interdisciplinary project_contributions to social disorganization

8/13/2019 Interdisciplinary Project_Contributions to Social Disorganization

1/29

Running head: RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 1

Cheri Scott

Recognition of Challenges in Urban Neighborhoods that are Economically Disadvantage

Union Institute and University

11/09/2013


2/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 2Abstract

The questions to be examined in this paper are what dynamics contribute to social

disorganization in poor communities and how do mechanisms involving social disorganization

lead to lower life expectancy among poor African-American populations. Jensen (2003) suggest

that social disorganization is the deterioration of communal structures such as family, school,

church, and local government however the focus of social disorganization in this paper will

primarily focus on poverty-stricken communities that are affected by social disorganization.

Social disorganization theory contends there are several structural influences that lead to social

disorganization in destitute populations; structural influences include low economic status, ethnic

heterogeneity, and residential mobility (Sampson & Grove, 1989) for marginalized citizens. In

addition to Sampson & Grove reasons for communal deterioration, impoverished communities of

color experience social disorganization, which inhibits their health physically, and mentally

causing violent atmospheres.


3/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 3Recognition of Challenges in Urban Neighborhoods that are Economically Disadvantage

Social disorganization in poor inner city neighborhoods continue to face dilapidation and

decay, which is caused by socio-economic and political inequalities producing disparaging, gaps

in intergenerational mobility of social hierarchy. Interpersonal violence among the Black

community gives rise to social disorganization intensifying the racial categories produced and

reproduce ideologically and culturally (Baker, 1998, loc. 38). Institutional discrimination

among impoverished communities is then used to maintain the political, economic, and social

enterprises that have dominated American culture. The violent and dangerous images have

become the embodiment of public perception of widespread beliefs, norms, and values that poor

communities are non-deserving and responsible for their own eradication. As this narrative

unfold, the manner in which social constructions are developed and continues to evolve will

show the variations of how anthropology, public policy, human geography, and environmental

science contributes to the further decline of social disorganization within poor populations of

color.

But, before embarking on a discussion of social disorganization within low-income

communities, it is important to acknowledge there are great disparities when it comes to external

investments such as residential investments in middleclass and/or White communities within

U.S. cities throughout the country. While middle class communities benefit from external

investments, inequities continue to exist for lower class and/or Black and Latino communities

that create environments of social disorganization, the relative merits of (Saporu, Patton, Krivo,

& Peterson, 2011) elevating crime rates in poor neighborhoods. The results that emerge from

Saporu et al., (2011) study proposes violent crime rates diminished substantially when external


4/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 4investments increased in communities of color that once exhibited high crime rates. A similar

point is made by Kawachi, Kennedy, & Wilkinson (1999) where they argue:

That two sets of societal characteristics influence the level of crime: the degree of

relative deprivation in society (for instance, measures by the extent of income

inequality, and the degree of cohesiveness in social relations among citizens

(measured, for instance, by indicators of social capital and collective

efficacy) (p. 719).

Sampson & Wilson (1995) contends macrosocial patterns of residential inequality give

rise to the social isolation and ecological concentration of the truly disadvantage, which in turn

leads to structural barriers and cultural adaptations that undermine social organization and hence

the control of crime (p. 38). Community investments such as affordable housing, full

employment, full-service supermarkets, retail and medical facilities, green space, and

neighborhood beautification can provide an alternative to correct social disorganization. A case

study done by Shapiro and Hassett (2012) report examined eight cities where investments made

in housing values reduced the crime rate by 10 to 25 percent. However, more recognition of

disparities in built environments as possible mechanisms that influences mental and physical

health of poor inner-city residents (Duncan, Piras, Dunn, Johnson, Melly, & Molnar 2013 and

Benton, 2007) must be acknowledged.

When referencing built environments, it is customary to speak of Tennessee

Department of Health description of built environments which states:

When we think about the word environment, we often think about Nature the

birds, the bees, the mountains, the lakes, the flowers, and the trees. Indeed,

environmental protection focuses on keeping our air, land, and water clean and


5/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 5health. Connections between public health and the built environment in which we

live, work, play are now becoming better understood (p. 1).

This definition of built environments differs to some extent for low-income minority

communities. Many built environments in poor populations of color are inundated with

unclean air, non-access to running water, unemployment, violent streets that are unsafe

for children and adults, and mobility issues to access sustainable resources. The question

is how did this wide gap in social structures create social disorganization? Patrick

Sharkey answers this question in his book, Stuck in Place: Urban Neighborhoods and the

End of Progress toward Racial Equality where he suggest,poor blacks inherited ghetto

American cities. The black communities fared well from an economic and social

perspective during the 1940s when all classes of blacks were forced to live in ghettos but

after the Civil Rights legislation ended segregation allowing middle class blacks to

migrate, it caused an instability which helped to created social disorganization. Sharkey

(2013) research findings suggest:

Two out of three African American children born from 1985 through 2000 have

been raised in neighborhoods with a least 20 percent poverty, compared to just 6

percent of whites. Only one out of ten African Americans in the current

generation has been raised in a neighborhood with less than 10 percent poverty,

compared to six out of ten whites. Even today, 31 percent of African American

children live in neighborhoods where the poverty rate is 30 percent or greater, a

level of poverty that is unknown among white children (loc. 653).

