or

political group influence migration and return migration. In addition, each timeframe has its

particular reason to flee the country and thus when regimes change the motives and conditions to

return to Afghanistan might also change.

The research deals with the phenomenon of migration, or more specifically re-migration of

refugees. Throughout many years of research after international migration, studies mainly

focussed on labour migrants. In migration studies, refugees and return migration are both

undervalued topics. This research gives an overview of relevant literature on the concepts of

migration, refugees and return migration. Within the theoretical framework, the individual

perceptions of Afghan refugees in the Netherlands will shed more light on the practical context.

About 40.000 Afghans - quite a new group of migrants live in the Netherlands. The aim of this

1 The European Union started in 2002 with a return program for Afghans, expecting 1500 Afghans to return per

month. Afghans resident in the Netherlands show limited eagerness for returning to Afghanistan. In 2002 94 Afghans

returned voluntary from the Netherlands to Afghanistan (Hessels, 2004:51). More statistics on return can be found in

appendix 5.

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study is to get more insight in the ideas and wishes of these Afghan refugees concerning a

voluntary return to Afghanistan.

The following research question is answered:

Which conditions and motives are influential in the decision of Afghan refugees, resident in the

Netherlands, whether to stay in the Netherlands or to return to Afghanistan?

Also the following sub-questions are answered:

1. What are conditions and motives for Afghan refugees, resident in the Netherlands, considering

return migration?

2. Do the influential motives and conditions on return of Afghan refugees coincide with

Maslows human needs hierarchy?

3. When Afghan refugees are willing to return, will they actually return?

This thesis starts with relevant background information concerning the history of Afghanistan,

migration flows, minorities and the Dutch migration policy. Furthermore, in chapter 3, theories

on migration, refugees and re-migration are successively presented. An overview is provided on

conditions and motives influencing return migration. Chapter 4 describes the methodology, used

for this research. After the methodology, the second sub-questions will be answered in chapter 5.

Chapter 5 deals with the situation of Afghans in the Netherlands and their motives and conditions

considering to stay in the Netherlands or to return to Afghanistan. Subsequently, the next chapter

analyzes which conditions and motives make Afghans stay in the Netherlands or return to

Afghanistan. Maslows human needs hierarchy is used to differentiate between micro, meso and

macro factors influencing a return or stay. After answering the different sub-questions, the

research question is answered in chapter 7, the conclusion. Literature references and the appendix

can be found at the end of the thesis.

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CHAPTER 2 Background Information

Thirty years of war, political instability and violence in Afghanistan caused a flood of refugees. A

historical overview sheds light on the unstable situation in the country and the subsequent refugee

flows. Since the variety of ethnicities in Afghanistan have played an essential role in the history

of Afghanistan, these are discussed before moving to the historical overview. Subsequently

since the situation in the host country might be part of the decision to return the Dutch

migration policy is examined.

2.1 ETHNICITIES

This paragraph deals with the many different ethnic groups and languages of Afghanistan. Below,

figure 1 shows how different minorities are spread across the country.

Figure 1 Major Ethnic Groups in Afghanistan

Source: Marsden (1998), pg. ix.

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When discussing these different groups it is important to take into account that ethnicity is a

complex and fluid concept. Depending on time, space and interaction, the meaning of ethnicity

changes. As Johnson and Leslie explained for the Afghan case, war not only brought about an

increased awareness of ethnic identity, it also changed how people categorized themselves

(2004:52). In other words, the differentiation between them and us in a period of war when social

relations change by violence and insecurity, will change and reconstruct ethnic identities.

The four largest ethnic groups are the Pashtuns, the Hazaras, the Tadjieks and the Uzbeks. As the

quantitative constitution of ethnic groups within the total population changes in time and since

there is a lack of a reliable census data, it is not possible to give exact numbers of each segment

of the population (Jawad, 1992:9). Jawad made his own estimates, because in other overviews the

Pashtuns are often overrepresented and other ethnic groups are underestimated. His statement on

the precarious estimations shows that tension between groups is actual. Moreover, it shows how

difficult it is to find reliable sources on this topic. The CIA Factbook, used for the following

estimates, is the most recent and largely coincides with Jawads estimates; Pashtuns, 42 %,

Tadjieks, 27 %, Hazara9%, Uzbeks, 9%. The percentages of Uzbeks and Hazaras from the CIA

Factbook are, compared to the percentages of Jawad, underestimated. Beside these groups there

are other minorities, under which Aimaq, Turkmen and Baluchis. In this research, the exact

numbers are of less importance than the respondents attitude towards these different ethnicities.

This research assesses the interaction of Afghans with different ethnicities in the Netherlands and

whether there are mutual frictions.

2.2 HISTORY AND REFUGEE FLOWS

In this paragraph the history of Afghanistan and the refugee flows caused by years of war are

described. The ancient history of Afghanistan is not much different from its recent history. It is

characterised by recurrent invasion by various empires. The bloody and violent nature of all

these invasions has contributed to Afghanistans relative underdevelopment and under population

in relation to its neighbours (Jawad, 1992:14). This research, focussing on the wars that caused

refugee flows, puts emphasis on the last thirty years, starting with the Soviet invasion in 1979,

followed by the Mudjahedeen era, the Taliban regime and the Interim regime. In order to

understand the context of the Soviet Invasion, relevant processes of the late 19th century and the

first half of the 20th century are described below.

In the understanding of the relation between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, it is important to

take into account the involvement of the British in the 19th century. Both Great Britain and Tsarist

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Russia were increasing their power in South Central Asia and Afghanistan. After two Anglo-

Afghan wars Great Britain assigned Abdur Rakhman Khan as the amir of Afghanistan. In 1881

the last British troops withdrew from Afghanistan, but Britain retained influence and supported

Afghanistan both financially and with weapons. During Abdur Rakman Khans period of

government, between 1880 and 1901, the Afghanistan of different tribes transformed into a more

centrally organised state. External borders were determined, among which the border between

east Afghanistan and British India. This border, determined in 1893, is called the Durand line,

and runs right across the Pashtun residential area (Vogelsang, 2002:14-16). After a short war with

British India, Afghanistan became officially independent in 1919. Until 1947 the power balance

in Central Asia between the Soviet Union and Great Britain remained unchanged. Afghanistan

functioned as a buffer between the two great powers and contributed to the stability of the area

(Translated from Wibier, 2002: 9-10).

During Zahir Shahs period of government, between 1933 and 1973, Afghanistan was rapidly

developing as a state, characterized by an increase in civil service, military forces and the number

of schools and teachers. In the 50s and 60s there were low employment rates while the

population steadily grew, and the young enjoyed increasingly better education. The

dissatisfaction of the Afghan population with the state of affairs increased. (Vogelsang, 2002:19)

After the Second World War, British India became independent. Afghanistan supported the

Pashtun, living on Pakistan territory, and wanted to bring the Pashtun under Afghan authority

(Wibier, 2002). An important event during that period was the forced resignation of Mohammed

Daud, Prime Minister and nephew of Zahir Shah, in 1963. The increasing tension between

Pakistan and Afghanistan due to the border conflict and the United States who neglected

Afghanistans need for financial assistance while supporting Pakistan resulted in the closure of

the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan; the Durand line (Wibier, 2002). This closure

rendered Afghanistan economically isolated. In addition, the withdrawal of Great Britain resulted

in an independent Pakistan and the Soviet Unions oppressive leadership resulting from the

Cold War affected Afghanistan. The new Prime Minister, Mohammed Yusuf, restored the

relation between Afghanistan and Pakistan and introduced a new constitution and elections. The

first elected Chamber of Deputies in 1965 was for many Afghans, especially the young, a

disillusion. Highly educated city dwellers were only marginally represented. Young people

increasingly started to take interest in extreme ideologies, like Marxism and Islamism

(Vogelsang, 2002:18-19).

