japanese invasions of korea
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Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98)From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Japanese invasions of Korea" redirects here. For the Japanese occupation of Korea during the 20th
century, see Korea under Japanese rule.
"Invasion of Korea" redirects here. For invasions of Korea during the Korean War, see Korean War.
Japanese invasions of Korea
The Japanese landing on Busan
Date 1592–1598Location Korean Peninsula
Result Korean-Chinese victory; Withdrawal of Japanese armies
Belligerents
Korea: Joseon Dynasty
China: Ming Dynasty
Japan: Azuchi-
Momoyama period
Commanders and leaders
Korea
Yi Sun-sin †
Japan
Toyotomi Hideyoshi
Ukita Hideie
Yi Eok-gi †
Won Gyun †
Sin Rip †
Kim Si-min †
Song Sang-hyeon †
Go Gyeong-myeong †
Kim Cheon-il †
Jo Heon †
Gwon Yul
Yu Seong-ryong
Kim Myeong-won
Yi Il
Gwak Jae-u
Jeong Ki-ryong
Kim Deok-nyeong
Yu Jeong
Hyujeong
Jeong Mun-bu
Kim Chung-seon.
China
Song Yingchang
Yang Hao
Li Rusong
Xing Jie
Listed above: Inspectors-
general/field commanders
Yang Shaoxun
Ma Gui (pr.)
Liu Ting
Deng Zilong†
Wu Weizhong
Chen Lin
Qian Shizheng et al.
Katō Kiyomasa
Fukushima Masanori
Konishi Yukinaga
Kuroda Nagamasa
Mōri Terumoto
Kobayakawa Takakage
Mōri Katsunobu
Toyotomi Hidekatsu
Listed above: Legion
chiefs
Chōsokabe Motochika
Shimazu Yoshihiro
Tachibana Muneshige
Kobayakawa Hidekane
Kuki Yoshitaka
Tōdō Takatora
So Yoshitoshi
Matsuura Shigenobu
Arima Harunobu
Ōmura Yoshiaki
Gotō Sumiharu
Nabeshima Naoshige
Sagara Yorifusa
Ōtomo Yoshimasa
Mōri Yoshimasa
Takahashi Mototane
Akizuki Tanenaga
Itō Suketaka
Shimazu Tadatoyo
Toda Katsutaka
Ikoma Chikamasa
Hachisuka Iemasa
Tachibana Naotsugu
Tsukushi Hirokado
Ankokuji Ekei
Hosokawa Tadaoki
Tokugawa Ieyasu
Uesugi Kagekatsu
Gamō Ujisato
Ōtani Yoshitsugu
Mori Hidemoto
Ikeda Hideuji
Nakagawa Hidenari
Mōri Yoshinari
Ikoma Kazumasa
Shimazu Tadatsune
Mitaira Saemon
Wakizaka Yasuharu
Katō Yoshiaki
Kurushima Michiyuki†
Kurushima Michifusa†
and others
Strength
Korea
172,000 Korean Army,[1]
(at the beginning)
at least 22,600 Korean
volunteers and insurgents
China
1st. (1592–1593)
43,000+[2]
2nd. (1597–1598)
~75,000[3]
Total:221,500[4]
Japan
1st. (1592–1593)
~ 158,000 [5]
2nd. (1597–1598)
~ 141,500[6]
Casualties and losses
Joseon: 260,000+ killed or
wounded
260,000-1,000,000 civilian
+ military
Ming: 30,000+ killed or
wounded
140,000+ killed or
wounded
[hide]
V
T
E
Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598)
1st Busan
Dadaejin
Dongnae
Sangju
Chungju
Okpo
1st Sacheon
Imjin River
Dangpo
Danghangpo
Hamgyong
Yongin
Hansan Island
Ichi
1st Pyongyang
2nd Busan
Bukgwan
1st Jinju
2nd Pyongyang
Byeokjegwan
Haengju
2nd Jinju
2nd Danghangpo
Chilcheollyang
Namwon
Myeongnyang
Jiksan
1st Ulsan
2nd Sacheon
2nd Ulsan
Suncheon
Noryang
Korean name
Hangul 임진왜란 / 정유재란
Hanja 壬辰倭亂 / 丁酉再亂
Revised Romanization Imjin waeran /
Jeong(-)yu jaeran
McCune–Reischauer Imjin waeran / Chŏng'yu
chaeran
Japanese name
Kanji 文禄の役 / 慶長の役
Kana ぶんろく・けいちょうのえ
き
Hepburn Bunroku no Eki / Keichō no Eki
Chinese name
Traditional Chinese 萬曆朝鮮戰爭
Simplified Chinese 万历朝鲜战争
Hanyu Pinyin Wànlì Cháoxiǎn
Zhànzhēng
The two Japanese invasions of Korea took place from 1592 to 1598. Toyotomi Hideyoshi led the
newly unified Japan into the first invasion (1592–1596) with the professed goal of conquering
the Joseon Dynastyin Korea, and subsequently the Ming Dynasty in China,[7] and the European
Merchants (Nanban, 南蛮[8][9]). The second invasion (1597–1598) was aimed as a retaliatory
offensive against Joseon Dynasty Korea and Ming Dynasty China as its ally.[7] The invasions are also
known as Hideyoshi's invasions of Korea, theSeven Year War (in reference to its span), the Imjin
Waeran (Hangul: 임진왜란, Hanja: 壬辰倭亂 - lit. Japanese Invasion of the Imjin Year), in reference
to the "Imjin (壬辰)" year of the sexagenary cycle inKorean,[10] and Bunroku Keichō no
eki (Japanese: 文禄・慶長の役).
