jadwiga of anjou as the image of a good queen in late medieval and early modern poland

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Jadwiga of Anjou as the Image of a Good Queen in Late Medieval and Early Modern Poland Author(s): ANNA BRZEZIŃSKA Source: The Polish Review, Vol. 44, No. 4 (1999), pp. 407-418Published by: on behalf of the University of Illinois Press Polish Institute of Arts & Sciences of

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The Polish Review, Vol. XLIV, no. 4, 1999:407-437 ?1999 The Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America

ON THE 600IH ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF QUEEN JADWIGA (1399-1999)

ANNA BRZEZINSKA

Jadwiga of Anjou as the Image of a Good Queen in Late Medieval and Early Modern Poland1

In this article I propose to reconstruct the portrayal of Queen Jadwiga on the basis of writings from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. I have defined

my chosen authors as belonging to three groups: those for whom Queen Jadwiga is a part of the immediate past; Jan Dhigosz, who calls for individual

treatment, along with the subsequent historiographical tradition that was based on his annals, and, finally, the writings of the late sixteenth century, largely originating during the Interregnum. Thus, I have concentrated on three

periods: first, when the authors could rely on their own memory of Queen Jadwiga and their testimonies could be verified by the persons from her

surroundings, including her husband, Wladyslaw II Jagiello; second, when her

picture as a good queen was codified in historical writings; third, when this

portrayal was established well enough to be modified and utilized for current

political purposes. I do not plan to probe the validity of the picture of Queen Jadwiga in some particular testimonies. Instead, the wide selection of sources

makes it possible to explore the positive image of a royal woman both as a

portrayal of a real person and as a didactic program for royal consorts. It also demonstrates that, despite the failure at establishing Queen Jadwiga as a

dynastic saint, her image deeply influenced ideas concerningqueenship at the time of the Jagiellonian dynasty, entered the common imagery and was further

employed to guide individual queens. I would like to start my analysis with Soloqium de transitu Hedvigis

Reginae Poloniae written by Stanislas of Skarbimierz during Jadwiga's fatal illness.2 Stanislas describes Queen Jadwiga as a mother broken by the pains of

delivery, illnesses and the death of her baby, a daughter, eventually being responsible for Jadwiga's own death. In his deeply emotional plea for

1 This article is based on a paper delivered on June 19, 1999, at a session, "Jadwiga of Anjou 1399-1999, Contributions, Images and Heritage," during the 57th Annual Meeting of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America held at Fordham University, New York City.

2 About Stanislas of Skarbimierz, consult Miroslaw Korolko, "Wprowadzenie"

[Introduction] in Stanislaw ze Skarbimierza, Mowy wybrane o madrosci [Selected Orations on Wisdom], edited by Miroslaw Korolko, (Cracow: Arcana, 1997), pp. 9-22.

407



408 The Polish Review

Jadwiga's recovery, he makes a parallel between carnal and symbolic motherhood. For Stanislas of Skarbimierz, Jadwiga constitutes the mother

who, despite the death of her first-born child, could still bear the so much needed heir to the kingdom and was as well the spiritual mother of the

kingdom, the mother of all its poor, weak and ill? Rather than employing the traditional and favored image of the ecclesiastical patroness beside her royal husband, Stanislas focuses his attention on the personal qualities of the dying queen, on her religious and moral virtues. The non-institutional tone of this

portrayal suggests already the main trait of the development of the sermonic tradition about Queen Jadwiga.

Fortunately, we know the series of sermons written soon after her death, such as: the sermon of Stanislas of Skarbimierz written for her funeral in 1399; the sermon of John Isner written in 1399 or 1400; the sermon of Stanislas of Skarbimierz written in 1401 or 1409; two sermons of Francis ofBrzeg, from 1420 and 1426; an anonymous sermon composed between 1422 and 1426; the sermon of John Elgot from 1428; the sermon of Paul ofZator from 1430; and an anonymous sermon dated approximately at 1433. All preachers shared a

deep conviction about the exceptional qualities of the dead queen whom Stanislas of Skarbimierz proclaimed "the most Christian queen"4 clearly with the purpose of promoting her canonization process, and whose posthumous cult - the wax figures hung at her grave

- was implied by Paul ofZator.5 Since all the sermons were concerned mostly with her personal piety, the

question of the role she played in the public affairs of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is not crucial to it. Stanislas of Skarbimierz and Francis of