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2.2.1 Marxist Period and the Soviet Invasion (1979-1992)

Until 1979 the Marxist regime was characterised by disorder in the country and increasing

influence of the Soviet Union (translated from Vogelsang, 2002:20). The Marxist regime started

land reforms, nationalized the economy, changed the education system and promoted female

emancipation (De Bree, 2008). The Afghan population, especially from rural areas, did not

accept these radical changes. Also, detentions and executions conducted by the Peoples

Democratic Party of Afghanistan aroused great unrest, which led to the first wave of refugees

leaving Afghanistan in 1978 (Vogelsang 2002, 21). Around Christmas 1979, the Soviet troops

entered Afghanistan to keep the Marxist government in place. This turbulent period caused a new

wave of refugees. During the whole of 1979, the year of the Soviet Invasion, 600.000 Afghans

fled from Afghanistan, mainly to Pakistan and Iran, but also to Europe and the United States (van

den Tillaart et al, 2000:44). During the Marxist rule, the Red Army and the Afghan governmental

army had to deal with a revolt, which was structured in an inconsistent manner. The

Mudjahedeen came from rural areas and were not centrally organised, but along ethnic lines,

which made them difficult to deal with (De Bree, 2008). Apparently, the Mudjahedeen had no

leaders as such, neither was there a common programme and the military strategy they deployed

was hardly ever clear. Furthermore, the Afghan opposition was an unorganised revolt with its

roots mostly outside of the city. The obscure structure of the organisation made it difficult for the

Red Army to fight the Mudjahedeen. The support that the Mudjahedeen received from Pakistan,

the United States and the warriors from Iran and Pakistan forced the Soviet troops to leave the

country in 1989. When all Soviet forces left Afghanistan in 1989, Najibullah, president since

1986, was not expected to last very long without the presence of the Red Army and [also]

repatriation of returnees was expected (Wood 1989, 351). However, Najibullah remained in

power until in 1992 the Mudjahedeen took over, which resulted in the end of the Marxist regime

(Vogelsang, 2002).

Between 1985 and 1990 there were 6,2 million Afghan refugees in Iran and Pakistan only, nearly

half of the world refugee population. Between 1989 and 1998, 23,480 Afghans applied for

asylum in the Netherlands. (van den Tillaart et al, 2000:44).

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2.2.2 Mudjahedeen and the Civil War (1992-1996)

In 1992, Ahmad Shah Massud seized power in Kabul and installed a new government. Failure to

reach agreement over the composition of a Islamic and centralized government, led to the

outbreak of renewed fighting at the end of 1992 (Jazayery, 2002: 232). This Mudjahedeen era was

characterised by instability and violence. The Islamic coalition formed by different resistance

groups kept fighting with the remaining military forces of Najibullah and caused many victims.

According to Vogelsang (2002), in the summer of 1994 Pakistan lost its patience regarding the

unrest in Afghanistan and wanted a controllable neighbouring country which was beneficial for

trading, and started to support Talib warriors.

Despite the war, repatriation of refugees from Pakistan and Iran started after the fall of

Najibullah, reaching 4 million returns in 1997. On the other hand, the Civil War of 1992-1996

saw many tens of thousands killed and renewed outflows of refugees from areas throughout

Afghanistan, composed both of repatriated and new refugees (Jazayery, 2002:232).

2.2.3 Taliban (1996-2001)

The Taliban quickly gained power in Pashtun areas, since the Taliban was well armed by the

support from Pakistan and had the support of the Afghan population who were tired of the

behaviour of the local warlords during the Mudjahedeen period (Barakat, 2002 and Rais, 1999).

They were hardly resisted because they were perceived as liberators (Rais, 1999:5). The

Taliban took important cities and in September 1996 they even controlled Kabul. The Taliban

fighters were largely drawn from Pashtun youths who had spent most of their lives in the refugee

camps of Pakistan (Barakat, 2002). These men were often educated in Islamic schools and

shortly after their invasion introduced Islamic rules. They publicly hanged the former

communistic leader Nadjibullah and forced the inhabitants to abide strict Islamic law. Cinemas,

football stadiums, schools for girls and television stations were closed (Tillaart et al, 2000:41).

The lives of urban women and girls were particularly severely affected. They were instructed to

wear the all- enveloping chaddari, forbidden to study, forbidden to attend schools or university,

forbidden to work (other than in the health sector) and were forbidden to leave their homes

without a male relative (Barakat, 2002). The increasing power that the Taliban obtained meant

that they had a monopoly of violence and predation. As a result they were able to establish an

environment of extremely high opium cultivation. In 1999 Afghanistans opium production

peaked at 4,600 tonnes, which made the country the worlds major source of opium (Cramer &

Goodhand, 2002:897).

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During this period, some people, mainly Pashtun, returned from Pakistan and Iran when their

homes were secure. Most other ethnicities, especially Shiite Hazaras, fled Afghanistan as a result

of the ethnic cleansing operations carried out by the Taliban. At the same time, a three-year

drought hit Afghanistan, resulting in overlapping political and economical reasons for fleeing

Afghanistan (Stigter 2006: 118). In 1998 a climax was reached of registered asylum applications

of Afghan refugees in the Netherlands2 (van den Tillaart et al, 2000:44). By 2000 there were

about eight million Afghan refugees worldwide (Jazayery 2002: 239-240).

2.2.4 Interim Regime (2001- present)

The strict Islamic regime of the Taliban characterised by the oppression of women resulted in

attention and interference of other countries in the world (Azizzada & Wagemaker, 2007:2-3).

The United States officially turned against the Taliban and started to supply arms to the

Northern Alliance the Tadjiek Mudjahedeen resistance forces that had organized themselves

in order to fight the Taliban (Wagemaker, 2007). After the 9/11 attacks, the United States started

military actions against the Taliban regime, which moved the Taliban from their powerful

position. The Coalition bombings led to more outflows of refugees. During 2000-2001, Afghans

constituted the largest refugee population in the world (Jazayery 2002, 240). In December 2001

Hamid Karzai became the leader of the Afghan Interim Administration, a government resulting

from the Bonn Agreement. During the Loya Djirga3 in 2002 Hamid Karzai was elected President

of the country (Vogelsang, 2002:27). The political and security situation in Afghanistan remains

unstable until today, because the current government consists mainly of old Taliban and

Mudjahedeen key figures. Furthermore, it remains questionable whether Karzais power radius

reaches beyond Kabul as regional warlords, who are often involved in the narcotics economy,

control the provinces. According to Hodes and Sedra (2007:35) the opium cultivation is at the

heart of the Afghan security problem. It is intertwined with issues of governance, corruption,

warlordism and the Taliban-led insurgency. According to figure 2 of the Afghanistan Opium

Survey, in 2007, a record of 8,200 tonnes opium was produced in Afghanistan.

2 Table of the numbers of Afghans staying in the Netherlands can be found in appendix 4 3 Grand Assembly under UN auspices

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Figure 2 Opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan (ha), 1994-2007

UNODC, Afghanistan Opium Winter Rapid Assessment Report, February 2007)

Although the International Security Assistance Force is present since 2002 in order to control

security, the Taliban and other groupings remain active and are responsible for an increasing

number of attacks, suicide bombings and kidnaps. In 2007 the security situation in Afghanistan

has been the worst since the fall of the Taliban in 2001 (UNHCR, 2007a and De Bree, 2008:5).