Contents
[hide]
1 Name
2 Overview
3 Effects
4 Background
o 4.1 Korea and China before the war
o 4.2 Hideyoshi and his preparations
4.2.1 Diplomatic dealings between Japan and Korea
o 4.3 Military capabilities
4.3.1 Problems with Joseon Defense Policies
4.3.2 Troop strength
4.3.3 Weapons
4.3.4 Naval power
5 First invasion (1592–1593)
o 5.1 Initial attacks
5.1.1 Busan and Dadaejin
5.1.2 Dongnae
5.1.3 Occupation of the Gyeongsang Province
o 5.2 Joseon response
5.2.1 Battle of Sangju
5.2.2 Battle of Chungju
o 5.3 Capture of Seoul
o 5.4 Japanese campaigns in the north
5.4.1 Crossing of the Imjin River
5.4.2 Distribution of Japanese forces in 1592
5.4.3 Capture of Pyongyang
5.4.4 Campaigns in the Gangwon Province
5.4.5 Campaigns in the Hamgyong Province and Manchuria
o 5.5 Naval battles of Admiral Yi
5.5.1 Battle of Okpo
5.5.2 Battle of Sacheon and the Turtle Ship
5.5.3 Battle of Dangpo
5.5.4 Battle of Danghangpo
5.5.5 Battle of Yulpo
5.5.6 Battle of Hansando
5.5.7 Battle of Angolpo
o 5.6 Korean Militias
5.6.1 Gwak Jae-u's Campaigns along the Nakdong River
5.6.2 Battle of Uiryong/Chongjin
5.6.3 Jeolla coalition and Battle of Yongin
5.6.4 First Geumsan Campaign
o 5.7 Siege of Jinju
o 5.8 Intervention of Ming China
o 5.9 Siege of Pyongyang
o 5.10 Battle of Byeokjegwan
o 5.11 Battle of Haengju
o 5.12 Stalemate
6 Negotiations and truce between China and Japan (1594–1596)
7 Korean military reorganization
o 7.1 Proposal for military reforms
o 7.2 Military Training Agency
8 Second invasion (1597–1598)
o 8.1 Initial offensive
8.1.1 Plot against Admiral Yi
8.1.2 Battle of Chilcheollyang
8.1.3 Siege of Namwon
8.1.4 Battle of Hwangseoksan
8.1.5 First Korean and Ming counter offensive
8.1.6 Battle of Jiksan
8.1.7 Battle of Myeongnyang
8.1.8 Siege of Ulsan
o 8.2 Final allied offensive of 1598
8.2.1 Battle of Sacheon
o 8.3 Death of Hideyoshi
o 8.4 Battle of Noryang Point
9 Postwar negotiations
10 Aftermath and conclusion
o 10.1 Losses and gains
o 10.2 War brutality
o 10.3 Legacy
10.3.1 International awareness
11 See also
12 References
13 Bibliography
14 External links
Name[edit]
The first invasion (1592–1596) is literally called the "Japanese (倭 |wae| ) Disturbance (亂 |ran| ) of
Imjin" (1592 being an imjin year in the sexagenary cycle) in Korean. In Chinese, the wars are
referred to as the "Wanli Korean Campaign", after then reigning Chinese emperor, or the "Renchen
War to Defend the Nation" (壬辰衛國戰爭), where renchen (壬辰) is the Chinese reading of imjin.
Meanwhile, the war is calledBunroku no eki in Japanese (Bunroku referring to the Japanese
era under the Emperor Go-Yōzei, spanning the period from 1592 to 1596). The second invasion
(1597–1598) is called the "Second War of Jeong-yu" and "Keichō no eki", respectively. In Japanese,
the war was also called "Kara iri" (唐入り, literally "entry to China") in Edo period (17–19C) because
Japan's ultimate purpose was the conquest of Ming China although the armies of Toyotomi
Hideyoshi were confined to the Korean Peninsula for the duration of the war.
Overview[edit]
In 1592 Toyotomi Hideyoshi sent 158,000 troops to the Joseon Dynasty Korea in order to conquer
Ming Dynasty China. As the Japanese army approached Seoul, Sonjo, King of Korea, transferred the
capital and fled to Pyongyang.[11] As the Japanese army marched close to Pyongyang, Sonjo fled
to Pyeongan Province located at the north end of Korea and on the border of China and asked the
Ming for help based on past homage to Chinese emperors.[12] The Japanese forces, well trained,
confident, and experienced after the numerous conflicts of the Sengoku Period, typically held the
field in most land engagements, but were eventually hampered in their advances as their
communication and supply lines were disrupted. Ming China quickly interpreted the Japanese
invasions as a challenge to its tributary system [13] and their entry into the conflict under the Wanli
Emperor brought about an eventual military stalemate. China dispatched 200,000 soldiers, and
banished Japan from Pyongyang.[14] The war stalled for five years during which the three states
attempted to negotiate a peaceful compromise. The first phase of the invasion lasted from 1592 until
1596, with a brief interlude for what would be failed peace negotiations between 1596 and 1597. In
October 1596, Hideyoshi issued orders to invade Korea again. The pattern of the second invasion
largely mirrored the first. After limited progress on land and continued lack of security at sea,
Hideyoshi died in September 1598. The Council of Five Elders ordered the remaining Japanese
forces in Korea to withdraw back to Japan. Final peace negotiations between the parties followed
afterwards and continued for several years, ultimately resulting in the normalization of relations.
Effects[edit]
Korea suffered the loss of a large portion of its soldiers and faced enormous financial difficulties as a
result of the war taking place almost entirely on its soil and nowhere else.[15] Korea suffered the loss
of a large portion of its civilian population through both warfare and famine.[citation needed]
In addition to the human losses, Korea suffered tremendous cultural, economic, and infrastructural
damage, including a large reduction in the amount of arable land,[citation needed] the destruction and
confiscation of significant artworks, artifacts, and historical documents, and the loss of artisans and
technicians. During this time, the main Korean royal palaces Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung,
and Changgyeonggung were burned down, the palace Deoksugung was used as a temporary
palace.[citation needed] The heavy financial burden placed on China by this war, as well as two other wars
in the south, adversely affected its military capabilities and partly contributed to the fall of the Ming
Dynasty and the rise of the Qing Dynasty.[16] However, the sinocentric tributary system that Ming had
defended was maintained by the Qing, and ultimately, the war resulted in a maintenance of the
status quo - with the reestablishment of trade and the normalization of relations between all three
parties.[17]
Background[edit]
Main articles: Joseon Dynasty and History of Korea
Main articles: Azuchi-Momoyama period and History of Japan
Main articles: Ming Dynasty and History of China
Korea and China before the war[edit]
In 1392, the Korean General Yi Seong-gye led a successful coup to take political power from King
U of the Goryeo Dynasty by using military force. His followers forced Yi to take the crown, thus
founding the Joseon Dynasty.[18] In search of a justification for its rule given the lack of a royal
bloodline, the new regime received recognition from China and integration into its tributary
system [4] within the context of the Mandate of Heaven.[19] Ashikaga Yoshimitsu was conferred the title
of 'King of Japan' by the Emperor of Ming in 1375, Japan briefly accepted a position in the tributary
system, but this it quickly renounced Ashikaga Yoshimochi in 1411 and chose to no longer be subject
to oversight and control from Ming.[20][21] Within this tributary system, China assumed the role of a "big
brother", with Korea maintaining a favored relationship among tributory states in return for accepting
the role of a "younger brother".[22]
Unlike the situation over one thousand years earlier when Tang Dynasty China had an antagonistic
relationship with Goguryeo , the one of the Three Kingdoms of Korea, Ming China had close trading
and diplomatic relations with the Korean Joseon Dynasty, which remained a tributary state, but also
enjoyed continuous trade relations with Japan.[23]
The two dynasties, Ming and Joseon (also called Choson), shared much in common: both emerged
during the fourteenth century at the fall of Mongolian rule, embraced Confucian ideals in society, and
faced similar external threats (the Jurchen raiders and the Wokou pirates).[24] Internally, both China
and Korea were troubled with fights among competing political factions, which would significantly
influence decisions made by the Koreans prior to the war, and those made during the war by the
Chinese.[25][26] Dependence on each other for trade and also having common enemies resulted in
Korea and Ming China having a friendly relationship.
