index [assets.cambridge.org] · 2006. 11. 25. · index adam, 41–2 adams, abigail, 214 adams,...

Index

Adam, 41–2Adams, Abigail, 214Adams, John, xxi, xxvii–xxviii, 167–8,

190, 192–4, 198–206, 211, 222–3America’s rejection of force and fraud,

206aristocratic ambition and democratic

envy, 201attempts to surpass Machiavelli, 206author of A Defence of the

Constitutions of Government ofthe United States of America,xxviii, 191–2, 199

corrects Machiavelli’s mistakes,203

defends bicameralism againstTurgot, 191

demonstrates that Hobbes,Harrington, Mandeville,Montesquieu, Bolingbroke,Lolme, Priestley, and Price endorseMachiavelli’s claim legislator mustpresume all men knaves, 211

describes Machiavelli as the greatrestorer of true politics, 190

guidebook for lawgivers, 207debt to Aristotle, Livy, Sidney,

Harrington, Price, Machiavelli,Montesquieu, and Swift, 194

Machiavelli’s Florentine Histories,190, 199, 201

notes, 192

Polybius, Dionysius ofHalicarnassus, and Plato, 200

purpose and plan, 191, 200quotes Swift on civil disorder at

Athens and Rome, 206reprints Machiavelli’s Discourse

Concerning Florentine Affairs, 190author of Discourses on Davila, xxviii

fourth volume of Adams’s Defence,191

imitates Machiavelli, 198inspired by Bolingbroke, 198–9

Bacon, 192–4Bacon, Machiavelli, and the

resurrection of classical politicalreasoning, 195

borrows selectively from Machiavelli,190

commentator on the Machiavellianmodel, 201

constitution-framing and ratification,206

constitution of the human mind, 198criticizes Florentine constitution, 202–3criticizes Machiavelli, xxviii, 201–2cycle of revolutions, 207defends empiricism in political science,

192Descartes, 193echoes Hume’s reiteration of

Machiavelli’s claim legislator mustpresume all men knaves, 211

279

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280 Index

Adams, John (cont.)embraces Machiavelli’s political

empiricism, 194excitement associated with lawgiving,

167Florence, 202grounds political science in the study of

history, 201Hamilton as inspector general of the

army under, 264his constitutionalism, 207his use and rejection of Machiavelli,

190, 201history as philosophy teaching by

example, 199–200human nature, 203links experiment and calculation, 193Locke and the empirical science of

nature,193

Locke a student of Machiavelli, 200Machiavelli, xxviii, 189, 206Machiavelli and Davila penetrate

remote causes of events, 199Machiavelli on Florence, 201–3Machiavelli on historical study, 206Machiavelli’s misunderstanding of the

executive power, 204Machiavelli’s political methodology,

195Machiavelli’s revival of ancient politics,

195, 200Milton, Harrington, Sidney, and the

ancients, 200mixed government, 201Montesquieu’s debt to Machiavelli, 200need for a fixed constitution, 205Newton, 193political architecture, 192political epistemology, 194reads Machiavelli, xxviiirecommends Machiavelli as a student

of discord, 201science of politics, 192separation of powers and legislative

balance, 204, 206social conflict, 206traces experimental philosophy back to

Hippocrates, Democritus, andAristotle, 193

traces Machiavelli’s influence onEnglish political thought, 200

treats as effects what Machiavelliregards as causes, 204

Turgot, 191writes John Taylor, 194

Addison, Joseph, author of Cato, 174Alberti, Leon Battista, xxxiiiAlexander the Great, lxii, 271America and the Americans

Articles of Confederation, 176, 185,233, 237–9, 246, 259–60

Constitution, xxix, 151, 175, 180, 184,217, 219, 225, 227, 231, 239–40,242–54, 268

checks and balances, 182, 191ratification, 175, 180–1, 240, 245

Continental Congress, 146, 167,171, 173, 179, 185, 208, 229,232–3, 236–7, 239, 257–64,266–9