Roughly, four periods of flight can be distinguished. Along these lines, a categorisation of

respondents within this research has been made. This categorisation can be found in the table

below.

Table 1 Categorisation Periods of flight

Period of Flight Authority in Afghanistan Relatively Safe for:

1979-1992 PDPA Marxists

1992-1996 Mudjahedeen (Civil War)

1996-2001 Taliban Pashtun

2001-present Interim Government

The conflict in Afghanistan is a clear example of the human costs of the cold war (Ferris,

1993:175). Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the United States invested in Afghanistan with

military supplies. The war dragged on for over a decade in large part because of such super-

power involvement. After the Soviet Union troops had left Afghanistan, the United States were

no longer interested in the Afghan situation. The long years of US and Western neglect allowed

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the Taliban to turn Afghanistan into just such a sanctuary for extremist groups from more than

two dozen countries (Rashid, 2006:ii). This part of the Afghan history shows how interests of

various countries influenced the political instability and unsafety in Afghanistan.

2.3 DUTCH MIGRATION POLICY

In the last paragraph of this chapter on the background of the research, the important phases of

the Dutch migration policy are explained. Although the Netherlands was already familiar with

refugees in the 16th century, the involvement of the government in a refugee policy has its origin

in the period of the First World War. The Dutch government had a reserved attitude towards the

Belgian refugees. According to van der Horst (2001:56), they could bring the neutral position of

the Netherlands in danger. Additionally, suspicious sentiments about the Belgian refugees

enforced the unwelcoming attitude and the attempt to force them to return. After the 2nd World

War refugees were welcomed from communist countries, which suffered from the Cold War. At

that time most European countries developed a refugee policy. Starting at the end of the 70s and

continuing all throughout the 80s, the amount of refugees arriving in the Netherlands increased

significantly. The arrival of refugees, the major new migrant groups in the Netherlands, has

reinforced the existing link between the idea of migration and the idea of return (Ghorashi,

2003:148). As guest workers were conceived of as temporary visitors, so were these refugees.

Migrants were seen as the other, because in the end they are expected to return to their country

of origin. In other words, a popular sentiment was that if they did not intend on staying, they

would not become one of us. As Roosens (1994) and Ghorashi (2003) argue, media play an

important role in creating an image of the other. Although the diversification in immigration is

to be understood as an integral and hence normal part of the globalization process, this was

an unforeseen consequence and one which gave policymakers a sense of being out of control

and politicians an easy issue for debate (Doomernik, 2005:32). The idea to strictly control and

curb migration flows resulted in the new Aliens Act in April 2001.

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CHAPTER 3 Theoretical Framework

This research focuses on the motives and conditions that influence the consideration of return as

experienced by Afghans resident in the Netherlands. A variety of migration theories are used to

gain insight into the general motives and conditions that stimulate migration. This overview starts

with the pioneer in migration studies, Ravenstein. Furthermore, the most important trends in

migration studies are discussed: the neoclassical theories, the New Economics of Labour

Migration theory, the structural approach and the interdisciplinary approach. Reading the

paragraph on migration it is important to understand the shifts in the usage of macro-, meso-, and

micro- perspectives on migration, since this categorisation is used to structure conditions and

motives of the Afghan interviewees. Subsequently, the position of refugees within these

migration theories is examined. Return migration, a particular form of migration, has specific

characteristics that will be described in the last paragraph of the chapter dealing with the

theoretical framework.

3.1 MIGRATION THEORIES

Before proceeding to Ravenstein, Lee (1966:49) broadly defines migration as follows;

Migration is defined broadly as a permanent or semi-permanent change of residence. No

restriction is placed upon the distance of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of

the act; and no distinction is made between external and internal migration. Later, in

combination with theories on refugees and return migration, the concept of migration will become

more aggregative towards the topic of this research.

3.1.1 Pioneer in Migration Theory

Around 1880, Ravenstein was, like other people at that time who were discovering new parts of

the world, a pioneer in the field of migration due to a mere absence of predecessors. Doing his

research in the United Kingdom, Ravenstein (1889) only had access to data on place of birth,

present location, and gender of inhabitants of the United Kingdom. With the categorization of

people along the lines of the distances between their present locations and places of birth he could

find patterns of migration. Ravenstein used these patterns to develop seven laws of migration.

Despite the limited data, many researchers use Ravensteins gender- and distance- patterns in

their migration studies.

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3.1.2 Economic Theories

At a later stage more data became available from more detailed registers and via other data

gathering systems. For example, about fifty years later, Stouffer (1940) had access to data of

rent prices and race4. Researchers assessed more factors and more detailed research was

conducted. As a result, more specialized personal data on, for example, education, income and

age made migration theories more complex.

In neoclassical theories migration was seen as an act of people who want to maximize their

benefits based on wage differentials; in other words, migrants are looking for higher earnings

and lower costs. These rational people make a choice whether to migrate or not. In choosing

between at least two alternative courses of action, a person is apt to choose the one for which

the perceived value of the result is greater (Faist, 1997:189).

Motives and conditions, which attract and repulse people, are called push- and pull-factors.

Push factors include demographic growth, low living standards, lack of economic

opportunities and political repression, while pull factors are demand for labour, availability of

land, good economic opportunities and political freedoms (Castles & Miller, 1993: 22). Critique

on the push-pull model, mainly found in neo-classical economics, is that it is too individualistic

and not taking in account macro-structures like a historical perspective. Finally the push-pull

model cannot explain why a certain group of migrants goes to one country rather than another

(Castles & Miller, 1993: 24). Assessing people as rational individuals, as the push-pull model

does, needs a critical remark; it is impossible for human beings to always be rational. In other

words, human beings cannot foresee all the benefits and costs before taking a decision, let alone

make a purely rational assessment of these benefits and costs without intrusion of emotional

aspects.

A reaction to the individual based theory is the New Economics of Labour Migration (NELM) in

which the household is considered most important, thus leaving no room for the rational,

maximizing individual. NELM regards migration as a temporary response to market failures at

home. In other words, Stark (1999: 26) put that the NELM approach shifts the focus of migration

theory from individual independent [] to mutual interdependence. Thus, the NELM tries to

bridge the micro-macro problem when taking in account the household at the meso-level.

However, this meso-level depends on the social, political and economic background, which the

analysis lacks. This remark counts for the NE as well, where again the necessary background

information is missing. Approaching migration only by economic factors can be considered

narrow-minded when explaining a social phenomenon. 4 Race is a socially created concept of social life and has no biological foundation as such.

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3.1.3 Historical structural approach From the individual to the macro perspective on migration.

According to this approach migration flows occur by the unequal distribution of economic and

political power in the world economy (Castles & Miller, 1993: 25). Sassen (1995), an

American economist, sociologist and macro theorist, is concerned with globalization and

urbanization. She relates migration flows to other political and economical processes, whereby

geopolitical links between sending and receiving countries play an important role. If there has

been a historical connection between two countries it is more likely that migrants move between

the two. Although her work includes some evidence on the macro structures, it fails to explain

why Somali refugees would first move to the Netherlands instead of directly to England, the

country of former colonial ties. In her work, Sassen did not use fieldwork. Instead, she used

macro structures to approach the concept of migration. Migration, in her eyes, is determined by

economic and political power. According to Malmberg (1997) there are combined effects on

migration of short-term and long-term processes, on both local and global levels, which have

different consequences for migration in alternative contexts. To analyse migration only from

the macro perspective is too narrow-minded. As Malmberg explains in his article, there are

many different factors, on different levels that cause migration. With a more combined

approach, a more realistic and useful analysis can be made.