Brzeg attribute to Queen Jadwiga the virtues that traditionally distinguished a

royal wife: she was of high birth, beautiful but chaste, and her beauty stands

principally for her moral perfection, she interceded between the petitioners and her husband, pleading for mercy and providing him with good advice.6

3 Dimitte tamen, Domine, matrem, dimitte ut generet, dimitte matrem pauperum,

dimitte ipsam etsi non propter pauperes, debiles et claudos, caecos et surdos. Stanislas of Skarbimierz, "Soloqium de transitu Hedvigis Reginae Poloniae," in Mowy wybrane . . .

,p.212. 4. . . christianissima principe domina HEDVIGI. . . , Stanislas of Skarbimierz,

"Sermo latinus in exequiis Dominae Hedvigis Reginae Poloniae" in Jerzy Wolny and Roman Maria Zawadzki, "Krolowa Jadwiga w tradycji kaznodziejskiej XV wieku" [Queen Jadwiga in the Sermon Tradition of the Fifteenth Century], Analecta

Cracoviensia, vol. 7 (1975), p. 78. 5

Hoc ipsum et figurae cereae, supra tumulum eius dependentes liquide demonstrant et velut signa effectuum vitae eius pristinae indicant sanctitatem. Paul of

Zator, "Sermonis Eadem Quippe Mensura Fragmentum" in Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 82.

6 Vidimus enim quod fuit mater spiritualium, benefactrix viduarum, consolatio

orphanorum, clipeus pauperum, refugium opressorum, interventrix a facie domini nostri regis expulsorum. Quod enim quandoque formido domini nostri regis et sua iustitia exterruit, hos ipsa suo interventu laetificavit. Vidimus et cognovimus quam

decora vultu, quam ajfabilis qffatu, quam nobilis genere, sed nobilior moribus, quam



On the 60(fh Anniversary of the Death of Queen Jadwiga_409

Nonetheless, the sermons stress that the glory of her noble birth was even exceeded by the glory of her good deeds, her humility and mercy! She is

commonly called the mother of the poor, the protector of the orphans, the shelter of the persecuted and the solace of the troubled.8 The preachers deployed here the largely traditional language of female sanctity and, in the

pattern of Soloqium, they perceived Queen Jadwiga as a benefactor of her

people. Furthermore, they clearly adopted some elements of Marian

vocabulary, which additionally strengthens the image of Queen Jadwiga as a

patron and a spiritual mother of her country. In their eyes, she was not merely a divine instrument for turning her husband and his country from paganism; neither did they limit Jadwiga's religious perfection to her attitude to the institutional Church, even so they emphasized her devotion in funding new churches and her respect toward Church authority.9 They underlined her role in the restoration of the University of Cracow, which is not particularly surprising since all the sermons emerge from the milieu of the university. However, this foundation is perceived mostly through its religious and moral

significance since, as claimed by the author of an anonymous sermon, the

university promotes virtue that is derived from knowledge^0 Thus, in the early sermonic tradition Queen Jadwiga represents the female virtues of mercy, benevolence and kindness, which were traditionally attributed to holy women since the times of the early Church. We see her also as a benefactress of the churches and a patroness of the learned. On the one hand, she displays the

long-established image of sanctity, on the other, she also symbolizes the benevolent aspect of rulership; its responsibility for the old, sick and

unprivileged. Nicholas Lasocki's oration interestingly demonstrates the extent to which

opinion about the holiness of Queen Jadwiga could have been utilized by the Polish court in the days of the first attempts at her canonization. Written

profunde humilis, licet multum fuisset sublimis. Stanislas of Skarbimierz, "Sermo ad

regem et proceres eius de obitu Hedvigis Reginae et vita eius" in Wolny and Zawadzki,

p. 24. ... similiter quod exstitit speculum castitatis, humilitatis et simplicitatis in victu

quam amictu iuxta decentiam sui status quod erat examplat morum et virtutum et

regula vivendi respectu aliarum dominarum. Francis of Brzeg, "Sermo in exequiis Dominae Hedvigis, Reginae Poloniae" in Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 68. See also

"Sermonis pro defunctis fragmentum" in Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 84.