Large concentrations of social disorganization in poor populations have become normalized and

used for racialized categories that assign identities, spaces, and places that are conceptualized


6/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 6from ideological constructions. Baker (1998) argues racialized constructions are not naturally

occurring or any characteristic of biological apparatuses of identity, racialized constructions help

to structure the access of specific groups to opportunities for political and social permanence

(Baker, 1998, p. 1). Identities of poor people of color must be reframed since history cannot

informed these identities as it related to lived experiences. Michael Pickering (2008) asserts

lived experiences are central for examining cultural studies. He advises, one of the

distinguishing features of cultural studies is its focus on the subjective dimension of social

relations, on how particular social arrangements and configurations are lived and made sense of

(p. 18). A unified basis for understanding the public culture and private subjectivity as

intersecting forces are essential for renewing or changing conceptions of identities. An

examination of anthropology, public policy, human geography, and environmental studies from a

historical and modern perspective can presumably shed light on reconstructing identities using

cultural studies as a methodology.


7/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 7PURPOSE OF STUDY

The intent of this study is to examine social disorganization in poor communities and

observe how this theory leads to lower life expectancy among poor African-American

populations. Both disciplinary and interdisciplinary frameworks will be included in this paper

and will merely focus on anthropology, public policy, human geography, and environmental

studies to illustrate the interrelatedness of framing social life of African-American community

structures. Connecting these frameworks to disparaging built environments will create a greater

understanding of why life expectancy among poor African American populations are

continuously declining even though built environments are creating sustainable lives for so many

Americans.

The study is divided into four sections and will explain anthropology, public policy,

human geography, and environmental studies to show how each component impacts social life

for low-income African-American neighborhoods and its residents. The final section will

incorporate theoretical frameworks to assess the effects violent environments and unequal built

environments to see if there is any correlation in the physical and mental health decline of

residents in impoverished communities. The four disciplines will inform the research question

about how each component has or/is effecting social life for African Americans. More than 26

published research articles and books will be explored to examine timelines of the cultural

history of the Black population. The study will be finalize by examining violent environments

and unequally built environment reversal as sources for healing.


8/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 8Anthropology

Examining the history of anthropology for this paper helps to conceptualize the

individual identity based on lived experiences from a humanistic perspective. Rather than

accepting assigned identities created through identity constructions that took place after

conquering the New World during the 17th

and 18th

century is essential for greater understanding.

After Africans arrived in the New World, their role would eventually become depended upon

because of the demand for laborers on colony plantations. Colonizers in North American saw

this as an opportunity to execute their views of biological and developmental differences among

enslaved Africans. Through their ideological perspective, colonizers developed a scientific

explanation of inferiority amongst African populations who were selected because they were

better laborers. Smedley (1997), a social anthropologist makes the point that:

In the latter part of the 17th

century the demand for labor grew enormously. It had

become clear that neither Irishmen nor Indians made good slaves. More than that,

the real threat to social order was the poor whites that demanded lands and

privileges that the upper class colonial governments refused. Some colonial

leaders argued that turning to African labor provided a buffer against the masses

of poor whites (para. 3).

In order for the enslaved population to comply with colonizers, Christianity was used to

argue, that the Africans were heathens after all, and it was Christian duty to save their

souls (para. 5) fully institutionalizing slavery. The scientific notion of inferiority would

seal the fate for slavery through the creation of North American laws (Baker, 1998 &

Walvin, 1996). Baker (1998) suggest, The institution of slavery was swiftly codified

into the legal framework of colonial society and became integrals to its economy


9/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN 9(loc.170). Integrating the legal frameworks of economic and political life into the new

North America laws colonizers saw an opportunity to use science as a rational for

enslaving Africans. The belief that slaves was inferior created new opportunities for

scholarship in the field of science.

During the 18th

century, scholarly opinions help to create race as structures through

racial hierarchies. Supporting scholars created political spheres that protected the interest of

social hierarchical pyramids that suggest genetic superiority. Proslavery supports began to create

elaborate systems to construct race ideology by assembling schools to prove racial inferiority to

explain African Americans were not worthy of freedom or citizenship. Baker (1998) affirms the

new school of anthropology was developed and scholars produced scientific studies to justify the

enslavement of African people, as they knew their political, financial, and ideological were under

threat. One scholars included Samuel Morton, an 18th

century scientist who suggested, Their

larger skulls gives Caucasians decided and unquestioned superiority over all the nations of the

earth(PBS.org, 2003, para. 4), another ideological notion came from the Worlds Fair in 1904

that took place in St. Louis, Mo to showcase American achievement towards racial superiority.

According to PBS.org, (2003) the fair reflects the culmination of 19th

century racial ideas in

science, politics, and culture. It is from this thinking that Smedley (1997) asserts:

The model for race and races was the Great Chain of Being or Scale of

Natural (Scala Naturae), a semi-scientific theory of a natural hierarchy of all

living things, derived from classical Greek writings. The physical features of

different groups became markers for symbols of their status on this scale, and thus

justified their positions within the social system (para. 8).