The Wanli Emperor succeeded to the Ming dynasty in the year 1572 at the age of 9; for the first 10
years of his reign the Ming was largely run by his teacher and guardian, Zhang Juzheng; who pushed
through a series of reforms that revitalized the declining dynasty and made major breakthroughs in
several of the key areas that had plagued the Ming, especially its financial problems. Zhang also
made strong progress in defending against the Mongols of the north, and (as opposed to corrup
practices of the past) promoted military generals based on their merits, such as Li Chengliang and Qi
Jiguang.
Although after Zhang Juzheng's passing in 1582, the Ming court slowly began to reverse some of his
reforms and the Wanli Emperor himself increasingly became disillusioned and uninterested with daily
politics. The Ming was in effect still at a relatively revitalized stage during the 1590s.
The Ming saw a string of conflicts during this period. Aside from their endless struggle against
the Mongolians, they were also dealing with a military rebellion in Ningxia just before the war broke
out, along with a border war with the Burmese Taungoo dynasty that coincided with the Imjin war.
Their conflicts with the Wokou pirates a couple decades earlier also gave them significant experience
against the Japanese style of warfare. Japan was by this time ending a period of internal conflict and
the process of unification had been taken forward by Toyotomi. Japan launched the first attack to the
Korean Peninsula, with the pretext that Korea refused to let pass Japanese soldiers pass through
their land to get to China. This could have effectively been true since Japan was eager, for social and
economic reasons, to take land on the continent and expand.
Hideyoshi and his preparations[edit]
By the last decade of the 16th century, Hideyoshi as daimyō had unified all of Japan in a brief period
of peace. Since Hideyoshi came to hold power in the absence of a legitimate Minamoto
lineage necessary for the Imperial Shogun commission, he sought for military power to legitimize his
rule and to decrease his dependence on the Imperial family.[27] It is said that Hideyoshi planned an
invasion of China to fulfill the dreams of his late lord Oda Nobunaga,[28] and to mitigate the possible
threat of civil disorder or rebellion posed by the large number of samurai and soldiers in unified
Japan.[29] But it is quite possible that Hideyoshi might have set a more realistic goal of subjugating the
smaller neighbouring states (i.e. Ryukyus, Luzon, Taiwan, and Korea), and treating the larger or
more distant countries as trading partners, as [27] all throughout the invasion of Korea, Hideyoshi
sought for legal tally trade with China[27] Hideyoshi's need for military supremacy as a justification for
his rule which lacked Shogunal background could, on an international level, eventually translate into
an order with Japan's neighbouring countries below Japan.[27] Hideyoshi was also tempted by an
external conflict to prevent internal rebellion within Japan. This would keep his newly formed state
united against a common enemy, and prevent the Daimyo from acting on any ambitions against his
rule. Fighting a war away from Japanese territory would also prevent territorial destruction, and
maintain the infrastrcuture of the state.[5]. These considerations would be consistent with the fact
that Hideyoshi was not a Shogun nor had any bonds with the royal bloodline.
The defeat of the Odawara-based Hōjō clan in 1590[30] finally brought about the second unification of
Japan,[31] and Hideyoshi began preparing for the next war. Beginning in March 1591, the Kyūshū
daimyō and their labor forces constructed a castle at Nagoya (in modern-day Karatsu) as the center
for the mobilization of the invasion forces.[32]
Hideyoshi planned for a possible war with Korea long before completing the unification of Japan, and
made preparations on many fronts. As early 1578, Hideyoshi, then battling under Nobunaga
against Mōri Terumoto for control of the Chūgoku region of Japan, informed Terumoto of Nobunaga's
plan to conquer China.[33] In 1592 Hideyoshi sent a letter to the Philippines demanding tribute from
the governor general and stating that Japan had already received tribute from Korea (which was a
misunderstanding, as explained below) and the Ryukyus.[34]
As for the military preparations, the construction of as many as 2,000 ships may have begun as early
as 1586.[35] To estimate the strength of the Korean military, Hideyoshi sent an assault force of 26
ships to the southern coast of Korea in 1587.[36] On the diplomatic front, Hideyoshi began to establish
friendly relations with China long before completing the unification of Japan and helped to police the
trade routes against the wakō.[37]
Diplomatic dealings between Japan and Korea[edit]
In 1587, Hideyoshi sent his first envoy Yutani Yasuhiro,[38][39][40] to Korea, which was during the rule
of King Seonjo [41] to re-establish diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan (broken since the
Japanese pirate raid in 1555),[42] which Hideyoshi hoped to use as a foundation to induce the Korean
court to join Japan in a war against China.[43] Yasuhiro, with his warrior background and an attitude
disdainful of the Korean officials and their customs, failed to receive the promise of future
ambassadorial missions from Korea.[44]
Around May 1589, Hideyoshi's second embassy, consisting of Sō Yoshitoshi (or Yoshitomo),[45]
[46] Yanagawa Shigenobu[47][48] and Buddhist monk Genso[49] reached Korea and secured the promise
of a Korean embassy to Japan in exchange for a group of Korean rebels which had taken refuge in
Japan.[44]
In 1587 Hideyoshi had ordered the adopted father of Yoshitoshi and the daimyō of Tsushima, Sō
Yoshishige,[39][50] to offer the Joseon Dynasty an ultimatum of submitting to Japan and participating in
the conquest of China, or facing the prospect of open war with Japan. However, as Tsushima
enjoyed a special trading position as the single checkpoint to Korea for all Japanese ships and had
permission from Korea to trade with as many as 50 of its own vessels,[51] the Sō family had a vested
interest in preventing conflict with Korea, and delayed the talks for nearly two years.[45] Even when
Hideyoshi renewed his order, Sō Yoshitoshi reduced the visit to the Korean court to a campaign to
better relations between the two countries. Near the end of the ambassadorial mission, Yoshitoshi
presented King Seonjo a brace of peafowl and matchlock guns - the first advanced fire-arms to come
to Korea.[52] Yu Seong-ryong, a high-ranking scholar official, suggested that the military put
the arquebus into production and use, but the Korean court failed to appreciate its merits.[53] This lack
of interest and underestimation of the power of the arquebus eventually led to the decimation of the
Korean army early in the war.