3.1.4 The Interdisciplinary Approach of Migration Taking into account micro-, meso- and macro-structures.

As mentioned before, the migration theories and perspectives, which focus exclusively on

micro- or macro- structures, are inadequate to comprehensively explain the whole of migration.

The basic principle is that any migratory movement can be seen as the result of interacting

macro- and micro-structures. Macro-structures refer to large-scale institutional factors, while

micro-structures embrace networks, practices and beliefs of the migrants themselves. These two

levels are linked by a number of intermediate mechanisms, which are often referred to as meso-

structures (Castles & Miller, 1993: 27). Bridging the micro and macro level in social science is

a common problem. Research can focus on individual beings or look for bigger underlying

structures in society, but to relate individual human actions to large-scale processes is quite

difficult. Macro-, meso- and micro-structures are intertwined in the migratory process, and

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there are no clear dividing lines between them (Castles & Miller, 1993: 28). When carrying out

research on a social phenomenon it is essential to be aware that there are different factors on

various levels that influence, in this case, migration.

Faist gives some guidelines for combining different levels of migration analysis. In a

sociological analysis of international migration three levels are relevant (1) political-economic-

cultural structures on the level of the international system, the country of origin and the country

of destination (structural level), (2) density strength and content of social relations between

stayers and movers within units in the areas of origin and destination (relational level), and (3)

the degree of freedom or autonomy of a potential mover (individual level), i.e. the degree to

which he or she has the ability to decide on moving or staying (Faist, 1997:195).

Thus, within different migration theories and perspectives, a shift has taken place from very

limited to more detailed information and from a single micro- or macro- perspective to a more

interdisciplinary approach. In addition, the approaches in migration include different push-pull

factors or structures that force or stimulate migration. All these decisions to move, contain an

element of seeking improvement of various conditions, ranging from education and income to

safety.

Lastly, most theories and approaches deal with labour migrants. In the next paragraph the

question concerning the position refugees take within this (labour) migration discourse.

3.2 REFUGEES

The last thirty years, large groups of refugees moved from Afghanistan to neighbouring

countries, Europe and the United States. Since this research is dealing with these specific kinds

of migrants, refugees, a definition of the term refugee will be the starting point of this

paragraph.

According to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, a refugee

is a person residing outside of his or her country of nationality, who is unable or unwilling to

return because of a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality,

membership in a particular social group, or political opinion (Castles & Miller, 2003: 103).

Information about the macro conditions is necessary for analysing a refugee flow. The great

diversity of refugee migrations makes the development of a comprehensive refugee theory

difficult (Kunz in Wood, 1989: 346). Nevertheless, Kunz made categories of different kinds of

refugees. Most Afghan refugees would fit under Kunzs category of acute refugee movements;

those who have escaped immediate danger. Besides the escape from imminent threat of a

22

country in war, Faist argues that refugees have, like other migrants, a certain choice in their

decision to migrate. There are, according to Faist, alternatives for improving their life situation:

Most forced migrants remain in the neighbouring countries because persecution, human rights

abuse and generalized violence makes life there unsustainable. These countries are usually poor

and often politically unstable themselves. Onward migration to countries that offer better

economic and social opportunities is only possible for a small minority (1997).

The first ones to migrate, labelled pioneers, are often the elite from the country of departure, in

this case, Afghanistan. They have access to social, human and economic resources to make a

decision for onward migration possible. It is assumed that the actor is able to make rational

decisions on the basis of a set of tastes or preferring orderings. For example, improving and

securing autonomy, affiliation, exit from oppression (e.g. refugees) (Faist, 1997:189). The ability

to choose categorizes the refugees within the rational choice theory. These onward migration is

motivated both by imperative of leaving a country of origin where life has become perilous, and

by the hope of building a better life elsewhere. Attempts by policy-makers to make a clear

distinction between economic and forced migrants are hampered by these mixed motivations

(Castles & Miller, 2003: 32). In sum, refugees are forced migrants on the one hand, but on the

other hand, some have a choice to migrate not only for safer conditions but also to an area where

they have better social and economical chances. Related to the general migration theories, macro

structures seem inevitable for analysing refugee flows. But also micro-structures are, as for other

migrants, important in analysing motives for refugee migration.

Another important aspect of being a refugee is the ubiquitous wish to return. According to Muus

& Miller (1999), return will always play a role for refugees, even if they obtained a residence

permit. For political exiles, the wish to return to the homeland is based on political

consideration and remains a significant factor during their first years of stay (Ghorashi,

2003:148). The boundary metaphor of Barth (1969) is very useful in this case. Home is a social

construction instead of some essentialist notion of a particular place. This influenced the notion of

transnationalism. In the words of Malkki; But if home is where one feels most safe at ease,

instead of some essentialized point on the map, then it is far from clear that returning where one

fled from is the same thing as going home (1995: 509 in Ghorashi). Appadurai (1996) argues

that a world of images is created. People who live far away from each other can create something

in common, namely shared imagination. The word imagination already implies that

identification is not place or time bounded; it is a multifaceted concept. A striking point, made by

Waldinger & Fitzgerald (2004), about the notion of home is that migrants rather have no home

23

than two homes. The relation with their home country is not as simplistic as is often assumed.

The notion of the country of origin is part of identification and selective and multi-faceted. Faist

(1997) argues that the latest stage of migration often seems to be the return. Will refugees, in

this case Afghan refugees, really return? Or is it only a wish, something to construct the past, a

form of mourning? In the next paragraph we will have a look at possible motives to stay or return.

3.3 RE-MIGRATION

Although Ravenstein already mentioned the concept of counter stream migration in his migration

analysis, re-migration has remained an underrepresented phenomenon in the migration discourse.

In Cassarinos words, our understanding remains hazy not so much because it has been

neglected by migration scholars, but rather because its magnitude and configuration are scarcely

measurable and comparable, owing to the lack of reliable large-scale quantitative data

(2004:253). In spite of limited analysis of re-migration in migration research, the concept has

often been part of political debates. Even when return has been a specific subject of policy

consideration, the tendency has generally been to look at the returnees on a non-differential or

aggregate basis, without giving much attention to selectivity in terms of their personal

characteristics, duration of stay in the receiving country, and the motivations underlying different

types of return (King, 2000:7). In addition, studies of migration made until the 1960 little or no

reference to return. He argues that the difficulty of generalizing and theorizing about return

migration is that there are many types of return, just as there are many types of migration (King

2000:40). In the following paragraph contributions to the re-migration research are analysed,

starting with a definition on return and followed by theories on return migration.

A definition of the returnee that is worth consideration, is the following: Any person returning to

his/her country of origin, in the course of the last ten years, after having been an international

migrant (whether short-term or long-term) in another country. Return may be permanent or

temporary. It may be independently decided by the migrant or forced by unexpected

circumstances (Based on UN and Bovenkerk in MIREM, 2008).

3.3.1 Theories on Re-Migration

As mentioned in the previous paragraph about migration theories, the neoclassical and the NELM

theorist mainly focus on the economical aspects of migration. As they consider migration, they

also include re-migration; nevertheless it is worth taking into account their different analyses of

24

return migration. While neoclassical theorists see re-migration as a failure, the NELM theorists

conversely consider return as an act of successful migration. The underlying assumption of the

NELM theory to see re-migration as a success, is that migration is a temporary response to

market failures at home (Constant & Massey, 2002). Not the maximizing individual is taken in

account, but the household is considered important. On the contrary, according to the neoclassical

theory, return migration should only occur if a migrants expectations for higher net earnings

are not met because of under- or unemployment, because wages are lower than expected, or

because the psychic costs of moving are higher than anticipated (i.e., they find they unexpectedly

miss their homeland, its culture, and its people) (Constant & Massey, 2002:10).