10/29

RECOGNITION OF CHALLENGES IN10

Moreover, Josiah Nott a physician trained by Samuel Morton provided one of the most

persuasive explanations for enslavement due to Africans childlike state of mind, where he

suggested, Negroes were better off enslaved because this imposed at least a modicum of

civilized culture (Baker, 1998, loc. 198). Baker (1998) declared Notts statement would play a

central role in shaping the academia and political sphere of public life for the next eighty years.

However, during the end of the 18th

century opposing scholarly opinion began to

deconstruct racialized categories and form paradigms of new knowledge that rejected the

archetype of inferiority. Baker (1998) perspective provides insight on the systematic ways

racialized constructions evolved during the 19th

and 20th

century. He explores the relationship

and linkages between the shifting discourse on race and anthropology and racial constructs (p.

2) and argues during the 19th

century, anthropologist created racial categories hoping to

transform the significance of race for African Americans. John Wesley Powell made a further

point of humanizing this transformation in his November 6, 1883 address on human evolution.

He contends:

If we take the history of any civilized people from the earliest record to the

present time, it will be observed that the philosophy of such a people has changed

in every stage of progress. If, on the other hand, the philosophies of different

people, civilized, barbaric, and savage, are studied, it is discovered that the course

of evolution observed is parallel with the series of philosophies obtaining among

existing peoples (p. 181).

His observation assesses history in reverse to evaluate the significance of earlier philosophies

among numerous tribes discovering various characteristics amongst each tribe. Each encounter


11/29


from tribesmens who were more or less civilized unearthed phenomenas from previous

histories.

Baker (1998) believes that anthropologist such as John Wesley Powell, Franz Boas, and

Daniel G. Brinton contribution to the field of anthropology by humanizing African-American

populations and considers the passage of the 14th

Amendment of the U.S. Constitution as

evidence for its progression. The 14th

Amendment granted former slaves citizenship and

citizenship to anyone born or naturalized in the U.S. States (The Library of Congress, 2012).

The Reconstruction Act of 1867 also brought a renewed outlook to African Americans social

life and identify after the Civil War.

Contrasting views challenged Radical Reconstruction confronting the political and

economic gains made within the African American community throughout the south. It is during

this time, White supremacy groups through tactics of intimidation and terror threated the voting

rights for women, African Americans, and all of the advancements made within the African

American community. African American populations made great gain through the legitimization

of identify and political reconstruction of ratifying the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth

Amendments and it is evident that anthropology was a significant factor in framing and

reframing identities of enslaved African Americans. It is widely held by researchers like Baker

who suggest anthropology played a fundamental role in constructing and restructuring African

American social life during and after the reconstruction period. However, identities for Black

American are still challenged today because of oppression and disenfranchisement especially

during the Civil Rights Era. Concluding this section, we can say that in addition to social life,

anthropology greatly influenced political life for the African American population.

Public Policy


12/29


Public policy for freed African Americans after reconstruction became a focal point that

created great political and economic gains. After the passage of the Reconstruction Act of 1867,

freed African American in the south were able to vote and hold public office. The women

suffrage movement afforded women voting rights, black organization and black religious

institutions sought a role in economic, political, and social life and opportunities for education

(Altman, 1997). These strides help to create independence for Blacks in addition to holding

public office and creating economic opportunities with the Black community. However, all

efforts made by freed African Americans was undermined and is described by Altman (1997) as:

Reconstruction was Americas first attempt at interracial democracy. For much of

the 20th

century, virtually all writings highlighted this era as one of constant filthy

conditions politically and socially. Nearly all attempts by Lincoln and his

successor Andrew Johnson were undermined by the vindictive political schemes

of the Republican Party. Corruption followed, led by crooked Carpetbaggers

(Northerners who pimped the surplus of the government), Scalawag voters in

particular (Southerners who cooperated with the Republicans for personal gain)

(para. 3).

The rise of white supremacy groups soon followed and used threating and violent tactics

to intimidate black voters, literacy test were implemented, poll tax were required, the

introduction of Jim Crow laws, and public lynchings were demonstrated to

disenfranchised black voters. It was not until the 1960s when such an attempt similar to

the Reconstruction Act would challenge inequality. After the passage of the Civil Rights

Act of 1965, some progress have been made but many of the same tactics regarding the


13/29


rights of African Americans are still practiced today yet, they are more modernized.

Take, for example, the case of social constructions in American political discourses.

Social constructions of race contribute to the ongoing oppression of poor communities of

color and attributes to how the United States structure its economic, social, and political policies.

Schneider & Ingram (1997) provides an explanation of how social constructions is created within

United States public policy by declaring:

Much of the public policy in the United States is produced in policy-making

systems dominated by divisive social constructions that stigmatize some potential

target populations and extol the virtues of others. These constructions interact

with the political power of the target groups to establish the political agenda,

focus the terms of debate, and determine the characteristics of policy design (p.

102).