7. . . nobilis genere sed fide nobilior, Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 84. 8 Jak Elgot, "Sermonis in recommendatione Hedvigis Reginae Fragmentum" in

Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 80; Francis of Brzeg, p. 68; Stanislas of Skarbimierz, "Sermo ad regem et proceres," p. 24.

9 Paul of Zator, p. 82; Francis of Brzeg, p. 68, Stanislas of Skarbimierz, "Sermo ad

regem et proceres," pp. 24 and 26. 10

Ipsa fuit causa erectioinis et fundationis huius sanctae Universatis Cracoviensis

nec maius bonum facere potuit. Lumen enim erexit, quo totum regnum, immo tota

christianitas illustratur, docetur et ad virtutes inducitur. "Sermo in anniversario

venerandae Hedvigis, Reginae Poloniae, ipsa die beati Alexii Confessoris" in Wolny and Zawadzki, p. 42.




thirty-five years after Queen Jadwiga's death and presented during the Council of Basle, it should be interpreted in the context of the perpetuated conflict between Poland and the Teutonic Order. In one attempt to discharge the indictment against Wladyslaw Jagiello, who was accused of devious conversion to Catholicism and an alliance with the Hussites, Nicholas Lasocki

skillfully utilized the memory of his consort, Quenn Jadwiga. In his relation, she plays the time-honored role of pious royal counselor, occupied with the salvation of the soul of her freshly converted husband and thus promoting him in Christian faith and customs. Consequently, Lasocki associates her with the nature of queenship in its symbolic dimension and the image of the ideal royal spouse who was not only faithful to her husband but also taking care of his

religious conduct and salvation.11 To strengthen her picture as a pious influence on WTadyslaw Jagietto, Lasocki dwells on Jadwiga's presumed sanctity and refers to the numerous miracles that would happen at her shrine; furthermore, he resorts to the authority of the Holy See, mentioning Polish

attempts at her canonization.12

The annals of Jan Dhigosz provide us with another trait of literary tradition concerning Queen Jadwiga. The full analysis of her image in the late

medieval and early modern historiography goes beyond the scope of this

article, particularly because in the chronicles Queen Jadwiga is characterized not only directly, in her posthumous portrayals, but also through her actions. In accord with the previous tradition, Jan Dlugosz describes her as an

exceptionally beautiful woman;13 it seems, however, that her physical beauty represents essentially her moral perfection.14 He lays emphasis on her wisdom

11 John Carmi Parsons, "Ritual and Symbol in the English Medieval Queenship to 1500," in Women and Sovereignty, edited by Louis O. Fradenburg, (Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press, 1992), pp. 60-77. 12

Profuit non mediocriter in hiis omnibus praefatae reginae sanctissimae conversatio. Cum enim mulier ipsa devotissima at mirae sanctitatis esset, nihil aliud sibi tantae curae fuit, quam et ea, quae ad animae viri et aliorum salutem atque ad

ipsorum in bonis moribus eruditionem pertinerent, procuraret. . . . Nam et mortuos

susitatos et infirmos plerosque sanitati restitutos ad ipsius tumulum certissimum est.

For the full text of the oration, consult: Karolina Grodziska, "Mikolaja Lasockiego pochwala Wladyslawa Jagielty i krolowej Jadwigi na soborze bazylejskim" [Nicholas Lasocki's Praise of Ladislas Jagiello and Queen Jadwiga at the Council of Basle], Analecta Cracoviensia, vol. 20 (1988), pp. 381-399.

13 When he mentions Jadwiga for the first time, the chronicler states that she was more beautiful than her sister: natu quidem minorem sed prestanciorem forma, Jan

Dlugosz, Annales seu Cronicae Incliti Regni Poloniae. Liber X. 1370-1405, edited by Stanislaw Gawejda et al. (Warsaw: PWN, 1985), p. 42 [1375]. See also Gaw?da, p. 142 (pro ilia tempestate in orbe universo par em in forma non habere credita sit) and

Gaw^da, p. 152 (Cuius speciem et decorem et contemplans et admirans (neque enim

pro ea tempestate in orbe universo par em in pulchritudine estimata est habuisse)). 14 This becomes obvious from Dlugosz' remark that her physical beauty was far exceeded by her moral purity: Facie venustissima, sed moribus et virtutibus venustior,

Gaw^da, pp. 141-142.