Declaration of Independence, xx, 151,168, 224, 228, 230, 240

defensive empire, 277Federal Congress, 186, 217, 249–50,

267–8Federal Convention, 151, 180, 185,

233–4, 236, 238, 239–42, 245–50,257, 263

Founders, xx–xxi, xxiv, xxvii–xxviiiFranklin the eldest, 144and Machiavelli, xxx, 143, 189and Montesquieu, 140

Founding, 58–60, 142–3, 151, 157,169–70, 172–3, 178–9, 187, 206,229, 241–2, 246, 255

anticipating necessity, 185and finance, 266and Machiavelli, 169, 172, 189–90party conflict, 264republican federalism, 262and Sidney, 61and Washington, 175, 185

Founding Fathers, 168Lousiana Purchase, 217Mississippi River, 147Newburgh Conspiracy, 177republicanism, xx, xxix, xxx, 58, 142,

176, 179–81, 186, 195, 212, 225,226, 241–2, 245, 260, 277–8






Index 281

centrality of deliberation, 184character, 173empire, 256first Republican Party, 251indebted to original opposition

between Hamilton and Jefferson,264

and Machiavelli, 169, 256monarchical element, 184need for disciplined army, 179unitary executive, 218and Washington, 177in Washington, 179

Revolution, xix–xxi, xxvii, 58, 167,170, 177–8, 191, 211

fought in the name of justice, 169and natural rights, 189Washington’s understanding, 176

sea power, 273Shays’s Rebellion, 214, 221, 234War for Independence, 144, 167, 176,

185, 232, 256–69Ammonites, the, 55Anti-Federalists, 227

dispute with Federalists over politicalarchitecture only, 212

eager that the individual citizen bearmed, 227

and the spirit of vigilance, 245Antony, Mark, lvAristotle, xx–xxi, xxiv, xxxi, lviii, lx, lxii,

13, 17, 23, 25–6, 29, 35, 43–5, 50,59, 63, 65, 68, 74, 98–9, 102, 106,108, 119

Adams indebted to, 193–4, 205author of A History of Animals, 193author of Nicomachean Ethics

cultivation of moral virtue, 25, 43–4,50, 129, 132

cultivation of rational faculty, 43distributive justice and the common

good, 46–7, 50docrine of the mean, 50, 183

author of The Politicswar for the sake of peace, 68best democracy agricultural, 29civic self-sufficiency, lviiicontrasted with Machiavelli, lxcriticizes excessive unity of Plato’s

Republic, 128

criticizes Sparta for giving warprimacy, 99

denies the polity’s contractualcharacter, 74

government’s purpose, 74inducto-empirical method, 195Machiavelli applies his description of

the many to all men, lxman as political animal, 13, 74, 98natural teleology, 125Nedham cites in support of citizen

army, 17Sparta, 68Spartans left unprepared for leisure,

102best regime, 129and Christianity, 43cited by Harrington, 23citizenship, xxxiiiclassifies regimes in relation to ends,

99contrasted with Machiavelli, Locke,

and Sidney, 74creates republic in writing, lxiicriticizes capacities of the many or

vulgar, 99democratic license, 35favors the middle way, 102the few and the many, 231form and matter, xxxivFranklin denies utility of studying,

149good life, xxxiihappiness, 45his metaphysics and physics contrasted

with that of the Epicureans, 124kinship with Hume, 119leisure as the end of action, 99liberation from, 50Locke hostile, 56, 209and Machiavelli, 36, 196Machiavelli hostile, 56, 209Machiavelli rejects his doctrine of the

mean, 210Montesquieu criticizes as subject to

passion and prejudice, 131nature of man, 43political life a precondition for

genuinely human life, 100praises magnanimity not civility, 161






282 Index

Aristotle (cont.)the private exists for the sake of the

public, 111promotes the highest faculties of

human beings, 68republicanism, 125Sidney breaks with, 63–4, 66, 68Summum Bonum, 45teleology, xxiv, 43, 50, 125understands the low in terms of the

high, 111usury, 135war, 102wary of commerce, 132

Armstrong, John, 175–6, 185Assyria, lxiiAthens and the Athenians, xl, xlviii, 14,