Policy design and implementation usually results in degenerative policies for marginalized

communities where they are labeled as lazy, dependent and/or deviant to the system, welfare

queens, and violent. Brown, Visser, Dittmar, Drury, Farsides, Jessop, and Sparks (2012)

believes that this happens because the government pays too little attention to research findings

when formulating new policies or changing old ones (p. 227). These factors are a result of

policy actors who still view these groups as inferior and implement degenerative policies based

on constructed roles developed through ideological philosophies of marginalized identities.

These philosophies continue to pose a threat to the economic solace of America political and

economic fabric. Brown et al., (2012) suggest policymaking is still influenced more by political

rhetoric and public opinion than by an objective appraisal of research evidence (p. 227). A

similar point is made by William Julius Wilson, (2011) a Harvard professor who believes that


14/29


public policy programs that benefit particular groups (lower class) are rejected by a wider

segment of society who is less supportive of that policy program. The public opinion of societies

wider segments view lower class members as underserving which in turn influences policy

design that is structured from ideology rather than from evidence based research.

The ideological philosophies are still similar to the controversial philosophies held before

and after the Reconstruction Act. A report in 1965 by United States Senator, Daniel Patrick

Moynihan provided some of the same viewpoints that were held about racial inferiority during

slavery. The controversial report on the Negro family confirmed that African American citizens

would not be accepted as equal counterpoints and will not receive full recognition because they

were indeed inferior to other groups. He goes on to:

There are two reasons. First, the racist virus in the American blood stream still

afflicts us: Negroes will encounter serious personal prejudice for at least another

generation. Second, three centuries of sometimes unimaginable mistreatment

have taken their toll on the Negro people. The harsh fact is that as a group, at the

present time, in terms of ability to win out in the competitions of American life,

they are not equal to most of those groups with which they will be competing.

Individually, Negro Americans reach the highest peaks of achievement. But

collectively, in the spectrum of American ethnic and religious and regional

groups, where some get plenty and some get none, where some send eighty

percent of their children to college and others pull them out of school at the 8th

grade, Negroes are among the weakest (Moynihan, 1965, p. 3).

Discourse used in the Moynihan report is still used today by policy legislators who believe there

is inferiorities among marginalized people and policies continue to be implemented that will


15/29


disenfranchise poor citizens of color. Schneider & Ingram (1997) believes that social

constructions are essential to the strategies of public officials who use target populations as

liabilities because vulnerable populations are considered an asset when negatively constructed

winning public opinion. Scientist and public policy actors frame targeted populations as

negatively constructed and this construction allows us to view the targeted group as

underserving, violent, mean (p. 102), welfare recipients,and irresponsible citizens that do not

deserve the same socio-economic benefits as deserving members of society.

Racialize rhetoric was also used during the Reagan Administration where he invoked the

term welfare queen by stating, Theres a woman in Chicago, she has 80 names, 30 addresses,

12 Social Security cardsShes got Medicaid, getting food stamps, and she is collecting welfare

under each of her names. Her tax-free cash income alone is over $150, 000 (Blake, 2012, para.

3). In addition to Reagans comment, Newt Ginrgrich recently invoked his ideological

viewpoints about poor African-Americans by calling Obama a food-stamp president, questioned

poor childrens work ethic, and said poor people should want paychecks, not handouts (Blake,

2012, para. 11).

Public perception of food stamp recipients became the face of poor Black citizens and

with this stigma; impoverished citizens are considered lazy and unemployed individuals who are

dependent on the government for assistance. However, this fallacy is further from the truth since

most food stamp benefits go to elderly, disabled, and low-income working class individuals

(Feeding America, n.d.), but based on the misconception of the Black community being the face

of food stamps, policy burdens are being delivered resulting in deep cuts to food stamps.

According Bello (2013) Food stamp benefits to 47 million Americans (para. 2) is being cut

with the recent passage of federal legislation.


16/29


The same racialized rhetoric and social constructions have been used to criminalize poor

voters of voter fraud. In 2010, the Department of Justice has had 18 Section 5 objections to

voting laws in Texas, South Carolina, Georgia, North Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana

where voting restrictions were passed in South Carolina, Texas, and Florida hindered minority

voters. The recent ruling of section 5 of the voting rights act by the Supreme Court allowed

several states to change their election laws without federal approval gives credence to policy that

impacts minority communities. Social constructions helps to design policy in social, political,

and economic life for African Americans in turn creating constraints in the structure of built

environments that threatens a productive life.

Human Geography

Social constructions also create constraints within geographic locations of high-risk

environments plagued with violence and crime. Low-income communities of color are often

impacted by policy that delivers burdens to their communities, Schneider & Ingram (2005)

makes the point that policy burdens allowed:

Homeowners, real estate agents, of practices that commonly had been used to

keep neighborhoods racially segregated, such as refusing to sell or rent to a person

because of his or her race, lying about the availability of a dwelling, or block-

businginducing white owners to sell their homes by telling them that blacks

were moving into the neighborhood (p. 122)

After the Fair Housing Act of 1986 was passed, white residents were not receptive in racially

segregated communities with people of color, causing political chaos among legislators who

were against fair housing. Reaction from policy makers sparked protest from non-violent Civil

Rights protestors asking for better living conditions. Protestors were met with televised violence


17/29


among law enforcement where officers and dogs attacked peacefully protesting black activist

(Schneider & Ingram, 2005, p. 112) leading to the emergence of the Black Power movement who

responded to police brutality through violent riots causing violent incidences to rise dramatically.