On the 600th Anniversary of the Death of Queen Jadwiga_411

and feminine virtues - such as nobility, chastity, modesty, moderation, kindness, and female decency, which he attributes to her already in infancy, utilizing the topos of puer/puella senex.]S It was her great merits, claims

Dhigosz, that earned for Queen Jadwiga the common love of her subjects who, despite her fragile, female condition, crowned her Queen of Poland.16

Furthermore, Dhigosz undeniably implies that Queen Jadwiga prevailed over the innate weakness of female nature since during her marriage toWladyslaw Jagietto she acts as a good counselor and he does not hesitate to juxtapose her wisdom with the evident imprudence of Jagietto. This picture is not only consistent with his opinion about Wtadyslaw and his general attitude toward the Jagiellonian dynasty but it also demonstrates the manly qualities of Queen Jadwiga and the divine gift of wisdom.17

The description of the religious and moral virtues of Queen Jadwiga keeps up the elements that have already appeared in the sermonic tradition. Thus, Jan Dhigosz dwells on her upright manners, her chastity,18 her gentleness, and

generosity for widows, pilgrims and all unfortunate people, her pious influence on the king.19 This traditional phraseology is, however, tinged with allusions to new forms of female piety. Particularly her posthumous portrayal, the

description of her ascetic practices and spiritual readings let us trace mystical and penitential aspects of the spirituality of Queen Jadwiga.20 She could have been partly inspired by Henry Bitterfeld of Brzeg, whose De vitacontenplativa et vita activa was - not without reason - dedicated to Queen Jadwiga.21

Additional information concerning Queen Jadwiga's religiosity emerges from the story of her government in Poland and Dhigosz commonly stresses the religious inspiration of her actions. First of all, in a few passages he states that she conceded to the marriage to Wladyslaw Jagietto not for the sake of

15 ... in qua omnis virtutis numerus ab incunabulis usque instillatus cum lactis

nutrimento putabatur. Que infancie annos egressa ita mature et graviter sapere cepit, ut quicquide diceret, qicquid faceret, ex anni gravitate manare videretur, Gaw^da, p. 142.

16 Tanta autem erat erga illiam prelatum et baronum Polonie affecio et tarn

caritam immensa, ut viros se esse obliti, parere tarn insigni et virtuose femine putarent non inglorium. Ea insuper caritate et affectione devicti, nono dato, non procurato illi

sponso, quasi ipsa sola ad gybernandum Regnum Polonie sine marito sufficet . . .

procurarunt in Polonie reginam diademate reginali et consecrari. . . , Gaw^da, p. 141.

See also Jadwiga's excursion to Red Rus: Cuius tanta etar apud milites affectio et

caritas, ut omnes illi exta ac viro parerent et singula que iubebat, obedienter

exequerentur, Gaw^da, p. 182. 17 Dlugosz, p. 217. See also p. 226.

18 Dlugosz, pp. 141-142.

19 In her posthumous portrayal, Dlugosz, pp. 231-232.

20 Dlugosz, p. 232.

21 Jerzy Wolny and Roman Maria Zawadzki, "Krolowa Jadwiga w tradycji

kaznodziejskiej XV wieku" [Queen Jadwiga in the Preaching Tradition of the Fifteenth

Century], Analecta Cracoviensia, vol. 7 (1975), pp. 88-89.




carnal pleasures but with the purpose of having his country baptised.22 Her attitude toward the poor finds its illustration in the story of the peasants being robbed of their property by men of her husband.23 Furthermore, Dhigosz states that Queen Jadwiga had a prophetic gift, a power that was traditionally attributed to saintly women. As claimed by Dhigosz, by some divine

inspiration Queen Jadwiga predicted that after her death the Teutonic Order would face grave disasters;24 she also foresaw the defeat of Witold's excursion

against the Tatars,25 and, anticipating her own death, she advised her husband to marry Anne of Cilli.26 Finally, Dhigosz explicitly confirms these allusions to Queen Jadwiga's holiness in her posthumous portrayal, in which he asserts that the dead are resurrected and the ill are healed at her shrine27