29admired by Harrington, 23aggressor in the Peloponnesian War, xlEnglish interest in, 6favor individual liberty, 35Harrington criticizes, 29ingratitude, 78marriage with Jerusalem, 30populous and innovative, lixSwift on, 206tolerant by ancient standards, 35weakness rooted in demographic

limits, lixAttilius, Regulus, livAugustine, author of The City of God,

125Augustine, John, 175Austria and the Austrians, 87

Babel, tower of, 39Bacon, Sir Francis, xxv, 108, 148,

192–3Adams on, 193–5author of The Great Instauration,

104–5author of Novum Organum, 105benevolence, 155condemns classical philosophy, 104follows Machiavelli, xxxvi, xxxviii,

122, 194embraces instrumental reason, 148rejects the classical teaching, 108

and induction in Adams, 193

and modern philosophy on theconquest of nature, 104

and modern science, 193modifies Machiavelli, 143philosophical successor to Machiavelli,

96skeptical posture, 105–6

Bailyn, Bernard, xix, xx, xxiBartolus of Saxoferrato, xxxiiiBible, the, xxxvi, lxi, 39–41Blackstone, William

and Jefferson on the need for a princecapable of meeting emergencies,217

liberal republican, 210right to bear arms, 227thinks Locke reckless, 220

Blenheim, battle of, 88, 167Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount

agrees with Machiavelli legislator mustpresume all men knaves, 211

author of Letters on the Study and Useof History

Adams and, 199–200seeks to extend Machiavelli’s

empirical political science, 197–8compares Davila with Livy, 199and Jefferson on the need for a prince

capable of meeting emergencies,217

liberal republican, 210polemical use of Machiavelli, 122

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 226, 275Boniface VIII, Pope, liBorgia, Cesare, 46–7, 131Bossuet, Jacques-Benigne, bishop, 88Bracciolini, Poggio, xxxiiiBruni, Leonardo, xxxiiiBrutus, Marcus, 81, 258

Caesar’s assassin, lvexpels the Tarquins from Rome, 76sons of, liii, 76–7, 79

Burgh, James, 210Burke, Edmund, 244Burnett, Edmund Cody, 257Butler, Pierce, 185

Cabell, Joseph C., 226Caesar, Gaius Julius, lv, 80, 226Camillus, Marcus Furius, 79






Index 283

Canada, 146–7Capitolinus, Manlius, liii, 80Carrington, Edward, 212, 214, 225, 228Carthage and the Carthaginians, xli, liv,

71, 91, 195, 226, 258Cassius Longinus, Gaius, 202Catiline (Lucius Sergius Catalina), xxxviiCato, Marcus Porcius, 81, 168

the elder, 226Cato’s Letters, xxiv–xxv, 58–60, 75–86,

89, 91–2, 210, 264articulates a politics of interest, 82debt to Sidney and Locke, 85defends banishment of Coriolanus and

Camillus, 80defends jealous spirit of distrust, 79, 81defends the pursuit of glory, 83diverges from Machiavelli and Sidney,

75echoes Locke on productivity of

cultivated land, 84echoes Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 82echoes Machiavelli’s claim the people

liberty’s best guardians, 78, 82embraces commercial republicanism,

76, 83–4embraces conquest as end, 84exemplary punishments, 75–6, 78, 80exploits Sidney on corruption, 85a good artisan more productive than a

farmer, 84government’s aim the protection of

men’s natural rights, 85indebted to Locke, 60, 84, 86interprets English constitution as

republican, 85and Jefferson, 264less Machiavellian than it appears to

be, 76links self-interest to the public interest,

83Machiavelli influences, xxiv, 60, 75,

82, 86, 200Machiavellian means and Lockean

ends, 86men ruled by passions, 82–3mercy as cruelty, 78more consistent than Sidney in

emphasizing import of consent, 85

more outspokenly Machiavellian thanSidney, 75

necessity of increase, 75need for a frequent return to first

principles, 77need for restraints on power, 79need to kill the sons of Brutus, 76–7need to treat calamity as opportunity,