According to the structuralist approach, re-migration is placed in a more macro-like

perspective. This implies that in contrast to the economical approaches, the structuralists argue

that a decision to return is not only an individual decision, but above all a social and contextual

one, affected by situational and structural factors (Cassarino, 2004:257). In addition, not only

do skills and financial capital shape return experiences, but local power relations, traditions and

values in home countries also have a strong bearing on the returnees capacity to invest their

migration experiences in their home countries (Cassarino 2004:259).

Transnationalism, a perspective not mentioned in the overview of migration theories, but

important for understanding the debate of return migration, attempt to formulate a theoretical

and conceptual framework aimed at a better understanding of the strong social and economic

links between migrants host and origin countries (Cassarino, 2004:261). The transnational

perspective focuses on the relations between the host country and country of origin and its

influence that it might exert on the migrant, especially on his identity. The improvement in

technologies of transport and communication, facilitate the growth of circulatory or repeated

mobility, in which people migrate regularly between a number of places where they have

economic, social or cultural linkages (Castles & Miller, 1993). Return is not necessarily

permanent and is prepared and related to social and historical context. It occurs once enough

financial resources and benefits are gathered to sustain household and when conditions in

home country bare favourable (Cassarino, 2004).

The last approach of return migration is the cross-border social network theory. Social

networks consist of more or less homogeneous sets of ties between three or more actors (Faist,

1997:193). Just like the transnational approach to return migration, social network theory views

returnees as migrants who maintain strong linkages with their former places of settlement in

other countries (Cassarino, 2004: 265). According to network theory, different levels of analysis

are taken into account: the individual, but also bigger network structures that are formed and

25

influenced by macro structures. Thanks to the insights of transnationalism and social network

theory, return is no longer viewed as the end of the migration cycle; rather, it constitutes one

stage in the migration process (Cassarino, 2004: 268). Faist argues that networks are crucial in

(re-) migration considerations; the specific characteristics of social capital are important in

explaining the low volume of international movement, chain migration and often high rates of

return migration. It is very difficult to transfer social capital abroad; even harder than the

transfer of human capital (Faist, 1997:188). Emphasising the significance of family ties, the

network theory clarifies how the absence of family members, might motivate a migrant to return

or to further migrate to his relatives.

Besides the different theories on return migration, scholars indicated other aspects worth taking

into account when analysing return migration.

Ghosh points out, return is largely influenced by the initial motivations for migration as well as

by the duration of the stay abroad and particularly by the conditions under which the return takes

place (2000:185). The reason of flight and the initial migration plan are necessary knowledge

when analysing return migration. The difficulties of refugee repatriation cannot be appreciated

without an understanding of the causal factors in the refugee flight (Wood, 1989:347). During a

stay in the Netherlands, motives for return migration might be reshaped. For example, when

refugees escape a country due to an unsafe situation, their perception of safety might change after

some years in the Netherlands. Another possibility is that different gender relations might play a

role in the wish to return. The experience of migration and of living in another country often

leads to modification of the original plans, so that migrants intentions at the time of departure

are poor predictors of actual behaviour (Castles & Miller, 1993: 21). In the analysis of return

migration the conditions in the country of origin need to be taken into account. In other words,

the changes and reforms in the country of origin do have an impact on migrants choice to

return home (MIREM, 2008). The wish to return will be influenced by the expectations of life in

Afghanistan.

According to King, when migrants indicate their reasons for return in questionnaire and interview

surveys, most studies report the predominance of non-economic factors. The most frequently

mentioned motives are family ties and the desire to rejoin kin and old friends (King, 2001:19).

Beside the pre-dominance of non-economic factors and the importance of social capital, King

made another point that is worth consideration, especially in the Afghan case. Women face

particular problems with return. In many cases they enjoyed a more independent life-style

abroad, partly because of their experience of paid work in a more open and egalitarian society.

26

Upon return, however, they have to face barriers to employment and emancipation (2000:21).

The problems of children who return, he argued, are even more problematic. This especially

applies to children who were born and commenced their education in the host country and are

forced to return to the alienated country of origin of their parents. (King, 2000:21) Other

migration studies corroborate the importance of children in the decision to return. For families

the level of integration of their children often plays an important role. When Angolan children

are used to life in the Netherlands, go to school here, speak Dutch and maybe even hardly

remember Angola; return is presumably more difficult (Brons & Schaap, 2002: 34).

A study of Cerase provides many emblematic examples of how complex the relationships

between the returnees expectations and the social and economic context at home are (Cerase,

1974:251). Cerase has established four categories of reasons: (a) Return of failure: migrants

who could not find the job necessary to survive and send back remittances; (b) Return of

conservatism: migrants who realized early on that they could not thrive in a different culture

away from family and friends; (c) Return of retirement: many migrants, after earning enough

money, want to retire comfortably in the home country; and (d) Return of innovation: the group

most interesting to development practitioners (Cerase, 1974: 251). The term return of innovation

was, according to Olesen, first coined in 1974, and is the equivalent of what we today call the

brain gain (1995:137). Especially the last category is applicable to cases of migration caused by

war. As mentioned before, the highly educated are often the first ones to migrate. When, after

years of war, the country needs reconstruction, these are the people likely to return.

As a last point, Maslows pyramid of human needs is a useful contribution for understanding the

conditions and motives on the individual level to return or to stay. Figure 1 shows Maslows

visualisation of the human needs.

27

Figure 3 Maslows Pyramid

Source: http://www.normemma.com/images/misc/maslow1.jpg

When basic physiological needs such as food and shelter are fulfilled, people aspire security and

stability. In case of refugees, safety is often found in a host country. Those who have undergone

migration and found these needs in a host country, experience that other requirements arise, such

as family and friends, which create a sense of belonging and love. Beside these needs, there is an

urge to achieve respect and recognition. The last facet of Maslows human needs pyramid, is the

part of self-actualisation, which he describes as the pursuit of inner talent. When migrants are

incapable to attain these human needs f, it is assumed that their wish to return to their country of

origin will be stronger. When migrants migrated to fulfil their basic needs like food and safety,

but they are not able due to absence of family, language problems or jobs below their actual

level to obtain the other Maslows needs, a migrant might create a strong wish to return, while

he is not able to return due to he unsafe situation in the country of origin. This discrepancy

between the wish to return and a migrants actual return is clarified in the paragraph below.

3.3.2 Willingness and Readiness

Cassarino (2004) introduced two very useful concepts for analysing the wish to return:

willingness and readiness. These concepts differentiate between a certain wish to return and the

actual return. These concepts are comparable with the concepts intention and behaviour of Ajzen

and Fishbein (1980). When someone has the intention to act in a certain way, it remains

questionable how the person will actually behave. Returning from the general social sciences to

this migration case: There are labour migrants or refugees who did not come to stay

28

permanently, but eventually settle and still indicate that they wish to return to their homeland.