Yet, Dhigosz' picture of her is hardly consistent. First of all, he

apparently has doubts concerning the legal nature of Jadwiga's betrothal/marriage to Wilhelm of Habsburg. The chronicler claims that in 1375 Louis the Great gave his daughter Jadwiga in marriage to the Austrian

prince.28 Besides, in 1383 he states that there were doubts concerning Jadwiga's marriage: some claimed that she had been married to Wilhelm, while some other maintained that she had been only betrothed29 Dhigosz does not feel it necessary to reconcile these contradictions. Moreover, in 1386 he

explains that Queen Jadwiga's resistance against the marriage with Wladyslaw

22 Verum maior et anior pars Christiane fideifavore et dilatacione principaliter et

quiete Regni Polonie aliisque condicionibus, que a Lithwano offerebantur, permota

Iagellonem pro rege assumendum, aversas sentencias et regine Hedvigis fastidium

magnarum gentium atque populorum ad fidei katholice accessione confutans, decernbat amplissimum meritum, amplissimamque commendacionem et laudem omni

memorandam evo Regnum Polonie consequturum astruens, si per illius operam katholice fidei splendor et puritas aput Lithwanicac Samagitticasque et ceteras

barbaras naciones proluxerit. Hec sentancia cum Hadvigis regine, femine iam tune

devote et religiosissime, fastdium solo fidei Christiane respectu temperasset, facile quoque ab aliis excepta est. Dlugosz, p. 145. ... non voluptatis aut libidinis explende causa, sed fidei orthodoxe amplitudinem et Christianorum quietem procuratura, consentiret. Dlugosz, p. 153.

23 Dlugosz, p. 158.

24 Etiam id femina benedicta celesti quodam inspirata sensu adiecit se quidem

vivente bellicum, ob presentes et preteritas iniurias Polonie Regno illatas,

suppressuram furorem; fatis vero absumpta, scirent maximas sibi clades eventuras.

Dlugosz, p. 220. 25 . . . nisi Hedvigis Polonie regina, Spiritu revelante, Alexandri magni due is

Lithwanie et katholici exercitus ruinam, barbarorum vero victoriam previcens.

Dlugosz, p. 226. 26

Dlugosz, p. 237. 27

Dlugosz, p. 234. 28

Alter am filiarum suarum Hedwigim . . .

Ludovigus . . . Wilhelmo duci Austrie,

filio Lupoldi desponsat. Dlugosz, p. 42. 29 . . . alteram filiam natu minorem Hedwigim (Vilhelmo) Austrie duci a Lodowogo

rege in coniugium repromissam (et iuxta nonnullorum assercionem desponsatam) . . .

Dlugosz, pp. 115-116.




Jagietto stemmed from the fact that she had already consummated her union with Wilhelm. According to the annals of Jan Dhigosz, Queen Jadwiga was

compelled by the Polish lords to concede to an adultrous marriage with a

pagan.30 However, the emphasis put on Jadwiga's struggle against the second, bigamous, marriage makes it possible for Dhigosz to free her of guilt, which is

passed onto the lords who concocted the marriage. Since in the relation of

Dhigosz Queen Jadwiga is presented as a victim, the doubts concerning the

legal status of her marriage to Jagietto do not contradict her virtues and piety. Similarly, when in 1389 we see Jadwiga suspected of adultery, a charge from which she finally had to clear herself by a solemn oath, Dhigosz decisively rejects the accusation and claims that from then on the marital life of the royal couple was entirely harmonious.31 To a certain extent, this statement is

challenged by the remark attributed to the pregnant Queen, who allegedly stated that God had finally relieved her from the shame of infertility32 As the

main duty of a queen was to provide an heir to the kingdom, Jadwiga's words not only imply that her prolonged sterility caused some tension within the

royal court, but also they suggest that eventually she fulfilled her duty and conceived a child.

On the average, Dhigosz' portrayal of Queen Jadwiga passed down to sixteenth century historiography. However, the symbolic connotations of some of her features become uncertain. For example, Joachim Bielski depicts her adorning herself for the meeting with Jagiello

- a situation virtually unknown in the previous tradition - and states that she was as beautiful as Helena [Helen of Troy], while he obviously does not recognize the symbolic meaning of her physical perfection.33 Likewise, in sixteenth century chronicles we do not hear much either about Queen Jadwiga as a royal counselor or about her exceptional wisdom; moreover, Marcin Kromer maintains that from the outset of her rule in Poland the lords insisted on

marrying her off since they did not find enough authority and defense in the

young lady.34 Generally, sixteenth century historiography does not stress the intellectual inconsistency between her and her husband. Still, the general scheme of Dhigosz's story prevailed almost without modifications, and the sixteenth century tradition does not contribute much more to our knowledge concerning Queen Jadwiga.