77popular regard for Scipio Africanus

prepared way for Marius andCaesar, 80

popular zeal to preserve liberty oftconfused with ingratitude, 79

popularizes Machiavelli, 60predominance of self-interest as a

motive, 81principled rejection of war, 84proclaims loyalty to the English

constitution, 85propensity to sacrifice liberty for

precarious advantage, 83public accusations, 78and the radical Whigs, 76reconciles Machiavellian sensibility

with the peaceful pursuits of aLockean, 76

in reconciling Machiavelli and Lockebuilds on work of Sidney, 86

relies on Machiavelli’s treatment ofingratitude, 78–81

relies on popular mobilization asantidote to tyranny, 244

resistance to oppression, 86selfishness as the strongest bias of man,

76, 82shortsightedness of most men, 83social contract, 85South Sea Bubble, 76

political opportunity, 77state of nature and the natural equality

of man, 85Chapman, George, 174Charles I, 7, 22

author of Eikon Basilike, 7executed, xxii, 1, 6, 7, 12, 22, 89, 167and James Harrington, 22Nedham’s advice to, 12

Charles II, xix, 10, 61, 210China and the Chinese, 273






284 Index

Chiron, xxxviChristianity, Christians, and the Christian

church, xxiv, xxvii, xliv, li, 3, 12,31, 39, 57, 158, 252

absorbs the Greek ekklesıa, 30Aristotle prepares the mind for, 43aspiration to nobility, 53charity, 161to be confined by civility, 161doctrine of the mean, 183doctrine of passive obedience and quiet

submission to authority, 219effect on the ius gentium, 90focus on the afterlife, xxxiiiFranklin as critic, 160give the grandi free rein, 53Hamilton favors, 276Hume hostile, 95just-war doctrine, xxxliberation from, 50Locke hostile, 56, 209Machiavelli charges with making the

world weak and prey to criminalmen, xxxvi, lx

Machiavelli dismisses moral teaching,210

Machiavelli hostile, 56, 95, 104, 196,209, 276

Machiavelli repudiates Paulineprinciple that evil not be done thatgood may come, xxxvi

Machiavelli’s heirs aim at winnowingdoctrine, 158

Machiavelli’s heirs seek to soften andhumanize, 158

to be made more tolerant of humannature, 158

Nedham pretends to embrace, 21promote tyranny, 155reasonableness as a standard for, 158regard Machiavelli as hostile, 1, 8revolutionary France makes war on,

276and the rights of man, 276sectarian divisions, 169teaches that God good, 38and toleration, 158unfriendly to military prowess, 53on usury, 135

Churchill, Winston, 88, 172Cicero, Marcus Tullius, xxi, xxxi, 13, 23,

25and Adams, 194author of De amicitia, xlviiiauthor of De officiis, xxxvicitizenship, xxxiiicontrasts human laws with beastly

force, xxxviiechoes Aristotle’s claim man political

animal, 98judiciously read by Machiavelli, lxion just war, xxxviion moral virtue, 25teleology fundamental to his account

of politics, xxxivcivil society, 47, 49, 55, 73–4, 171, 182,

112, 114–15, 204, 247, 272civility, xxv–xxxviii, 1, 140, 142, 157,

161–4, 173Franklin on, xxvii, 144, 160–4

classical republicanism, xix–xx, xxi, xxii,xxiv, xxxi–xxxii, xxxiii, xxxviii,xlvi, lix–lxi, 3, 6, 17, 23–4, 29, 33,35, 44, 95, 109–10, 124–5, 189,277

Machiavelli rejects, xxxvii, xxx, xxxiv,lix, 97, 116, 122, 124, 209

Clausewitz, Carl von, 268Clement VII, Pope, 3Colonna, Fabrizio, 270–1Columbus, Christopher, 196Colvin, J. B., 217–18commerce, xxiv–xxvi, lix, 66, 74, 76, 84,

86, 90, 110, 116–17, 140, 142–3,150, 174, 233–5, 248, 260

in Hume, 95, 109, 117in Montesquieu, 132, 135, 140Plato on republican inhibitions

regarding, lixsocieties based on, xxvii, 95, 109

commercial republicanism, xxx, 74, 89,180–1, 229, 267, 270–1, 274

common good, xxii, xxiv, xxxiii–xxxiv,xxxvii, 14, 16, 33, 46–52, 73, 123,136, 156, 161, 183, 204, 211, 231,246

concord, xxii, xxxii–xxxiv, xxxvii, xlvi,lix, 128






Index 285

Condorcet, Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat,marquis de, 192, 194, 200