This illusion of return might be part of the mourning process of refugees. The interactions

between intention, observed migration behaviour, and feelings about identity lead on to a

complex debate about the myth of return (Anwar, 1979) and about what other authors have

termed the return illusion or the ideology of return (Brettell, 1979; Rubenstein, 1979). In brief,

the myth of return expresses a contrasting set of beliefs and actions whereby, no matter how

settled, migrants talk and behave as if one day they will return. In this situation there is a

discrepancy between the willingness of a migrant to return and a migrants readiness or

preparedness. In these cases we must look not only at the social ties of migrants to persons in

the sending countries but also at the symbolic ties, namely the set of collective representations

(e.g. religious symbols), memories, forecasts and worldviews that migrants perceive to have in

common with those in the sending countries. The prevalence of symbolic ties, a basis for cultural

capital, is one important element in the explanation of actual settlement and declared return

(Faist, 1997:215). This idea of Faist deserves attention and can be related to the feelings of home

and belonging. Living in a nation-state where identity and nationality are strongly related may

increase or decrease a sense of belonging. (Ghorashi, 2003).

To answer the research question, which motives and conditions influence the decision to stay or

return, it is necessary to determine relevant factors influencing return migration from the theories

on migration. As the different theories on return migration showed, influential factors vary from

macro-scale conditions, as war and the state of the economy, to micro-scale conditions, based on

individual perception. In reality, the causes of return migration are many and varied, and a

migrant may decide to return home for a complex of reasons rather than just one (King,

2000:14). Since there is information on the situation of Afghanistan available, a scheme of

operationalised macro, meso and micro factors can be defined. In other words, with the help of

migration theories and approaches and information on the situation of Afghanistan, these general

structures are operationalised in useful concepts, which are applicable for the case of Afghan

refugees resident in the Netherlands. For instance, we know about the fact that Afghanistan is still

a country at war. Subsequently, this macro condition is likely to deeply influence the return

decision. As Mazurski (2005:68) argued, all respondents (13) stated that personal and public

safety were the primary factors affecting the possibility of even visiting the country, let alone

return migration or repatriation. Unravelling all possible influences on migration out of the

theory and specifying general factors to migrate to more detailed motives and conditions for the

case of Afghan refugees, leads to the following scheme.

29

Table 2 Conditions and Motives influencing Return Migration

Conditions Motives Level of Maslows

Pyramid

Macro

Structural

level

Political structure

Economic

structure

Social structure

Unsafe Situation

Poor economical Infrastructure

Reconstruction

Gender relations

Physiological needs

Safety needs

Meso

Relational

level

Networks Family Ties

Family Composition (children)

Period of flight (ethnical and

political organisation)

Feeling at home / Discrimination

Belonging needs

Micro

Individual

level

Psychological

factors

Poor job opportunities

Difficulties with language

Nostalgia

Esteem needs

Self actualization

It is important to take the macro structures into account when studying refugee flows. These

macro structures include: political, economic, and social structures. For a country at war, these

macro conditions deeply influence society and thus have substantial impact on migration flows.

In this research the ongoing situation of war and its consequence of the unsafe situation in

Afghanistan is assumed to strongly influence the decision of Afghan refugees to stay in the

Netherlands. The situation in Afghanistan is influenced by many different macro structures, for

instance, neighbouring countries, the war on terrorism, oil industry and opium cultivation. These

influential macro structures illustrate that return is not only an individual decision, but above all

a social and contextual one, affected by situational and structural factors (Cassarino,

2004:257).

The poor economical infrastructure of Afghanistan is caused by the unstable situation as a result

of the war. Corruption and limited job opportunities are common in such situations This research

30

shows whether and to which extent migrants are influenced in their return decision by the

economical structures in Afghanistan compared to the structures of the Netherlands.

Social structures, like gender relations, are worth taking into account when analysing return

migration. As King (2001) argued, women deserve special attention concerning return migration,

since they often enjoyed a more independent lifestyle in the host country. After the opportunities

and freedom they experienced in the Netherlands, return to Afghanistan has more barriers for

women than a return has for men. In other words, it can be assumed that female migrants return to

a lesser extent.

The lack of opportunities and the often-occurring brain drain, often creates a reverse movement

of brain gain at a later stage. Cerases (1974) return for innovation, the brain gain, may be useful

to understand the Afghans willing to return to reconstruct their country. As other refugees,

Afghans in the Netherlands might also favour a return to support the reconstruction in their

country of origin.

Motives and conditions on the meso level are generally concentrated in networks. Concerning a

possible stay or return, we might assume that the presence of family in the host country stimulates

a stay in the host country. Meanwhile the maintenance of social ties with family in the country of

origin might stimulate return, especially in case of retirement, as has been showed by former

research.

Different scholars put emphasis on the presence of children in a family and their influence on a

decision to migrate. For children a return might be problematic when they grew up in and got

used to the host country.

During war, different Afghan governments were related to a particular political view and often to

a particular ethnicity. These characteristics influenced the outflow of groups of Afghans with a

certain political engagement or ethnicity. The question arises whether period of flight, related to

political engagement and ethnicity, also influences the possibility of return. For instance, the

likelihood of voluntary return migration of Afghans who arrived shortly ago in the Netherlands

might be different compared to that in those Afghans who stayed for many years in the

Netherlands.

Individual conditions and motives concentrate on the psychological factors influencing return

migration. The extent that migrants feel at home in the Netherlands seems to influence the

decision to return. When they feel at home, Afghan refugees are more likely to stay than when

they do not feel at home and encounter discrimination in the Netherlands.

31

Conditions on the micro level that might stimulate return are difficulties with language and job-

offer below actual level. As the pyramid of Maslow showed, people also need, besides primary

human needs like food and shelter, p recognition and self-esteem. When these needs are lacking,,

for instance caused by problems with language or job-offer below actual level , the conditions

might enforce the wish to return.

Longing for traditions, the languages of Afghanistan, the food and other aspects of the home

country are parts of nostalgia, which also stimulates return.

As a last point, the long distance between the Netherlands and Afghanistan might be a condition

that discourages Afghans to return. The Method chapter elaborates on how these possible

influential motives and conditions are turned into interview questions.

In sum, different motives and conditions can be identified for every migrant's return to the

country of origin, further migration or settlement in a host country. The factors that influence the

decision to return include macro, meso and micro characteristics: the safety situation in country

of origin, the home market and power relations, the need for reconstruction, gender relations, the

presence of children, social networks, the period of flight, feeling at home, discrimination in host

country, difficulties with the language, job-offer below the actual level, nostalgia, and distance

are all eligible factors. While many factors influence the decision to return, there seems to be a

predominance of non-economic factors, like social capital, in the country of origin. In the analysis

of Afghan refugees in the Netherlands their initial motives for migration, their stay in the

Netherlands and the conditions and motives to return or to stay will shed more light on their

position within the re-migration theories and perspectives.

32

CHAPTER 4 Methodology

In the methodology chapter the research design, the interviews, the fieldwork, and the

respondents are described respectively.

4.1 RESEARCH DESIGN

The research design portrays the intended research population. Since the aim of this exploratory

research is to gain insight in the individual motives and conditions of Afghan refugees

considering return migration, qualitative research methods are used, which include in-depth

interviewing and observations during Afghan meetings. To answer the research question which

conditions and motives are influential in the decision of Afghan refugees, resident in the

Netherlands, whether to stay in the Netherlands or to return to Afghanistan, we need to interview

Afghan respondents with a Dutch or refugee passport, who have the power to voluntary decide to

return, meaning they are not forced to leave the Netherlands. As a result of the difference in

gender roles between Afghanistan and the Netherlands it was of significance to include women in

the research. Taking into account the influence a change of regime in Afghanistan might have on

the return consideration, we need Afghans resident in the Netherlands, from different periods of

flight. This prerequisite leads to the following scheme of an ideal research population.