On April 1590, the Korean ambassadors including Hwang Yun-gil, Kim Saung-il and others[54] left
for Kyoto, where they waited for two months while Hideyoshi was finishing his campaign against the
Odawara and the Hōjō clans.[55] Upon his return, they exchanged ceremonial gifts and delivered King
Seonjo's letter to Hideyoshi.[55] Hideyoshi assumed that the Koreans had come to pay a tributary
homage to Japan, but the Koreans still refused. For this reason the ambassadors were not given the
formal treatment that was due to diplomatic representatives. In the end, the Korean ambassadors
asked for Hideyoshi to write a reply to the Korean king, for which they waited 20 days at the port of
Sakai.[56] The letter, redrafted as requested by the ambassadors on the ground that it was too
discourteous, invited Korea to submit to Japan and join in a war against China.[52] Upon the
ambassadors' return, the Korean court held serious discussions concerning Japan's invitation;
[57] while Hwang Yun-gil reported to the Korean court conflicting estimates of Japanese military
strength and intentions. They nonetheless pressed that a war was imminent. Kim Saung-il claimed
that Hideyoshi's letter was nothing but a bluff. Moreover, the Korean court, aware only that Japan
was in turmoil with various clan armies fighting each other, substantially underrated the combined
strength and abilities of many Japanese armies at the time. Some, including King Seonjo, argued
that Ming should be informed about the dealings with Japan, as failure to do so could make Ming
suspect Korea's allegiance, but the Korean court finally concluded to wait further until the appropriate
course of action became definite.[58]
In the end, Hideyoshi diplomatic negotiations did not produce the desired result with Korea. The
Joseon Court approached Japan as a country inferior to Korea, and saw itself as superior according
to its favored position within the Chinese tributary system. It mistakenly evaluated Hideyoshi's threats
of invasions to be no better than the common wakō Japanese pirate raids.[59] The Korean court
handed to Shigenobu[47] and Genso, Hideyoshi's third embassy, King Seonjo's letter rebuking
Hideyoshi for challenging the Chinese tributary system. Hideyoshi replied with another letter, but
since it was not presented by a diplomat in person as expected by custom, the Korean Court ignored
it.[60] After this denial of his second request, Hideyoshi proceeded to launch his armies against Korea
in 1592.
Military capabilities[edit]
Main articles: Military history of Korea, Military history of Japan, and Military history of China (pre-
1911)
Japanese infantry were used to fusillade using matchlock guns
The two major security threats to Korea and China at the time were the Jurchens, who raided along
the northern borders, and the wakō (Japanese pirates), who pillaged the coastal villages and trade
ships.[61][62]
This defensive stance within an environment of relative peace pushed the Koreans to depend on the
strength of their fortresses and warships. With the transmission
of gunpowder and firearms technology from Mongol Empire during theGoryeo Dynasty, Korea
improved upon the original Chinese designs of firearms(Zhen Tian Lei) and developed advanced
cannon which were used in the Mongol invasions of Japan. Even though China was the main source
of new military technologies in Asia, Korea was one of the manufacturing base of warship of the
Mongol Empire.[63][64]
Japan, on the other hand, had been in a state of civil war for over a century, which had the result of
turning Japan into a very proficient warlike society. When traders from Portugal arrived in Japan and
introduced arquebuses and muskets, the Japanese warlords were quick to adapt to this innovative
weapon, giving them a large advantage over the Korean armies. On land, however, the charging
Japanese infantry were very difficult targets for the Korean cannons, and the small arms carried by
Japanese soldiers had greater advantage. This strategic difference in weapons development and
implementation contributed to the in-war Japanese dominance on land, and The Allied Forces
dominance of the West Coast in the Korean Peninsula.
As Japan had been at war since the mid-15th century, Toyotomi Hideyoshi had half a million battle-
hardened soldiers at his disposal[65] to form a remarkable professional army in Asia for the invasion of
Korea.[66] While Japan's chaotic state had left the Koreans with a very low estimate of Japan as a
military threat,[66] a new sense of unity among the different political factions in Japan, the "Sword
hunt" in 1588, (the confiscation of all weapons from the peasants) indicated otherwise.[67] Along with
the hunt came "The Separation Edict" in 1591, which effectively put an end to all
Japanese wakō piracy by prohibiting the daimyōs to support the pirates within their fiefs.[67] Ironically
enough, the Koreans believed that Hideyoshi's invasion would be just an extension of the previous
pirate raids that had been repelled before.[68] As for the military situation in Joseon, the Korean
scholar official Yu Seong-ryongobserved, "not one in a hundred [Korean generals] knew the methods
of drilling soldiers":[69] rise in ranks depended far more on social connections than military knowledge.
[70] Korean soldiers were disorganized, ill-trained and ill-equipped,[70] and they were used mostly in
construction projects such as building castle walls.[71]
Problems with Joseon Defense Policies[edit]
Japanese arquebuses of the Edo era. These types offirearms were used by Japanese
soldiers during Hideyoshi's invasions.
There were several defects with the organization of the Joseon-era Korean military defence system.
[72] An example was a defence policy that stated local officers could not individually respond to a
foreign invasion outside of their jurisdiction until a higher ranking general, appointed by the king's
court, arrived with a newly mobilized army.[72] This arrangement was highly inefficient since the
nearby forces would remain stationary until the mobile border commander arrived on the scene and
took control.[72] Secondly, as the appointed general often came from an outside region, he was likely
to be unfamiliar with the natural environment, the available technology and manpower of the invaded
region.[72] Finally, as a main army was never maintained, new and ill-trained recruits conscripted
during war constituted a significant part of the army.[72] The Korean court managed to carry out some
reforms, but they remain problematic. For example, the military training center established in 1589 in
the Gyeongsang province recruited mostly either too young or too old soldiers (as able men targeted
by the policy had higher priorities such as farming and other economic activities), augmented by
some adventure-seeking aristocrats and slaves buying their freedom.[72]
The dominant form of the Korean fortresses was the "Sanseong", or the mountain fortress,[73] which
consisted of a stone wall that continued around a mountain in a serpentine fashion.[66] These walls
were poorly designed with little use of towers and cross-fire positions (usually seen in European
fortifications) and were mostly low in height.[66] It was a wartime policy for everyone to evacuate to
one of these nearby fortresses and for those who failed to do so to be assumed to be collaborators
with the enemy; however, the policy never held any great effect because the fortresses were out of
reach for most refugees.[66]
Troop strength[edit]
Hideyoshi mobilized his army at the Nagoya Castle on Kyūshū (present-day Karatsu), newly built for
the sole purpose of housing the invasion forces and the reserves.[74] The first invasion consisted of
nine divisions totaling 158,800 men, of which the last two of 21,500 were stationed as reserves
in Tsushima andIki respectively.[75] The Japanese used a total of 500,000 troops throughout the
entire war.[65]
On the other hand, Joseon maintained only a few military units with no field army, and its defense
depended heavily on the mobilization of the citizen soldiers in case of emergency.[71] During the first
invasion, Joseon deployed a total of 84,500 regular troops throughout, assisted by 22,000 non-
regular volunteers.[76] Ming troops never numbered more than 60,000 troops in Korea at any point of
the war.[77]
Weapons[edit]
Joseon cannons such as this one were extensively used in the Joseon navy.