30 Neque enim a plurimorum noticia sciebat ignoratum, quod cum prefato

Vilhelmo Austrie duce post contracta de presenti sponsalia quindecim die bus in thoro,

carnali copula eciam subsequta, manserat. . . , Dlugosz, p. 154. 31

Dlugosz, pp. 176-177.

32. . . qui sterilitas opprobio ablato fecunditatem prestitit, Dlugosz, p. 231. 33 Joachim Bielski, Kronika polska [Polish Chronicle], edited by Kazimierz Jozef

Turowski, (Sanok: Karol Pollak, 1856), p. 473. See also Martin Kromer, Kronika

polska [edited and translated by Marcin Blazowski, (Sanok: Karol Pollak, 1868), vol. 1, pp. 706-707.

34 Kromer, vol. 1, pp. 706-707.




Adopted from the chronicles, the story of Queen Jadwiga was widely known in the sixteenth century and, with clearly political undercurrents, it

appears again during the electoral debate of the Interregnum.35 As the main line of the Jagiellons became extinct, the senators opted to elect Anna, daughter of Sigismund I, Infans Regni Poloniae. The political situation within the realm obviously implied some similarities to that of the late fourteenth

century, when the minor Jadwiga was placed in custody of Polish lords and crowned King of Poland. Princess Anna was rigorously guarded to prevent the potential influence her choice of husband could have on the election of the

king.36 Under these circumstances, the story of Jadwiga set a good example of

patriotism and sacrifice rather then as a figure of speech. However, we would look in vain in these polemical pieces for the precise characteristics of

Jadwiga: she is presented almost entirely in her relation to the nobility and their claim to choose her a husband who would become King of Poland. Her

significance is defined by her position as heir to the kingdom and the literature of the Interregnum emphasized that her objections concerning the person of the prospective groom were overcome by the wisdom of the Poles who

promoted her marriage to WTadyslaw Jagiello, and, accordingly, concluded the union between Poland and Lithuania and thus the Christianizing of the vast

pagan lands of Lithuania. Here we can observe a significant shift in the Polish electoral tradition: the early literary allusions to the story of Jadwiga imply the role of the lords rather than the wide masses of the nobility. However, during the Interregnum the factual political status quo was much more diverse. In the eyes of the nobility, who after the death of Sigismund Augustus took command of the government in Poland, it was not only the senators but the lower gentry as well who were entitled to choose the husband for the

princess.37 This tendency is conspicuous in De electione novi regis whose author states explicitly that both the lords and szlachta were entitled to

participate in royal elections and that they, together, selected a groom for

35 Swietoslaw Orzelski, Bezkrolewia ksiqg osmioro [Interregnum, Eight Volumes], edited by Wlodzimierz Spasowicz, (Petersburg & Mohilew: B. M. Wollf, 1856), vol. 1, pp. 62-63; vol. 2, p. 248; "Sententia de eligendo novo rege ex duce Moschorum," in Pisma polityczne z czasow pierwszego bezkrolewia [Political Writings from the Times of the First Interregnum], edited by Jan Czubek, (Cracow: Akademia Umiejetaosci, 1906), p. 355; "Gdyby panowie Polacy cesarza albo Niemca obrali, toby na nie przysc

musialo" [If the Polish Lords Elected the Emperor or a German, it would be obligatory u pon them] in Czubek, p. 360. 36 Jan Dymitr Solikowski, Krotki pamietnik rzeczy polskich od zgonu Zygmunta August [A Brief Memoir of Polish Matters from the Demise of Sigmund Augustus], edited by Wladyslaw Syrokomla, (Petersburg & Mohilew, B. M. Wolff, 1854), p. 13. See also Maria Bogucka, Anna Jagiellonka [Anna Jagiellon] (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1994), pp. 77-97.

37 On this controversy between the nobility and the senators, to whom Anna was

entrusted by the last will of Sigismund Augustus, consult Orzelski, vol. 2, pp. 277, 328

329, 331.