Coriolanus, Gnaeus Marcius, 79, 126,139

Corneille, Pierre, author of Le Cid, 89corruption, xxv, xxxi, xxxiv–xxxv,

xxxvii, xlii, xlvii, l, lii–lvi, 18, 26,61, 70–1, 76–7, 80, 82, 85, 103,109, 170, 176, 216, 221–2, 225–6,251, 268

in Cato’s Letters, xxv, 76, 82Cromwell, Oliver, 22, 89Custis, George Washington Parke, 174Cyrus, the elder, xxxviii, 77, 237

Danby, Thomas Osborne, first earl of, 10Dante Alighieri, 90David, 39Davila, Enrico Caterino

author of A History of the Civil Warsin France, 191, 198–9, 201

Decius Mus, Publius, father and son, liiideliberation, xxxii, xxxiv, xlviii, 13, 30, 32,

35, 56, 182, 184, 205, 232–3, 261and founding, 205in Hamilton, 261popular, 232public, 233

nourished by the Americanconstitution, 182

and the republican principle, 184democracy, xxxiii, xlviii, 25, 27, 29, 35,

140, 269, 275, 277Democritus, 193Demosthenes, 263Descartes, Rene, xxv, 108, 149, 193

Adams on, 193author of A Discourse on Method,

105–6, 154provisional moral code, 154

benevolence, 154–5comprehensive doubt, 151disciple of Bacon, 105follows Machiavelli, 96

embraces instrumental reason, 148rejects the classical tradition, 108

quest for certainty, 107, 112scientific method, 105–6skeptical posture, 105–6

despotism, 40, 63, 134, 177, 180–2, 213,216, 227, 269, 272–3, 278

in Montesquieu, 127–9, 134Dion, 81Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 191, 199distrust, jealous spirit of, xxv,

xxviii–xxix, xxxvii, 14–15, 115,117, 119, 128, 168, 212, 219, 224,227, 245, 258

divine right, 5, 61Donati, Corso, 202Duane, James, 257, 259, 262–3, 266

Eden, Garden of, 42–3education, xxxiv, xlii, lxii, 34, 150, 161,

173, 207, 213, 222–3, 230classical republicanism and civic, xxii,

xxxii, 13, 24–5, 33, 50Harrington silent on civic, 26Jefferson favors general, 208, 221,

224–5, 227effectual truth, the. See Machiavelli,

Niccoloeffeminacy, lviii, 103, 125empire and imperialism, xxix, xl, xlii,

xlvi, xlix, lviii, lxii, 18–19, 32, 41,51, 53–4, 65, 81–2, 127, 168, 178,275–8

conquest of nature, 52consent legitimizes American, 277a consequence of martial

republicanism, 271end for republics, lviii–lixFranklin on Anglo-American, 145in Hamilton, 254, 256, 278Machiavelli embraces as common

good, xxii, xxxi, xlii, lvii, lxi, 49,99, 124, 137, 183, 240

man’s lust for, 14Nedham favors, 19in the New World, 87Persians, 237Roman, xlvi, xlvii, lix, 19, 67, 103,

109, 130, 262, 271Montesquieu on, 129, 136originates under the kings, 65

rooted in acquisitiveness, lxii, 54Sparta’s inability to manage, 67Western Christianity as obstacle to, 53






286 Index

England and the English, xix–xxi, xxii,xxiii–xxiv, xxviii, 1, 4, 6–7, 11,22, 32, 80–1, 84–9, 117, 122, 200,261, 273

abortive republican experiment, xixabsence of movement for establishment

of a republic, 5Adams traces Machiavelli’s influence

on, 200and American liberty, 58ancient constitution, 6Bank of England, 266–7battle of Worcester, 13and Canada, 146Cavaliers, 10–11Civil War, 5, 7, 9, 18, 273colonies, 21Common Law, 5, 142, 176Commonwealthmen, xix, xxi, xxviii,