Table 3 Hypothetical model of the research population

Male Female Soviet Union 1979-1992

Mudjahedeen 1992-1996

Taliban 1996-2001

Interim Regime 2001-present

About two Afghan participants out of every period of escape and gender category, are needed to

make an adequate analysis. The support from Afghan organisation may be useful to find Afghans

from these different categorisations, since they often share ethnicity or political engagement,

which is related to a certain period of flight.

4.2 INTERVIEWS

This paragraph elaborates on the manner in which motives and conditions influencing return

migration obtained from the theoretical background are translated into interview questions. To

33

gain insight into the personal views and perspectives of Afghans on the topic of re-migration, in-

depth semi-structured interviews5 were conducted. In depth interviews are of importance because

of the need of time to talk about personal and emotional issues. The interviews are semi-

structured so they can be adapted to every individual according to the position in family, age,

gender, and political background.

During the interview, the following topics out of the theoretical framework are dealt with: unsafe

situation, poor economical infrastructure, reconstruction, gender, family ties and composition,

period of flight, job offer, language, feeling at home, nostalgia and distance.

When asking respondents about the future of Afghanistan and their own future, topics like the

unsafe situation, poor economical infrastructure, reconstruction, gender, job offer, language, and

feelings of nostalgia are discussed. By specific questions concerning family ties and composition

information about networks on the meso level will be obtained. By asking respondent when they

left Afghanistan, it is possible to categorise them by period of flight. Keeping in mind Kings

argument that migrants often mention non-economic factors, the respondents are asked if they

thought about migrating to a neighbouring country of Afghanistan. By alluding to this aspect of

choice within their flight to the Netherlands might bring to surface the economic aspects of their

migration decision. The question about a possible migration to a neighbouring country, deals

simultaneously with the aspect of distance to country of origin, which may also influence return

migration. A respondent's participation in Dutch society is measured by asking respondents about

their education or job, enrolment in organisations, and their sufficiency of the Dutch language.

An important aspect of the Afghan conflict is the belonging to a certain ethnic group.

Nevertheless, in regard of the small-scale research it was desirable to avoid generalisation on

ethnicity.

4.3 FIELDWORK

The course of the researchs fieldwork is described in this paragraph. The first Afghans willing to

participate were contacted through friends (4), family (3) and Afghan organisation and networks

(5). After these interviews, respondents were asked for other Afghans who might be willing to

participate (2). Afghan organisations in the Netherlands were approached to get in contact with

potential participants.

Interview appointments were combined with a drink or a meal, so there was ample time for both

the informal and formal part of the interview. The length of the meetings varied from one to six

hours. I met some participants more than once before the formal interview took place. When 5 Apendix: Topics of Interview with Afghan Refugees.

34

participants agree, recording is used during the interviews. After the interview the conversation is

transcribed and the qualitative data is analysed. A research diary is kept to reflect on personal

feelings, considerations and reflections during the interviews and throughout the rest of the

research.

Only two respondents felt a bit uncomfortable. One of them told me that he did not understand

why he had to tell his story again and again. I answered I only wanted him to participate if he was

willing to. We drank a cup of tea and I talked about my research and clarified that his fugitive

history was not of my interest after which he was willing to participate. On the other hand, others

were immediately willing to participate and were, to my judgement, very open about their

feelings and ideas. Several emotional moments took place during the interviews. Despite the

emotional issue, it did not upset the respondent or me. Most of the time the participants invited

me to their home. It was very easy to create an informal atmosphere, either at their place or in a

public area. It was a bit more challenging to establish rapport with the respondents who arrived in

the Netherlands only a few years ago. Their Dutch language skills were limited and some of them

had a more reserved attitude.

A bias in the participants was expected, namely language, since no interpreter was available.

Dutch speaking family members solved this language problem. Two interviews were conducted

with help of a Dutch speaking family member, as a result of which both non-Dutch and non-

English-speaking Afghans are included in this research

Through participation in activities of different Afghan organisations and presence at lectures

about Afghanistan, trust was gained and respondents were approached. Different meetings of

Afghan organisations were visited, among which the Afghan conference, the organisation of

Afghans in Utrecht, the European network for Afghan women, a meeting of Cross Your Borders

on the Afghan situation for Hazaras. The Afghan people were enthusiastic to support the research

and are interested in the research results.

4.4 RESPONDENTS

The last paragraph gives an overview of the interviewees who participated in this research. A

total of fourteen respondents were interviewed. Out of consideration for the anonymity of the

participants, real names will not be used. Considering Afghan names are related to ethnicity and

religion, these factors were taken into account when the names were changed. In table 3 the

characteristics of the respondents are presented.

35

Table 4 Characteristics of Respondents

Age Sex Year of flight Year arrival in

the Netherlands

Language

Arman 26 Male 2003 (21-years-old) 2003 Dari/Pashto

Ajmal 23 Male 1999 (14-years-old) 2002 Dari

Rafeeq 21 Male 2001 (14-years-old) 2001 Dari

Aamir 26 Male 1992 (10-years-old) 1997 Dari

Wahid 26 Male 1996 (14-years-old) 1996 Dari

Jamila 20 Female 1999 (11-years-old) 1999 Dari

Najia 21 Female 1999 (12-years-old) 1999 Dari

Samira 23 Female 1997 (12-years-old) 1998 Dari/Pashto

Zohra 24 Female 1992 (8-years-old) 1997 Dari

Jawid 51 Male 2001 2001 Dari/Pashto

Omar 39 Male 1994 1997 Pashto/Dari

Emal 44 Male 1986 1987 Dari/Pashto

Aziza 46 Female 1999 1999 Dari

Mariam 48 Female 1993 1993 Dari

Table 4 shows the categorisation that was made for this research in the period of flight, age and

sex.

In the last column the language spoken by the respondent is mentioned as a result of an interview

that took place in the initial phase of the research. In that interview a respondent stated he did not

want to talk about ethnicities and he declared to be just an Afghan. This made me decide that not

the respondents ethnicity will be questioned, but the interviewees attitude towards ethnicities

will be taken into account. Nevertheless, the interview questions did focus on the different

languages a respondent spoke, another distinctive feature, but less divisive than ethnicity. For

instance, Afghans who speak Dari, belong to a certain ethnic group, among which Hazara,

Tadjieks, and Uzbeks.

36

Table 5 Period of Escape

Student Older/Adult

Male Female Male Female

Soviet Union

1979-1992

Emal -

Mudjahedeen

1992-1996

Aamir

Wahid

Zohra Omar Mariam

Taliban

1996-2001

Ajmal

Jamila

Najia

Samira

- Aziza

Interim Regime

2001-present

Arman

Rafeeq

- Jawid -

Despite the fact that it was not difficult to get in touch with Afghan people, we did not succeed,

due to limited time, to find a male and female respondent within every category. Since refugees

from the Soviet era left Afghanistan at least sixteen years ago, there is a rather small group of

Afghans from this period of flight who are currently students. Therefore, they are excluded from

the ideal research population. There is an overrepresentation of students, which might be

explained by the network effect. Although there were no Afghans in my direct network, Afghan

students were part of my friends networks. All of the students mentioned their parents in the

research, which gave an idea of the Dutch Afghan student as well as an idea about the parents of

these respondents. Men (8) and women (6) are included in the research; women, especially older

women, were more difficult to reach.

Though the group of respondents is rather small, we managed to get variety in sex, age, and

period of escape, which are the most useful factors for this research.