Jadwiga,38 while other pieces use more ambiguous terms, "the Poles'39 or "our ancestors."40

Furthermore, the allusions to Queen Jadwiga were employed in favor - or more frequently in defiance - of certain particular candidates to the Polish throne and, consequently, to the hand of Anna Jagiellon. Interestingly enough, these references show once again how much the interpretation of historical examples depended on literary context as well as the political opinion of a particular author. Most often, Jadwiga's story served as an

example of Polish resistance against the German ruler. As stated by an

anonymous author: "rather than to be ruled by a German our ancestors

preferred to vote for a pagan, whom they married to the princess and made him Polish sovereign."41 A similar attitude was shared by Swietoslaw

Orzelski, who quotes his own oration in which he praised the Poles for not

letting Wilhelm of Habsburg consummate his union with Queen Jadwiga.42 Yet, the same image was used in favor of the German candidate as well. Another circular of the Interregnum argues that, since Jadwiga's betrothal to Wilhelm of Habsburg was denied, it would be appropriate to correct this mistake and marry Anna Jagiellon to a member of the Habsburg dynasty.43 Evidently, the interpretation of the same fact led to a completely opposite conclusion but the frequency of Queen Jadwiga's story quoted in the

polemical writings suggests both that it was commonly known to the nobility and that, owing to its popularity and complexity, it created many opportunities for an author to utilize different threads and aspects.

This attractiveness of the story of Queen Jadwiga becomes evident also in a small book Oeconomia albo gospodarstwo. To jest nauka jako wszelki

krzescijanski czlowiek w gospodarstwie sprawowac siq ma, published in 1546 in Konigsburg by John Seklucjan.44 Oeconomia contains very interesting passages about Queen Jadwiga in its parts related to the ideal consort of a Christian prince. In accordance with the Polish historiographical tradition, the

38 "De electione novi regis," pp. 399-401.

39 "Gdyby panowie Polacy . . . ," p. 360; "Rozmowa Lecha z Piastem,

napominajaca swych obywatelow, jakiego pana maja^ sobie i krolewstwu temu obrac"

[Conversation of a Lech with a Piast, Reminding their Citizens What Kind of Lord They are to Elect for Themselves and the Kingdom] in Czubek, p. 40.

40 "Sententia de eligendo novo rege ex duce Moschorum," p. 355; Andrew

Lubieniecki, Poloneutychia, edited by Alina Linda et al, (Warsaw & Lodz: PWN, 1982), p. 66. (The author cites the oration of John Zamoyski.)

41 "Sententia de eligendo novo rege . . .," p. 355; see also "Gdyby panowie Polacy

cesarza albo Niemca obrali. . .," p. 360; "De electione novi regis . . .," p. 401.

42 Orzelski, vol. 2, p. 248.

43 "Rationes et cautelae in novi regis electione observandae," in Pisma polityczne z

czasow pierwszego bezkrolewia [Political Writings from the Times of the First

Interregnum], edited by Jan Czubek, (Cracow: Akademia Umiejetnosci, 1906), p. 441. 44

About John Seklucjan and a discussion concerning the authorship of the work, see Stanistaw Rospond, "Wstejs" [Introduction] in Jan Seklucjan, Wybor pism [Selected

Writings], edited by Stanislaw Rospond, (Olsztyn: Pojezierze, 1979), pp. xxvi-xxvii.




author stresses that the exceptional virtues of Jadwiga made Jagiello want to

marry her, embrace Christianity, release Polish captives, and link his land forever with the Polish Kingdom. He also mentions the story of the robbed

peasants, which was the most commonly quoted illustration of Jadwiga's charity and the benevolent influence she had on her husband.45 Since the book was dedicated to Duchess Dorothy of Prussia, the author makes parallels between her and Queen Jadwiga as alms-giver, supporter of poor students and founder of a university.46 Apparently, in stressing these elements the author of