Also, middle and working class blacks, a stable force within the black community were no

longer confined to communities of color (Wilson, 2012). They fled for a better life for their

families while leaving the underclass blacks to inhibit impoverished neighborhoods that

continued to be neglected from political and economic intervention creating spatial patterns

known for its violence. Violent acts among African-American communities increased as living

conditions for black communities continued to decline.

According to research by Rose (1978) structural conditions within geographic locations,

urban geography, and behavioral geography are components that attribute to values and norms

held in different regions. He predicts that the attributes of cultural and regional violence will not

improve in the future and his assessment is correct as this study was conducted in 1978 and the

violence he describes in his study shows similar patterns in geographic locations within African

American community have not improved. Rose emphasizes:

The victims of lethal violence do not represent a randomly distributed population,

but one which is highly selective in terms of sex and race. Being male and black

heightens the risk of victimization. More than seventy-five percent of the victims

in any given year are likely to be male, while more than half of the victims are

likely to be black. In 1972 blacks were eight times more likely to be victimized

than whites. Because of the unusually high incidence of black victimization and

their concentration in the nations larger central cities the level of despair in

selected environments is likely to be intensified (Rose, 1978, p. 455).


18/29


Geographic research within African American communities is not fully examined for

reasons leading to the topical changes in African American communities that examine the

reasons for high violence incidences. The limitations of studies that focus on geography

is aimed at researching race, gender, class, and space but needs to become more evident

for studying African American communities. It has become more evident that the focus

of study is on social constructions of the African American communities, which helps to

influence policy that deliver burdens because geographies are deemed despairing (Dwyer,

1997 & Smith, 2010). A closer examination of discourse on human geography reveals

successive turns to culture, politics, environment, and economy (Smith, 2010, p. 1)

furthermore, constructing human geography as behavioral geography inhibits the inability

to address geographies of oppressiveness, inequality, and poverty (Smith, 2010) of

marginalized communities.

Mark Mysak (2010) seeks to address the economic fractions of marginalize

spaces with certain geographic locations by examining the relevance of inequitable

distributions and cultural subordination in places of misrecognition (p. 2). It is equally

clear that, policy actors who contribute discourse that misses the entire social dislocation

of low-income communities of colors that inhibits high amounts of social disorganization

have used violence and crime as a place of misrecognition for the deliverance of

inequitable distributions. Economic geographys seems to be a focus rather than social

geographies.

Smith (2010) declares although it may be true that social geographies are

sometime correlated to economic geographies, it is important not to overlook the social

sciences. This serves to illustrate that, analysts are building on new sociological,


19/29


anthropological and geographical research whose findings show that economic ideas,

relations and imperatives are, about all, ordinarythey are part and parcel of the

myriad going on in everyday social, cultural, and of course political life (p. 197).

However, problems persist when it comes to inequities in spatial locations specifically in

communities of color. While there is little progress made with regards to public policy

agendas, the social sciences must be integrated with a specific focus on the causes of

inequalities in communities of color that continues to suffer from huge disparities

resulting in resource wars among deserving and undeserving communities.

Teitz & Chapple (1998) maintains there are least eight hypothesis regarding

inner-city poverty that causes the poverty gap to widen and that is, structural shifts in the

economy, inadequate human capital, racial and gender discrimination, adverse cultural

and behavioral factors, racial and income segregation, impacts of migration, and lack of

endogenous growth, and adverse consequences of public policy (p. 33). All of these

factors can be attributed to the integration of environmental studies as the final sections,

which will show how each hypothesis contributed to the deterioration of environments,

and may contribute to social disorganization in poor communities of color.

Environmental Studies

Susan Cutters analysis inRace, Class, and Environmental Justice(1995) suggest there is

evidence of racial discrimination in new policy regarding environmental studies within poor

inner city communities of color. She implies an outcry from environmental and civil-rights

activist originates from a direct response to the pressure-politics activist groups (p. 111) that

called on the United States to reply to growing number of complaints where there is empirical

evidence of high amounts environmental degradation in communities of color. These claims led


20/29


to what many social scientists called environmental injustices and/or environmental racism.

Bullard (n.d.) suggest there are over 1.3 billion individuals worldwide live in unsafe and

unhealthy physical environments (para. 1). Environmental threats is associated with

economically depressed locations where there is unequal political interest and powers that have

allowed these economically depressed communities to become dumping grounds for wealthy

corporations who lobby for weak regulation that allows lands to become toxic environments.

Bullard (n.d) reveals:

The dominant environmental protection paradigm manages, and distributes risks.

It also institutionalizes unequal enforcement, trades human health for profits,

places the burden of proof on the victims and not the polluting industry,

legitimates human exposures to harmful chemicals, pesticides, and hazardous

substances, promotes risky technologies, exploits the vulnerability of

economically and politically disenfranchised communities, subsidizes ecological

destructions, creates an industry around risk assessments and risk management,

delays cleanup actions, and fails to develop pollution prevention as the

overarching and dominant strategy (para. 22).