189compared with Carthage and the

Carthaginians, 91confer on the devil Machiavelli’s first

name, xxiii, 8constitution, 136constitutionalism, 134Dissenters, 191empire, 146Exclusion Crisis, 10Exclusion Whigs, 10executive veto, 215and exemplary punishments, 78, 80extreme political liberty, 134, 141France hostile to, 261French and Indian War, 146Glorious Revolution, xxv, 89, 200Hamilton on, 275Hanoverian succession, 92Harrington on the wrestling match

between its monarch and nobility,28

House of Lords, 139Hume and Hamilton on, 277in Hume’s History, 117imperialism, 5Independents, 12insistence on individual right to life,

liberty, and property, 20–1intellectual contribution to American

revolution, 59

interest in ancient commonwealths, 4judicial power, 137juries, 139law of treason, 61Levellers, 18–19Locke on well-being of day laborer, 52Long Parliament, 6–7

Pride’s Purge, 7and Machiavelli, 92Machiavelli’s reputation, xxiii, 2, 6,

60, 63, 122, 209mixed government, 23, 191, 200Montesquieu on, 126–7, 133–6, 141mores, manners, and character, 140New Model Army, 13Nominated Parliament, 10Parliament, 7–8, 16, 215

and party conflict, 136Parliament thrives though elsewhere in

decline, 4political outlook in Elizabethan and

Jacobean periods, 5powerful in the eighteenth century, 89Presbyterians, 12, 18principle of representation, 204Protectorate, 22public credit, 89Puritans, 8, 20radical Whigs, xix, xx, xxv, 21, 61, 76,

85, 89, 96, 189, 220, 264regicide, 7, 10–11Republic, 6–8, 11–12republicanism, xx, xxii–xxiv, 6–8, 12,

23, 92, 214–15Restoration, xix, 2, 10–11, 210, 215Revolution Settlement, 92right to bear arms, 227Roundheads, 10Royalists, 11, 13, 18Rump Parliament, 7, 10, 22Rye House Plot, 61sea power, 273sense of citizenship, 4separation of powers, 136seventeenth-century French ignore, 89South Sea Bubble, 77–8to be studied in Jefferson’s schools, 222threatened by absolute monarchy, 92Voltaire and Montesquieu visit, 89Whigs, 22, 92, 211–12, 215, 218, 221






Index 287

Enlightenment, xxi, 150French, 122Locke as inspiration, 37moderate, xxi, xxv

Epaminondas of Thebes, lxii, 81Epictetus, 68Epicureanism, 125

Hume links Hobbes with, 113in Machiavelli, 124in Montesquieu, 131

Euclid, 179Eugene, prince of Savoy, 87–8Europe and the Europeans, xxx, 28,

87–8, 90, 92, 132, 212, 224,260–2, 274–7

anti-Semitism, 141balance of power, 87civilized monarchies, 92commerce, 131–2, 135Hamilton on, 275Machiavellian policy, 277monarchy, 134, 147Montesquieu on, 127Reformation, 3universal monarchy, 87

Eve, 42executive power, xxvi, xxviii, 3, 16, 136,

139, 173, 180, 183–5, 203–5,215–16, 218, 261–3, 266

in the American constitution, 180,182–5

Hamilton on, xxix, 218, 256, 261–4,277

in Machiavelli, 183, 204, 256, 277moderated by Montesquieu, 136, 183

Fabius Maximus Cunctator, Quintus,258, 265

Fabricius, Gaius Luscinus, liiifaction, xxvi–xxviii, xxxviii, 118, 124–9,

135, 137, 138, 140, 142, 191,201–5, 216, 229–30, 253, 264. Seealso tumults

constitutionalized in Montesquieu’sEngland, xxvi, 127, 133, 136

embraced by Machiavelli andMontesquieu, 132–3, 135, 137

institutionalized in Machiavelli’sRome, 124–6

Fairfax, George William, 179

Federalist, The. See The FederalistFederalists

dispute with Anti-Federalists overpolitical architecture, 212

eager that the individual citizen bearmed, 227

Filmer, Sir Robert, author of Patriarcha,61, 64–5

Sidney’s critique, 65, 67, 70Fink, Zera S., xix–xx, xxiFlorence and the Florentines, xxxi,

xxxviii, xli, 1, 3, 17, 131, 202Adams on, 201–2battle of Prato, 270city’s leading men fail to defend against