Oeconomia does not contradict the previous relations about Queen Jadwiga. However, he shows surprising ignorance, claiming that God praised the Polish

royal family for the holy deeds of Queen Jadwiga, since he made her son

Wladislas King of Poland and Hungary, and furthermore, the author of

Oeconomia enumerates among her descendants the Duke of Prussia, King of Poland and numerous German princes.47 Certainly, the author confuses here two wives of Wladislas II Jagiello: Queen Jadwiga who did not leave any heir and Queen Sophia (Sonka) of Holszany (Alsenai), Wtadyslaw's mother,

subsequently elected King of Poland and Hungary. Unfortunately, we lack

any information about the intellectual background of the author - he mentions

only that he spent many years at the court of the Duke of Prussia - and we cannot guess how profound his knowledge of Polish history was. His mistake, however, demonstrates that even in this false context Queen Jadwiga still served as a paragon of a good queen and that as such, she was endowed by the author of Oeconomia with the royal progeny she, in fact, lacked. This might be a reflection of both the long-lasting conviction that women are redeemed

through bearing children and the author's urge to relate his protector, Duchess

Dorothy, with Queen Jadwiga, who in his interpretation became a saintly ancestor of the Prussian ruling house.

To sum up, I believe that the few texts presented in this study demonstrate that the image of Queen Jadwiga was far more complicated than that of an ecclesiastic benefactress and the intercessor beside her husband, and that her

image stands apart from typical royal consorts who are virtually invisible in

45 John Seklucyan, Oeconomia albo gospodarstwo, edited by Zygmunt Celichowski, (Cracow: Uniwersytet Jagiellonski, 1890), pp. 39-41. 46

"Niemniejszy przyklad po sobie zostawila szlachetna Jadwiga krolowa Polska

wyzej namieniona; ta cnotliwie zywiac, wiele dobrego niedostatecznym a ubogim ludziom czynila, ubogie studenty zakladala i zywila, na ostatek wszystko swe

kosztowne odzienie i klejnoty dala, aby Collegium w Grakchowie zbudowano, ktore

byl Kazimierz wtory, krol Polski, poczaj budowac i zakladal," Seklucyan, pp. 71-72. 47 "Szcz^scia^ pan Bog dla tej szlachetnej malzonki natenczas dom krolewski i

wszystka korona Polski i W^gierski, Ize jej syn Wladyslaw, gdy byl wybran krolem

w^gierskim, wielekroc nad okrutnym nieprzyjacielem Turkiem zwyci^stwo otrzymal I

tak go byl potlumic, ze tez u niego ten okrutny nieprzyjaciel przemierze zabrac musial.

Szczeici jeszcze i dzis pan Bog tej slachetnej a krzescijanskiej malzonki swem

blogoslawienstwem potomki i szeroko je rozmnozyl jako sa^ dzisiejsi najjasniejsi krolowie Polscy, najoswiececsze ksiaze Pruskie, i ine ksiaz^ta w ziemiech niemieckich.

A wierza^ ze ten slachetny dom albo potomek nigdy nie zginie," Seklucyan, pp. 39-41.




the narrative sources. Obviously, her position as a successor to a kingdom and her role in the conversion of Lithuania predisposed her to attract the attention of both contemporary and posthumous writers. However, she was

conspicuous not only because of her royal heritage and her political activities in the Polish Kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, even so the

precedence of the heiress to the kingdom being wedded by the members of the Polish lords deeply inspired the Polish nobility during the subsequent Interregnum. Without doubt, the ambiguous story of her betrothal/marriage to

Wilhelm of Austria and the allegedly discordant marriage with Wladyslaw Jagiello made her story more complex. Still, her personal virtues, deep religiosity that earned her the opinion of sanctity, and, last but not least, her role in the restoration of the Cracovian University made her the image of the

good queen. And, as demonstrated by the parallel made between Queen Jadwiga and Duchess Dorothy of Prussia, this common desideratum

concerning royal consorts also remained virtually untouched in the sixteenth

century.




TYPUS FUNDATIONIS ACADEMIAE CRACOVIENSIS

A woodcut prepared in the XVIIth century from a painting which used to be in the Cathedral Church in Cracow.

On the left side is King Ladislas Jagello, protecting his Lithuanians who are being baptized by a bishop.

Behind the King is the Bishop of Cracow, Zbigniew Olesnicki, Chancellor of the University.

On the right side is Queen Jadwiga with the Orthodox Ruthenians. Behind the Queen is King Casimir the Great, founder of the University. Both monarchs are holding a model of the University of Cracow, as can

be seen from the insignia of the University placed high on the building. From: University of Cracow, Documents Concerning Its Origins (Dundee

and Tayport: Polish Committee in Scotland for the Commemoration of Poland's Millennium of Christianity, 1966), facing p. 4.



jadwiga of anjou as the image of a good queen in late medieval and early modern poland

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