Large iron-tipped wooden missile fired from Korean cannons.
Since its introduction by the Portuguese traders on the island of Tanegashima in 1543,
[78] the arquebus had become widely used in Japan.[79] While both Korea and China had also been
introduced to firearms similar to the Portuguesearquebus, most were older models. The Korean
soldiers' small firearms was a handgun with simple mechanism either with gunstock or wooden shaft
attached. When the Japanese diplomats presented the Korean court arquebuses as gifts, the Korean
scholar-official Yu Seong-ryong advocated the use of the new weapon but the Korean court failed to
realize its potency.[55] In contrast, the Japanese often deployed the arquebus in combination with
archery in war.[80]
The Chinese used a variety of weapons, including long bows,[81] swords,[82][83] firearms, early kind
of land mines and early hand grenades.[84]
An illustration of an ampulliform Chinese fire-lance with a gunpowder charge shooting a
blast of flame with lead pellets as coviative projectiles. The weapon was called the
'phalanx-charging fire-gourd'
Chinese also demonstrated massive use of rocket-propelled arrows, notably during the Siege of
Pyongyang in January 1593. During siege actions, Chinese deployed rattan shields and iron pavises
(large shields), reputed to be musket-proof.
The Japanese defeated successive Korean armies with a combination of muskets, spears and
swords. While muskets used by the Japanese were superior to Korean bows in terms of penetration,
the former lacked the range, accuracy, and fire rate of the latter.[citation needed] Numerous battle accounts
from the Annal of Joseon dynasty and various essays, diaries of Korean officials and commanders
show that musket alone could not ensure victory. By employing both musket and arme blanche ("cold
steel", swords, lances, spears, and the like), the Japanese were able to achieve success during the
early phase of war. Indeed, the ferocious charge of Japanese troops with spears and swords were
often more decisive than with muskets. This is because the Koreans, who fare fairly well in ranged
combat by employing small firearms and bows, were poorly trained in close combat, and lacked
battlefield experience and discipline. Thus Korean soldiers were unable to hold their line against
charging Japanese soldiers. The following words from a Korean military official named Shi-eon Lee
to the Korean king clearly shows such weakness:
The King asked him (Shi-eon Lee),
"You have already told me about the low accuracy of Japanese muskets. Why, then, are Korean
armies having great problem with defeating them?"
He then answered, "The Korean soldiers cower before the enemy and flee for their lives even
before they have engaged the enemy. As for the commanders, they seldom leave their positions
because they fear that they might be executed for deserting. However, there is a limit to
executing deserting soldiers since there are so many of them. Truly, the Japanese aren't good
musketeers, but they advance so rapidly that they appear right in front of the Koreans in the time
Koreans can shoot only two arrows. It is said that Koreans are good archers, but they seldom hit
the targets when the enemy is too far away, and are too scared to shoot when the enemy is near
because they fear Japanese swords[verification needed][page needed]. Archery often becomes useless
because Koreans, fearing the Japanese arme blanche, can barely shoot. The Japanese are
reputed to be good swordsmen, but it is possible for Koreans to draw swords and hold their
ground. However, the Koreans seldom do this and merely run for their lives[verification needed]
[page needed]."[85]
As for field artillery, it seems the Koreans seldom employed them, with cannons mainly used in
siege action and in defending castles. According to the "The Diary of a Militia" (향병일기;
Hyangbyeong-ilgi), which is stored in the database of National Institute of Korean History, there
are a few cases of Koreans employing artillery in the field. At the battle of Haengju, the Korean
army employed "Earth" class cannon (Jija-chongtong) behind field fortification. In addition,
irregular Korean units with government-supplied weapons used explosive shots fired from
mortars at the open terrain in Ban-am, Gyeongsang district. The Chinese seem to have been
more active in employing field artillery than the Koreans. One of the notable Chinese field gun
was "Great General Cannon". This was a large breech-loading cannon with two-wheeled cart,
shooting an iron ball weighing about 10 kilograms. The Japanese, on the other hand, employed
virtually no artillery neither in siege or field warfare.
The Koreans actively deployed their cavalry divisions in action, however they often suffered
significant disadvantages. Terrain was often mountainous, lacking both the flat plains suitable for
cavalry charges, the land was prone to ditches, and it lacked grass essential in feeding their
horses. In addition, Japanese use of the arquebus at long range and in concentrated volleys
negated effective cavalry tactics.[83] Korean cavalrymen's primary weapons were bows, with
swords and lances holding only subsidiary positions. Most of cavalry action for the Koreans took
place in the Battle of Chungju at the beginning of the war where they were outnumbered and
wiped out by Japanese infantry.[86] Although the Japanese divisions also fielded cavalry (they,
however, dismounted when engaged in action, acting more like mounted infantry) and
occasionally specialized firearms were used on horseback, though most cavalrymen preferred
the conventional yari (spear),[87] their use was reduced by increasing logistical difficulties and the
increasing use of firearms by the Koreans and Chinese.[88]
Naval power[edit]
An old painting of a panokseon.
In contrast to the Japanese advantages on land, Korea possessed a large advantage at sea.
Advanced artillery and shipbuilding technology, along with an experienced naval history against
Japanese pirates, allowed the Korean navy to field highly advanced and formidable watercraft.
By the time of the Japanese invasion, Korea employed thepanokseon, a powerful galley-type
ship armed with cannon that outranged most Japanese vessels.