Cutter discussed the same theoretical framework of environmental inequities where she believed

that all communities should share the external burdens and benefits of environmental resources.

She suggests all citizens deserve a quality life but acknowledges this is not the case with

reference to environmental justices. Bullard (n.d.) and Harrison (2011) hold similar views

concerning the risk of toxic waste industries that impose landfills upon poor districts with

hazardous chemicals and waste that affects the health of residents. These industries also exploit

disenfranchised groups at higher rates than middleclass populations.


21/29


Bullard (2009) provides a detailed framework of disproportionate burdens of waste

facilities, garbage landfills, incinerators sewage treatment plants, and chemical facilities

polluting the environments of black populations.

Nine out of ten EPA regions have racial disparities in the location of hazardous

waste facilities. People of color comprise 28.5 percent of Region 4. However,

people of color comprise the majority of residents living within two miles of the

67 commercial hazardous waste facilities in Alabama (66.3%), Florida (52.7%),

Georgia (55.6%), Kentucky (51.5%), Mississippi (50.6%), North Carolina

(55.9%), South Carolina (43.9%), and Tennessee (53.8%) (Bullard, 2009, para.

2).

Exposures to environmental toxins from these facilities create health disparities for an already

depressed regions attributing to a compilation of health issues. A news piece done by

Chattanooga News Channel 5 (2009) reports black families were exposed to chemical leaks from

toxic waste landfills that spilled over into the water supply system poisoning their entire family.

The family accused the city of environmental racism and claimed that several family members

died from cancer. The family provided documents that offered proof that owners of the waste

landfill warned White families not to drink the poisoned water. A Black resident by the name of

Sheila stated, owners of this land-fill across the street from her childhood home knowingly

allowed Black families to bathe, drink, and cook in the water with the toxin Tri Chloro Ethylene

in it (Chattanooga News Channel 5, 2009, para. 10), while warning White families 10 years

previous not to drink the contaminated water and providing them with an alternative water

source. Regulations imposed by political, economic, geographic, and environmental life for poor

citizens provides the impetus for further research on injustices imposed upon poor communities


22/29


of color. Examining anthropology, public policy, geography and environmental frameworks as it

relates to social disorganization in impoverished communities suggest that citizens are

recognized with the same inferior traits during and after the civil war. After an extensive

literature review, it is determined that Blacks will likely continue to suffer physically and

mentally causing social disorganization if there is a continuation of neglect and inaction.

Conclusion

In closing, while examining each of the frameworks, it is clear that social disorganization

result from histories of repeated cycles of radicalized categories used to influence and create

poverty. Moreover, examining the physical and mental health of citizens residing in violent and

unequally built environments suggest, there are accessibly constraints, which inhibits high rates

of crime leading to social disorganization. Community investments such as affordable housing,

full employment, full-service supermarkets, retail and medical facilities, green space, and

neighborhood beautification can provide an alternative to correct social disorganization.

Research conducted on the politics of economic and social environments, in poor inner

city populations indicates disinvestment, unhealthy environments, and racial segregation in black

communities help to create health disorders and contribute to high crime rates (Shihadeh &

Flynn, 1996, Saporu et al., (2011), & Taylor, Repetti, & Seeman 1997). Shihadeh & Flynn

(1996) contends Blacks lack equal opportunity in housing are more likely to be tied to

communities with multiple disadvantages, where the rates of unemployment, poverty, school

dropout, family disruption, and teen pregnancy are disportionately high (p.1327).

While Shihadeh & Flynn (1996) makes these connections, Taylor, Repetti, & Seeman

(1997) suggest research from some scientist argue that behavior is relative to cultural behavior

that is caused by the individual societal decline. The authors disagree with this assertion and


23/29


suggest there is clear indicators that hostility and depression is tied to geographic, development,

occupational, and social environment. In their research they established that:

Treating socioeconomic status (SES) and race as contextual factors, we examine

characteristics of the environments of community, work, family, and peer

interactions for predictors of positive and adverse health outcomes across the

lifespan. We consider chronic stress/allosteric load, mental distress, coping skills,

and resources, and health habits and behaviors as classes of mechanisms hat

address how unhealthy environments get under the skin, to create health

disorders. Across multiple environments, unhealthy environments are those that

threaten safety, that undermine the creation of social ties, and that are conflictual,

abusive, or violent. (Taylor et al., 1997, p. 411).

The question then comes back to Saporu et al. (2011) recommendation of suggesting a rise in

community investments is a direct correlation in a reduction in crime rates. It is also suggested

that reinvesting in inner city communities can provide an increase in vertical mobility, quality

educational opportunities, green space, clean water, and safe locations to ensure that all

communities have access to built environments. Community aesthetic and beautification can

provide a healthy environment and with further research may show a significant impact on the

overall mental and physical health of Black populations.


24/29


References

Agyeman, J., Bullard, R. D., & Evans, B. (2003).Just sustainabilities: Development in an

unequal world[Ebrary]. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Altman, S. (1997). Reconstruction, America's first attempt to integrate. In The Encyclopedia of

African-American Heritage. Retrieved October 20, 2013, from

http://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-

integrate

American Civil Liberties Union. (2013, February 20). Timeline: A History of the Voting Rights

Act. Timeline: A History of the Voting Rights Act. Retrieved October 20, 2013, from

https://www.aclu.org/print/timeline-history-voting-rights-act

Baker, L. D. (1998).From savage to Negro: Anthropology and the construction of race, 1896-

1954[Ebrary]. Berkeley: University of California Press. Retrieved October 18, 2013.