French invasion, lxicivil disorder, 201–2collapse of the republic, 3, 270contado, 270corruption, xxxi, liifaction, 132, 201–3lose liberty, 138Machiavelli as civil servant, 169Machiavelli on, 132, 190, 196,

201–2Machiavelli’s constitution for, lMachiavelli’s militia, 169, 270magistrates, xlvMedici restoration, 138, 270and Michele di Lando, xlixrepublicanism, xxxi, xxxviii, xli,

xlv, 3Savonarola on, xxxviii

republic’s constitution, xxviiiAdams on, 203

short-lived republics, xlvnobles, xxxixpeople, xxxix, xlvthe Republic, 138Sidney criticizes as commercial, pacific

republic, 66founding, xxv, xxix, xxxvi–xxxvii, xliii,

li–liii, lv, lxii, 70, 100, 120, 142,168, 188–9, 205, 207, 212, 233,237, 241, 244, 253, 277

Machiavelli on, xxxiv, xxxviii, xliii,77, 108, 170, 187, 231, 235

Machiavelli inexperienced, 169Madison on, 231, 235and refounding, liii, lvi, 69, 71






288 Index

France and the French, xxi, 87–8, 95,121, 146, 266

under the Bourbons, 92and Canada, 146–7corruption, liiDirectory, 274diseased imagination, 191Hamilton on, 275–6honor, 147invade Italy, lxiJacobins, 274Louis XIV, 89Louis XV, 157Machiavelli on, 92Machiavelli’s account of ordered

monarchy, 137Machiavelli’s reputation, 122modeled on imperial Rome by Louis

XIV, 91monarchy, 72, 138nobles, 138parlements, xxvi, 138, 140

in Machiavelli, 138Montesquieu’s experience in

Bordeaux, 139preeminence at war, 87philosophes, 191–2, 200, 261renounce Christianity, 276Revolution, 114, 209, 255–6, 268,

275–6revolutionary America dependent on,

261revolutionary republicanism, xxx,

274rule of law, 140Seven Years’ War, 146at the siege of Yorktown, 261threaten Franklin’s Pennsylvania,

145wars of religion, 4, 191, 201Washington wary, 171

Franklin, Benjamin, xxi, xxv, xxvi–xxvii,92, 143–53, 155–61, 164–5

in Adams’s Defence, 191adds particular providence to Deism,

159admires Locke, 152aims at advancing the cause of religious

toleration, 159

almost never mentions Machiavelli,144

attempts to divorce private and socialaffairs from politics, 144

attempts to persuade Britain to cedeCanada, 147

attends to Locke’s Essay and hiseducational writings, 152

Autobiography, 143, 152–3, 156abandons business for philosophical

studies, 148acknowledges acquiring appearance

of virtue not reality, 163art of virtue, 158chooses not to patent the Franklin

stove, 149critique of religious doctrine, 145deist tracts, 153embraces civility as cure for

disputatiousness and curtness ofspeech, 161–2

favors sectarian modesty, 160Franklin stove, 149futility of philosophical speculation,

150gently mocks Quaker pacifism, 145God and virtue, 159human fulfillment, 165humility as civility, 162lessons of concealment, 164Locke’s Essay as source of own

moral thought, 152need to embrace humility as one’s

public face, 164polemical divinity, 153praises the Dunkers, 160prefers good citizens to good

Presbyterians, 160professes respect for beliefs of all the

sects, 145rates sects in terms of toleration and

morality, 159reconciliation of interest and

morality, 156rejects religious pacifism, 145repudiates metaphysics, 153repudiates then embraces Deism, 159society of the free and easy, 157struggle to become civil, 163






Index 289

traces morality to self-interest, 156virtue and happiness, 154virtue of sociability, 158work of pratical moral philosophy,