As virtually all Japanese ships in the first phase of the war lacked cannon artillery,[63] Korean
ships outranged and bombarded Japanese ships with impunity outside the range of the
Japanese muskets, arrows, and catapults.[63]When the Japanese attempted to outfit cannon to
their ships,[89] their lightweight ship design prohibited using more than a few per vessel and
usually lacked the firepower or range of their Korean counterparts[90]
In addition to a lack of effective naval armament, most Japanese ships were modified merchant
vessels more suited for transportation of troops and equipment than fielding artillery weapons.[63]
[91] Most Japanese ships were also constructed with a deep keel and a single sail, that while
provided speed limited movement to favourable winds and manouevrability was considerably
disadvantaged by Korea's narrow coastal waters. Korean ships in contrast fielded multiple sails
and crews providing oar power, and were constructed with a flat keel that enabled sharp
turns[citation needed]. Additionally Japanese ships were constructed with iron nails while the Korean
panokseons used wooden pegs. In water, nails corroded and loosened while wooden pegs
expand and strengthened the joints[citation needed].
Admiral Yi's leadership and strategic thinking was also a large factor in Korea's naval
dominance, using a superior naval force to disrupt the Japanese logistical network of the Korean
Peninsula coast, This dominance, however, had limited effect on Japan's ability to continuously
reinforce on the Korean peninsula in the area of Pusan, once Korean naval bases in the
immediate area were neutralized.
In order to bolster his fleet, Hideyoshi attempted unsuccessfully to hire two Portuguese galleons
to join the invasion.[92]
First invasion (1592–1593)[edit]
First wave of the Japanese invasion[93]
1st div. Konishi Yukinaga 7,000
Sō Yoshitoshi 5,000
Matsuura Shigenobu (ja) 3,000
Arima Harunobu 2,000
Ōmura Yoshiaki (ja) 1,000
Gotō Sumiharu (ja) 700 18,700
2nd div. Katō Kiyomasa10,000
Nabeshima Naoshige12,000
Sagara Yorifusa (ja) 800 22,800
3rd div. Kuroda Nagamasa 5,000
Ōtomo Yoshimasa 6,000 11,000
4th div. Shimazu Yoshihiro10,000
Mōri Yoshimasa (ja) 2,000
Takahashi Mototane (ja), Akizuki Tanenaga, Itō Suketaka (ja), Shimazu Tadatoyo [94]
2,000 14,000
5th div. Fukushima Masanori 4,800
Toda Katsutaka 3,900
Chōsokabe Motochika 3,000
Ikoma Chikamasa 5,500
Ikushima (Kurushima Michifusa)? 700
Hachisuka Iemasa (ja) 7,20025,000 (sic)
6th div. Kobayakawa Takakage10,000
Kobayakawa Hidekane, Tachibana Muneshige, Tachibana Naotsugu (ja),Tsukushi Hirokado, Ankokuji Ekei
5,700 15,700
7th div. Mōri Terumoto30,000
30,000
Subtotal 137,200
Reservers Ukita Hideie (Tsushima Island) 10,00
(8th div.) 0
(9th div.)Toyotomi Hidekatsu (ja) and Hosokawa Tadaoki (ja) (Iki Island)
11,500
21,500
Subtotal 158,700
Stationed force at Nagoya
Tokugawa Ieyasu, Uesugi Kagekatsu,Gamō Ujisato, and others
75,000
Subtotal 233,700
Naval force exclusion
Kuki Yoshitaka, Wakizaka Yasuharu,Katō Yoshiaki, Ōtani Yoshitsugu
-9,000
Total (rounded)
225,000
Initial attacks[edit]
Busan and Dadaejin[edit]
Main articles: Siege of Busan and Battle of Dadaejin
On May 23, 1592, the First Division of the Japanese invasion army consisting of 7,000 men led
by Konishi Yukinaga [95] left Tsushima in the morning, and arrived at the port city of Busan in the
evening.[96] Korean naval intelligence had detected the Japanese fleet, but Won Gyun, the Right
Naval Commander of Gyeongsang, misidentified the fleet as trading vessels on a mission.[97] A
later report of the arrival of an additional 100 Japanese vessels raised his suspicions, but the
general did nothing about it.[97]Sō Yoshitoshi landed alone on the Busan shore to ask the
Koreans for a safe passage to China for the last time; the Koreans refused, and Sō
Yoshitoshi laid siege to the citywhile Konishi Yukinaga attacked the nearby fort of Dadaejin the
next morning.[96]Japanese accounts claim that the battles dealt the Koreans complete
annihilation (one claims 8,500 deaths, and another, 30,000 heads), while a Korean account
claims that the Japanese themselves took significant losses before sacking the city.[98]
Dongnae[edit]
"Dongnaebu Sunjeoldo", a Korean painting from 1760 depicting the Battle of Dongnae.
Main article: Siege of Dongnae
On the morning of May 25, 1592, the First Division arrived at Dongnae eupseong.[98] The
resulting fight lasted twelve hours, killed 3,000, and resulted in Japanese victory.[99] A popular
legend describes the governor in charge of the fortress, Song Sang-hyeon. When Konishi
Yukinaga again demanded before the battle that the Koreans allow the Japanese to travel
through the peninsula, the governor was said to have replied, "It is easy for me to die, but
difficult to let you pass."[99] Even when the Japanese troops neared his commanding post during
the battle, Song remained seated with cool dignity.[99]Finally, when a Japanese soldier cut off
Song's right arm holding his staff of command, Song picked up the staff with his left arm, which
was then cut off; again Song picked it up, this time with his mouth, but was killed by a third blow.
[99] The Japanese, impressed by Song's defiance, treated his body with proper burial ceremony.