Bello, M. (2013, November 2). Food stamp cuts create high demand for food bank supplies. USA

TODAY. Retrieved November 6, 2013, from

http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-

banks/3356667/

Benedict, M. L. (2006).Preserving the Constitution: Essays on politics and the Constitution in

the reconstruction era[Ebrary]. New York, NY: Fordham University Press. Retrieved

October 19, 2013.

Benton, D. (2007). The impact of diet on anti-social, violent and criminal behaviour.

Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 31(5), 752-774. doi:

10.1016/j.neubiorev.2007.02.002

Blake, J. (2012, January 23). Return of the 'Welfare Queen' CNN. Retrieved October 14, 2013,
http://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-integratehttp://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-integratehttp://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-integratehttps://www.aclu.org/print/timeline-history-voting-rights-acthttps://www.aclu.org/print/timeline-history-voting-rights-acthttp://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-banks/3356667/http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-banks/3356667/http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-banks/3356667/http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-banks/3356667/http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/11/02/food-stamps-cuts-food-banks/3356667/https://www.aclu.org/print/timeline-history-voting-rights-acthttp://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-integratehttp://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/reconstruction-americas-first-attempt-integrate


25/29


from http://www.cnn.com/2012/01/23/politics/weflare-queen/index.html

Bluntschli, J. K., Ritchie, D. G., Matheson, P. E., & Lodge, R. (1885). The theory of the state

[Ebrary]. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Brown, R., De Visser, R., Dittmar, H., Drury, J., Farsides, T., Jessop, D., & Sparks, P. (2012).

Social psychology and policymaking: Past neglect, future promise.Public Policy

Research, 18(4), 227-234. doi: 10.1111/j.1744-540X.2012.00670.x

Bullard, R. D., Ph.D. (2009, September 5). A real-life example of the deadly mix of "waste and

race" [Web log post]. Retrieved October 23, 2013, from

http://hempembassy.blogspot.com/2009/09/environmental-justice.html

Bullard, R. D., Ph.D. (n.d.). Poverty, pollution and environmental racism: Strategies for building

health and sustainable communities.Environmental Justice Resource Center. Retrieved

October 21, 2013, fromhttp://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.html

Chattanooga News Channel 5. (2009, September 5). NAACP hold rally; claims toxic well

poisoned Black families - [NewsChannel5.com | Nashville News, Weather & Sports].

Retrieved October 23, 2013, from

http://www.newschannel5.com/Global/story.asp?S=11082691

Cutter, S. L. (1995). Race, class and environmental justice.Progress in Human Geography,

19(1), 111-122. doi: 10.1177/030913259501900111

Duncan, D. T., Piras, G., Dunn, E. C., Johnson, R. M., Melly, S. J., & Molnar, B. E. (2013). The

built environment and depressive symptoms among urban youth: A spatial regression

study. Spatial and Spatio-temporal Epidemiology, 5, 11-25. doi:

10.1016/j.sste.2013.03.001

Dwyer, O. J. (1997). Geographical Research about African Americans: A Survey of Journals,
http://hempembassy.blogspot.com/2009/09/environmental-justice.htmlhttp://hempembassy.blogspot.com/2009/09/environmental-justice.htmlhttp://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.htmlhttp://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.htmlhttp://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.htmlhttp://www.newschannel5.com/Global/story.asp?S=11082691http://www.newschannel5.com/Global/story.asp?S=11082691http://www.newschannel5.com/Global/story.asp?S=11082691http://www.ejrc.cau.edu/PovpolEj.htmlhttp://hempembassy.blogspot.com/2009/09/environmental-justice.html


26/29


19111995. The Professional Geographer, 49(4), 441-451. doi: 10.1111/0033-

0124.00090

Harrison, J. L. (2011).Pesticide drift and the pursuit of environmental justice[Ebrary].

Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Hausman, D. M., & McPherson, M. S. (2006).Economic analysis, moral philosophy, and public

policy[Ebrary]. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Jensen, G. F. (2003). Social disorganization theory(R. A. Wright, Ed.) [Scholarly project]. In

Encyclopedia of Criminology. Retrieved October 17, 2013, from

http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/l/l3Bguk/socdis.pdf

Kawachi, I., Kennedy, B. P., & Wilkinson, R. G. (1999). Crime: Social disorganization and

relative deprivation. Social Science & Medicine, 48, 719-731. Retrieved November 6,

2013.

The Library of Congress. (2012, August 24). Primary Documents in American History. 14th

Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Primary Documents of American History (Virtual

Programs & Services, Library of Congress). Retrieved October 19, 2013, from

http://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/14thamendment.html

Marett, R. R. (1919).Anthropology, by R. R. Marett,...[Kindle Fire]. London: Williams and

Norgate.