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There is a reason behind why we moved to the other side of the world

CHAPTER 5 AFGHANS IN THE NETHERLANDS

To answer the question What are motives and conditions for Afghan refugees, resident in the

Netherlands, to stay in the Netherlands or to return to Afghanistan? we need information on the

flight of Afghans to the Netherlands, the interviewees situation in the Netherlands and specific

conditions and motives to stay in the Netherlands or to return to Afghanistan such as: safety,

housing, education and family situation. These motives and conditions to stay or return are

influenced by the interviewees perspective of both the Netherlands and Afghanistan.

5.1 LEAVING AFGHANISTAN

Although this research intends to analyse the return from Europe to Afghanistan, most

respondents included stories about their reasons to escape Afghanistan. These reasons are

important in order to understand the motives and conditions that led them to migrate and, at the

same time, help question if these factors change in the country of origin, whether they might re-

migrate.

The flight to the Netherlands was one of the most difficult decisions in my parents life. They did

not flee from Afghanistan for their own safety. During war you are not afraid to die yourself, than

it would be over and your grief is gone. It is really getting hard when you loose your relatives. And

it was that fear that prompted my parents to leave Kabul.

(Aamir, 26, student)

Other respondents stated the same; people are not worried about their own lives. As the quote

below shows, they are especially concerned about women and children.

Afghans are afraid that their wife will be raped, their daughters are taken and awful things

happen to them, which do not fit within their norms. The main reason to leave, beside the unsafe

situation for women mentioned above, is education for their children. There is a reason behind

their emigration to the other side of the world.

(Zohra, 24, student)

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Education, a symbol for giving your children a good future, played an important role in the

decision to move to Europe. An older respondent who left Afghanistan with two children is clear

about why she did not move to a neighbouring country, but to Europe;

When we decided to leave Afghanistan, I was in a very bad situation; war raged in Kabul, I

suffered from serious depressions and I was pregnant. The external world did not exist, only my

children who I wanted to protect. I wanted to move somewhere, where I did not have to meet the

facets I escaped from.

(Mariam, 48, mother)

For example, in Pakistan or Iran both the limited independence for women as well as appropriate

education for her children would again have been an obstacle. Moving to Europe secures not only

a safe future but it also instils the desire to provide children with high-quality education. These

mixed motivations (Castles and Miller, 1999) make it difficult to distinguish between economic

and forced migrants. A UN report concluded, the mixture of fears hopes, and aspirations which

prompt migrants to leave their homes can be impossible to unravel (Marfleet, 2006:13). In

addition, as Faist (1997) mentioned, refugees have alternatives in improving their life situation.

So related to this case, some Afghans were forced to escape Afghanistan, but some of them had

the choice of moving to a neighbouring country or moving to the West. The high skilled and rich

Afghans were able to move to, for example, the Netherlands.

The highly skilled people, they have work, they have money, and are the first ones to get into

trouble. They are aware of their life and do not just accept situations like suicide bombing in order

to pray together with prophet Mohammed or the prohibition to shake a womans hand.

(Wahid, 27, student)

Five of the fourteen respondents have fled within the Afghan borders or to a neighbouring

country before migrating to Europe. Their attempt to stay in or near Afghanistan illustrates the

impediment for fleeing a country of origin.

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My father, a high skilled man, felt the responsibility to stay in the neighbourhood of Afghanistan

after his flight into Pakistan. When the war would be over, Afghanistan would need him and all the

other highly skilled people to reconstruct their country. But when in 1996 the Taliban took over

Kabul, we knew that Afghanistan was uninhabitable for us and we had to be realistic and without

emotion, recognize you cannot return to Afghanistan and we have to migrate to Europe.

(Aamir, 26, student)

At the moment people decide to move to Europe, nearly all respondents argue that it is a

permanent displacement. It is not easy to return, if you think about what people have done before

they were able to arrive here. People who moved to the West must be extremely rich or, as most

of them, must have sold their house in order to fund their travel to Europe.

Two respondents told more about their escape strategies. One family chose specifically for the

Netherlands because there was no Afghan consul in the Netherlands yet. This implied that no list

was made of Afghans residing in the Netherlands, which appeared safer to some refugees. An

additional example of a clearly defined migration project is the following: Wahid declared how

Germany used to be a favoured country of destination. However, for some years Germany did not

recognize the Afghan government or Afghan refugees. Consequently, a shift took place from

Germany in the direction of other European countries as a country of destination. Overall, five

respondents explained their specific choice for the Netherlands and not for Iran and Pakistan.

Others stated there was no such thing as a clear decision and migration goal. The only thing that

occupied their mind was leaving Afghanistan. None of the respondents were certain of their

return to Afghanistan upon their escape to the Netherlands. The option to remigrate at a later

stage is, in this case, not part of a clearly defined migration project.

Interviewees indicated safety, education for their children and improved situation for women as

the main reasons to leave Afghanistan and move to Europe, in particular, the Netherlands.

5.2 AFGHANS IN THE NETHERLANDS

In this paragraph we treat two interview themes - firstly the respondents drive to participate in

Dutch society and secondly their contact with other Afghans - which occurred several times

during various interviews and which are relevant to understand the context within which the

interviewees consider return.

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All respondents display an enormous drive to participate in Dutch society. They all tried to

internalize the language, to do volunteer work, to study or to found organisations. With an

attitude of perseverance they manage, for example, to acquire the right certificates enabling them

to find a Dutch job they studied for in Afghanistan. In their choice of education, social concern

and awareness manifest. As one respondent explains, as a refugee, you are often more aware of

society than other people of the same age. People who left war or conflict areas deal in a different

way with their life. More specifically:

I have gone through a lot of misery in my country of origin, and that makes me willing to

contribute to society or support people who have problems.

(Wahid, 26, student)

Upon the question why the respondent had opted for a certain type of education, six out of nine

students evinced their international ambitions. Besides the international perspective, most studies

and professions of the interviewees contained a care-taking element. These interviewees study

medical science, psychology, and political science in order to contribute to human health or

taking care of state development. As a last point, students, sometimes motivated by their parents,

were looking for a direction of studies offering a good future perspective. Choosing their studies

they looked for a secure future with various opportunities.

5.2.1 Ethnic Identity and Contact with Other Afghans

This paragraph sheds light on how different Afghan ethnicities, as presented in the background

chapter, still influence relationships of Afghans in the Netherlands. Most respondents made clear

that the Afghan does not exist and they emphasized the existence of different groups; Pashtun,

Tadjiek, Uzbek and Hazaras. In addition, Afghanistan has known different periods of refugee

flight, resulting in a refugee population with a myriad of ideologies and political commitment

spread out over the world. As shown in chapter 1, the three political currents are another reason

why Afghans are rather reserved towards one another. However, especially the ethnic differences

are problematic. To illustrate the existing tension a respondent told about an Afghan shop in his

Dutch neighbourhood. He often went to this shop until the owner one day started to speak Pashto

to him.

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I asked the shop owner to continue in Dari or Dutch because I could not understand Pashto. The

owner refused and continued speaking Pashto. What can I do? Now I avoid such a shop. These

tensions make that I only have contact with my close friends.

(Wahid, 26, student)

Half of the respondents demonstrated a reserved attitude towards other Afghans. For three

respondents the mutual struggles caused by various ethnicities or different political engagement

are a reason to avoid contact with other Afghans.

With people you do not know thoroughly you have to be careful about what you say and do.

Between Dutch people you have the same, but for Afghan people this differentiation (in ethnicity

and political engagement) is more important. The war and everything that happened during these

years comes between new relationships; that is why you have to be careful.

(Aamir, 26, student)

On the other hand, nine out of fourtee