[99]
Occupation of the Gyeongsang Province[edit]
Katō Kiyomasa's Second Division landed in Busan on May 27, and Kuroda Nagamasa's Third
Division, west of Nakdong, on May 28.[100] The Second Division took the abandoned city
of Tongdo on May 28, and captured Kyongju on May 30.[100]The Third Division, upon landing,
captured the nearby Kimhae castle by keeping the defenders under pressure with gunfire while
building ramps up to the walls with bundles of crops.[101] By June 3, the Third Division captured
Unsan, Changnyong, Hyonpung, and Songju.[101] Meanwhile, Konishi Yukinaga's First Division
passed the Yangsan mountain fortress (captured on the night of the Battle of Dongnae, when its
defenders fled after the Japanese scouting parties fired their arquebuses), and captured the
Miryang castle on the afternoon of May 26.[102] The First Division secured the Cheongdo fortress
in the next few days, and destroyed the city of Daegu.[102] By June 3, the First Division crossed
the Nakdong River, and stopped at the Sonsan mountain.[102]
Joseon response[edit]
Upon receiving the news of the Japanese attacks, the Joseon government appointed General Yi
Il as the mobile border commander, as was the established policy.[103] General Yi headed to
Myongyong near the beginning of the strategically important Choryong pass to gather troops,
but he had to travel further south to meet the troops assembled at the city of Daegu.[102] There,
General Yi moved all troops back to Sangju, except for the survivors of the Battle of Dongnae
who were to be stationed as a rearguard at the Choryong pass.[102]
Battle of Sangju[edit]
Main article: Battle of Sangju (1592)
On April 25,[104] General Yi deployed a force of less than 1,000 men on two small hills to face the
approaching First Division.[105] Assuming that a rising smoke was from the burning of buildings by
a nearby Japanese force, General Yi sent an officer to scout on horseback; however, as he
neared a bridge, the officer was ambushed by Japanese musket fire from below the bridge, and
was beheaded.[105] The Korean troops, watching him fall, were greatly demoralized.[105] Soon the
Japanese began the battle with their arquebuses; the Koreans replied with their arrows, which
fell short of their targets.[105] The Japanese forces, having been divided into three, attacked the
Korean lines from both the front and the two flanks; the battle ended with General Yi Il's retreat
and 700 Korean casualties.[105]
Battle of Chungju[edit]
Main article: Battle of Chungju
General Yi Il then planned to use the Choryong pass, the only path through the western end of
the Sobaek mountain range, to check the Japanese advance.[105] However, another
commander, Sin Rip, appointed by the Joseon government had arrived in the area with a cavalry
division, and moved 8,000 combined troops to the Chungju fortress, located above the
Choryong pass.[106] General Sin Rip then wanted to fight a battle on an open field, which he felt
ideal for the deployment of his cavalry unit, and placed his units on the open fields
of Tangeumdae.[106] As the general feared that, since the cavalry consisted mostly of new
recruits, his troops would flee in battle easily,[107] he felt the need to trap his forces in the
triangular area formed by the convergence of the Talcheon and Han rivers in the shape of a "Y".
[106] However, the field was dotted with flooded rice paddies, and was not suitable for cavalry
action.[106]
On June 5, 1592 the First Division of 18,000 men[107] led by Konishi Yukinaga left Sangju, and
reached an abandoned fortress at Mungyong by night.[108]The next day, the First Division arrived
at Tangumdae in the early afternoon, where they faced the Korean cavalry unit at the Battle of
Chungju. Konishi divided his forces into three, and attacked with arquebuses from both flanks
and the front.[108] The Korean arrows fell short of the Japanese troops, which were outside their
range, and General Sin led two charges that failed against the Japanese lines. General Sin then
killed himself in the river, and the Koreans that tried to escape by the river either drowned, or
were decapitated by the pursuing Japanese.[108]
Capture of Seoul[edit]
The Second Division led by Katō Kiyomasa arrived at Chungju, with the Third Division not far
behind.[109] There, Katō expressed his anger against Konishi for not waiting at Busan as planned,
and attempting to take all of the glory for himself; then Nabeshima Naoshige proposed a
compromise of dividing the Japanese troops into two separate groups to follow two different
routes to Hanseong (the capital and present-day Seoul), and allowing Katō Kiyomasa to choose
the route that the Second Division would take to reach Seoul.[109] The two divisions began the
race to capture Hanseong on June 8, and Katō took the shorter route across the Han River while
Konishi went further upstream where smaller waters posed a lesser barrier.[109] Konishi arrived at
Hanseong first on June 10 while the Second Division was halted at the river with no boats with
which to cross.[109] The First Division found the castle undefended with its gates tightly locked, as
King Seonjo had fled the day before.[110] The Japanese broke into a small floodgate, located in
the castle wall, and opened the capital city's gate from within.[110] Katō's Second Division arrived
at the capital the next day (having taken the same route as the First Division), and the Third and
Fourth Divisions the day after.[110] Meanwhile, the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Divisions had
landed on Busan, with the Ninth Division kept in reserve on the island of Iki.[110]
Parts of Hanseong had already been looted and torched, including bureaus holding the slave
records and the weapons, and they were already abandoned by its inhabitants.[110] General Kim
Myong-won, in charge of the defenses along the Han River, had retreated.[111] The King's
subjects stole the animals in the royal stables and fled before him, leaving the King to rely on
farm animals.[111] In every village, the King's party was met by inhabitants, lined up by the road,
grieving that their King was abandoning them, and neglecting their duty of paying homage.
[111] Parts of the southern shore of the Imjin River was burnt to deprive the Japanese troops of
materials with which to make their crossing, and General Kim Myong-won deployed 12,000
troops at five points along the river.[111]
Japanese campaigns in the north[edit]
Crossing of the Imjin River[edit]
Main article: Battle of Imjin River (1592)
While the First Division rested in Hanseong, the Second Division began heading north, only to
be delayed by the Imjin River for two weeks.[111] The Japanese sent a familiar message to the
Koreans on the other shore requesting them to open way to China, but the Koreans rejected
this.[111] Afterwards, the Japanese commanders withdrew their main forces to the safety of the
Paju fortress; the Koreans saw this as a retreat, and launched an attack at dawn against the
remaining Japanese troops on the southern shore of the Imjin River.[111] The main Japanese
body retaliated against the isolated Korean troops, and acquired their boats; in response the
Korean General Kim Myong-won retreated with his forces to theKaesong fortress.[112]
Distribution of Japanese forces in 1592[edit]
With the Kaesong castle having been sacked shortly after General Kim Myong-won retreated to
Pyeongyang,[112] the Japanese troops divided their objectives thus: the First Division would
pursue the Korean king in Pyongan Province in the north (where Pyongyang is located); the
Second Division would attack Hamgyong Province in the northeastern part of Korea; the Sixth
Division would attack Jeolla Province at the southwestern tip of the peninsula; the Fourth
Division would secure Gangwon Province in the mid-eastern part of the peninsula; and the
Third, Fifth, Seventh, and Eighth Divisions would stabilize the following provinces
respectively: Hwanghae Province (below Pyongan Province), Chungcheong Province (below
Gyeonggi Province); Gyeongsang Province (in the southeast where the Japanese first had
landed); and Gyeonggi Province (where the capital city is located).[113]
Capture of Pyongyang[edit]
The First Division under Konishi Yukinaga proceeded northward, and sacked Pyongsan,
Sohung, Pungsan, Hwangju, and Chunghwa on the way.[114] At Chunghwa, the Third Division
under Kuroda Nagamasa joined the First, and continued to the city of Pyongyang located behind
the Taedong River.[114] 10,000 Korean troops guarded the city against 30,000
Japanese [115] under various commanders including the Generals Yi Il and Kim Myong-won, and
their defense preparations had assured that no boats were available for Japanese use.[114]
At night, the Koreans silently crossed the river and launched a successful surprise attack against
the Japanese encampment.[114] However, this stirred up the rest of the Japanese army, which
attacked the rear of the Korean positions and destroyed the reinforcements crossing the river.