Meyer, A., & Meyer, J. (1991).Earth-keepers: Environmental perspectives on hunger, poverty,

and injustice[EBSCOhost eBook]. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press. Retrieved October 6,

2013.

Moynihan, D. P. (1965). The Negro family: The case for national action.Washington.

Mysak, M. (2010). The Environmental Is Political: Exploring the Geography of Environmental
http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/l/l3Bguk/socdis.pdfhttp://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/l/l3Bguk/socdis.pdfhttp://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/14thamendment.htmlhttp://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/14thamendment.htmlhttp://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/14thamendment.htmlhttp://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/l/l3Bguk/socdis.pdf


27/29


Justice(Doctoral dissertation, University of North Texas, 2010). Denton, TX: UNT

Digital Library. Retrieved September 2, 2013, from

http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30497/

PBS.org. (2003). Race: The power of an illusion - go deeper.PBS. Retrieved October 19, 2013,

fromhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htm

Peterson, R. D., & Krivo, L. J. (2009). Segregated Spatial Locations, Race-Ethnic Composition,

and Neighborhood Violent Crime. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political

and Social Science, 623(1), 93-107. doi: 10.1177/0002716208330490

Pickering, M. (2008).Research methods for cultural studies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University

Press.

Powell, J. W. (1883). Human evolution. Annual address of the President, J. W. Powell, delivered

November 6, 1883. Transactions of Anthropological Society of Washington, 2, 176-208.

Retrieved October 19, 2013, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/658217

Rose, H. M. (1). The geography of despair.Annals of the Association of American Geographers,

68(4), 453-464.

Sampson, R. J., & Groves, W. B. (1989). Community Structure and Crime: Testing Social-

Disorganization Theory.American Journal of Sociology, 94(4), 774-802. doi:

10.1086/229068

Sampson, R. J., & Wilson, W. J. (1995). Toward a theory of race, crime and urban inequality. In

J. Hagan & R. D. Peterson (Eds.), Crime and inequality(pp. 37-54). Redwood City, CA:

Sanford University Press.

Saporu, D. F., Patton, C. L., III, Krivo, L. J., & Peterson, R. D. (2011). Differential benefits?

Crime and community investments in racially distinct neighborhoods.Race and Justice,
http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30497/http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30497/http://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30497/


28/29


1(1), 79-102. doi: 10.1177/2153368710396381

Schneider, A. L., & Ingram, H. M. (1997).Policy design for democracy. Lawrence: University

Press of Kansas.

Shapiro, R. J., & Hassett, K. A. (2012, June). The Economic Benefits of Reducing Violent Crime:

A Case Study of 8 American Cities(Rep.). Retrieved November 6, 2013, from Center for

American Progress website:http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-

content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdf

Sharp, J. P. (2009). Geographies of post-colonialism[EBSCOhost eBook]. Los Angeles: SAGE.

Shihadeh, E. S., & Flynn, N. (1996). Segregation and crime: The effect of Black social isolation

on the rates of Black urban violence. Social Forces, 74(4), 1325-1352. Retrieved October

23, 2013.

Smedley, A. (1997, November). Origins of the idea of race.PBS. Retrieved October 19, 2013,

fromhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htm

Smith, S. (2010). The SAGE handbook of social geographies[EBSCOhost eBook]. Los Angeles:

SAGE. Retrieved October 1, 2013.

Soja, E. W. (2010). Seeking spatial justice. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Taylor, S. E., Repetti, R. L., & Seeman, T. (1997). Health Psychology: What is an unhealthy

environment and how does it get under the skin?Annual Review of Psychology, 48(1),

411-447. doi: 10.1146/annurev.psych.48.1.411

Teitz, M. B., & Chapple, K. (1998). The causes of inner-city poverty: Eight hypotheses in search

of reality.A Journal of Policy Development and Research, 3(3), 33-70. Retrieved

October 21, 2013, from

http://www.huduser.org/periodicals/cityscpe/vol3num3/article3.pdf
http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdfhttp://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdfhttp://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdfhttp://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdfhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.huduser.org/periodicals/cityscpe/vol3num3/article3.pdfhttp://www.huduser.org/periodicals/cityscpe/vol3num3/article3.pdfhttp://www.huduser.org/periodicals/cityscpe/vol3num3/article3.pdfhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_04-background-02-09.htmhttp://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdfhttp://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/issues/2012/06/pdf/violent_crime.pdf


29/29


Tennessee Department of Health. (n.d.).Built Environment(United States, Tennessee

Department of Health, Department of Health). Retrieved October 17, 2013, from

http://health.state.tn.us/Downloads/builtEnvironment.pdf

Walvin, J. (1996). Questioning slavery[Ebrary]. London: Routledge. Retrieved October 19,

2013.

Welch, R. M. (2004). Breeding for micronutrients in staple food crops from a human nutrition

perspective.Journal of Experimental Botany, 55(396), 353-364.

Wilson, W. J. (2012). The truly disadvantaged: The inner city, the underclass, and public

policy [Kindle Fire]. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
http://health.state.tn.us/Downloads/builtEnvironment.pdfhttp://health.state.tn.us/Downloads/builtEnvironment.pdfhttp://health.state.tn.us/Downloads/builtEnvironment.pdf