[116] Then the rest of the Korean troops retreated back to Pyongyang, and the Japanese troops
gave up their pursuit of the Koreans to observe the way the Koreans crossed the river.[116]
The next day, using what they had learned from observing the retreating Korean troops, the
Japanese began sending troops to the other shore over the shallow points in the river, in a
systematic manner, and at this the Koreans abandoned the city overnight.[117] On 20 July 1592,
the First and Third Divisions entered the deserted city of Pyongyang.[118][117] In the city, they
managed to gather 100,000 tons of military supplies and grain.[118] Following the fall of
Pyongyang, King Seonjo requests the assistance of the Ming Dynasty, who send 5,000 soldiers
led by Zhu Chengxun.[119]
Campaigns in the Gangwon Province[edit]
Main article: Gangwon campaign
The Fourth Division under the command of Mōri Yoshinari set out eastward from the capital city
of Hanseong in July, and captured the fortresses down the eastern coast
from Anbyon to Samcheok.[117] The division then turned inward to capture Jeongseon, Yeongwol,
and Pyeongchang, and settled down at the provincial capital of Wonju.[117] There Mōri Yoshinari
established a civil administration, systematized social ranks according to the Japanese model,
and conducted land surveys.[117] Shimazu Yoshihiro, one of the generals in the Fourth Division,
arrived at Gangwon late, due to the Umekita Rebellion, and finished the campaign by
securing Chunchon.[120]
Campaigns in the Hamgyong Province and Manchuria[edit]
Main article: Hamgyong campaign
Katō Kiyomasa leading the Second Division of more than 20,000 men, crossed the peninsula
to Anbyon with a ten-day march, and swept north along the eastern coast.[120] Among the castles
captured was Hamhung, the provincial capital of the Hamgyong Province, and here a part of the
Second Division was allocated for defense and civil administration.[121]
The rest of the division of 10,000 men[115] continued north, and fought a battle on August 23
against the southern and northern Hamgyong armies under the commands of Yi Yong at Songjin
(present-day Kimchaek).[121] A Korean cavalry division took advantage of the open field at
Songjin, and pushed the Japanese forces into a grain storehouse.[121] There the Japanese
barricaded themselves with bales of rice, and successfully repelled a formation charge from the
Korean forces with their arquebuses.[121] While the Koreans planned to renew the battle in the
morning, Katō Kiyomasa ambushed them at night; the Second Division completely surrounded
the Korean forces with the exception of an opening leading to a swamp.[121] Here, those that fled
were trapped and slaughtered.[121]
Koreans who fled gave alarms to the other garrisons, allowing the Japanese troops easily to
capture Kilchu, Myongchon, and Kyongsong.[121] The Second Division then turned inland
through Puryong toward Hoeryong where two Korean princes had taken refuge.[121] On August
30, 1592, the Second Division entered into Hoeryong where Katō Kiyomasa received the Korean
princess and the provincial governor Yu Yong-rip, these having already been captured by the
local inhabitants.[121] Shortly afterward, a Korean Warrior band handed over the head of an
anonymous Korean general, and the General Han Kuk-ham tied up in ropes.[121]
Katō Kiyomasa then decided to attack a nearby Jurchen castle across the Tumen
River in Manchuria to test his troops against the "barbarians", as the Koreans called the
Jurchens ("Orangkae" in Korean and "Orangai" in Japanese – the Japanese derived both the
word and the concept of the Jurchens as barbarians from the Koreans).[122] The Koreans with
3,000 men at Hamgyong joined in (with Kato's army of 8,000), as the Jurchens periodically
raided them across the border.[122] Soon the combined force sacked the castle, and camped near
the border; after the Koreans left for home, the Japanese troops suffered a retaliatory assault
from the Jurchens.[122] Despite having the advantage, Katō Kiyomasa retreated with his forces to
avoid heavy losses.[122]Because of this invasion, rising Jurchen leader Nurhachi offered military
assistance to Joseon and Ming in the war. However, the offer was refused by both countries,
particularly Joseon, citing that it would be disgraceful to accept assistance from the "Barbarians"
to the north.
The Second Division continued east, capturing the fortresses
of Jongseong, Onsong, Kyongwon, and Kyonghung, and finally arrived at Sosupo on the estuary
of the Tumen River.[122] There the Japanese rested on the beach, and watched a nearby volcanic
island rising on the horizon that they mistook asMount Fuji.[122] After the tour, the Japanese
continued their previous efforts to bureaucratize and administrate the province, and allowed
several garrisons to be handled by the Koreans themselves.[123]
Naval battles of Admiral Yi[edit]
Main article: Joseon naval campaigns of 1592
Having secured Pyeongyang, the Japanese planned to cross the Yalu River into Jurchen
territory, and use the waters west of the Korean peninsula to supply the invasion.[124] However, Yi
Sun-sin, who held the post of the Left Naval Commander (equivalent of "Admiral" in English) of
the Jeolla Province (which covers the western waters of Korea), successfully destroyed the
Japanese ships transporting troops and supplies.[124] Japan lacking enough arms and troops to
carry on the invasion of the China, changed the objective of the war to the occupation of Korea.
[124]
When the Japanese troops landed at the port of Busan, Bak (also spelled Park) Hong, the Left
Naval Commander of the Gyeongsang Province, destroyed his entire fleet, his base, and all
armaments and provisions, and fled.[97] Won Gyun, the Right Naval Commander, also destroyed
and abandoned his own base, and fled to Konyang with only four ships.[97] Therefore, there was
no Korean naval activity around the Gyeongsang Province, and the surviving two, out of the four
total navies, were active only on the other (west) side of the peninsula.[97] Admiral Won later sent
a message to Admiral Yi that he had fled to Konyang after being overwhelmed by the Japanese
in a fight.[125] A messenger was sent by Admiral Yi to the nearby island of Namhae to give Yi's
order for war preparations, only to find it pillaged and abandoned by its own inhabitants.[125] As
soldiers began to flee secretly, Admiral Yi ordered "to arrest the escapees" and had two of the
fugitives brought back, beheaded them and had their heads exposed.[125]
Admiral Yi's battles steadily affected the war and put significant strain on Japanese supply
routes.[126]
Battle of Okpo