156youthful incivility, 163

benefaction, 149benevolence, 155champions humanity and civility, 144colonial agent in London, 145correspondence with Hume, 155criticizes license in the press, 162criticizes metaphysical reasoning, 151,

153criticizes obsession with Roman

grandeur, 91defends flatulence, 149defends Pennsylvania against the

French and the Spanish, 145denies sacrifice the essence of virtue,

158denounces heroic virtue in Poor

Richard’s Almanack, 157describes Locke as Newton of the

microcosm, 152doubts likelihood of progress in moral

science, 150draws pleasure from social relations,

163embraces reason of state, 144, 146–7encounter with Cotton Mather, 164essential creed, 160fallibility of human reason, 151, 153favors expelling the French from

Canada, 146fears moral consequences of Deism,

154focuses on useful application of

science, 148foresees future greatness of America,

146good works central to religion, 159Gulf Stream, 149and Hobbes on civility, 163justice of the American cause, 147less concerned with politics than other

founders, 143letter to Ezra Stiles on Christianity,

160

lightning rod, bifocal glasses, and thelike, 149

and Locke on morality, 156lukewarm as a defender of freedom of

the press, 162and Machiavelli, 143member of the Pennsylvania House of

Burgesses, 145and Montaigne, 154natural scientist, 148not a proponent of heroic virtue, 143open agnosticism, 161opponent of religious zeal, 158outdoes Locke with regard to

toleration, 158, 160Pennsylvania’s Quakers, 145prefers modern to ancient moralists,

157proponent of public education, 150publishes Philadelphia Gazette, 162regards politics as a distraction from

philosophical studies, 148, 150religious minimalism, 161remoteness, 164scientific progress, 149troublesome nature of man, 150virtue of humanity, 155, 157, 161visits London, 89

Franks, the, lxiiFreneau, Philip, 168friendship, xxxii, xlvi, lix, 19, 35, 113, 161

Galen, xlvGalilei, Galileo, 196Genoa, 4, 66, 90, 229, 273Gentili, Alberico, 2Germany and the Germans, xxxiii, lxii,

127, 273Gilbert, Felix, lxiglory, xxii–xxvi, xxxvii, li, lxii, 19–20,

31, 51, 53, 77, 81–4, 98, 108–10,140, 187, 245, 274

in Machiavelli, xxxv, lvi, lx, xlvi, lxi,liii, 51, 53, 135, 169, 187, 231, 240

and Washington, 172, 174God, xxiv, xxxiii, xxxvii, l, 13, 20, 32–3,

38–43, 48, 51, 55–6, 61, 70, 125,159, 174, 221, 228, 252

Gordon, Thomas, see Cato’s Letters






290 Index

Graham, Catherine Macaulary, 187Greece and the ancient Greeks, xxi, xxv,

xxxii, xl, xliv, lxii, 13, 23, 30, 32,106, 127, 168, 181, 196, 222

republicanism, xxi

Hamilton, Alexander, xxi, xxvii, xxx,167, 218, 246, 250, 255, 263,265–8, 270, 272, 274, 276–7. Seealso The Federalist

advocates energetic executive, 256, 277advocates small professional peacetime

army, xxixaide to Washington, 256–7aims at emancipation of America’s

slaves, 269ambiguous relation to Machiavelli,

255American federalism, 262America’s republican empire, 278Annapolis Convention, 238anticipates Monroe Doctrine, 275associates Machiavelli with

revolutionary republicanism inFrance, 255

author of Report on Manufactures,xxix, 248, 250

aimed at self-sufficiency vis-a-viswar, 268

author of The Continentalist, 260broad construction of the Constitution,

254Christian just-war doctrine, xxxco-founds New York Society for

Manumission of the Slaves, 269combines modern doctrine of universal

liberty with energetic virtu, 256commercial republican, xxxconcept of liberty, 255conduct of France, 276Confederation’s national bank, 264consent, 277corrupt administration easily shaken,

221criticizes Continental Congress, 258–62criticizes jealous spirit of distrust, 258debt to Machiavellian realism, 254and Demosthenes on leadership, 263deplores need to confiscate property

for war, 265

design for the Great Seal of the UnitedStates, 274–5

dilemma of republican federalism,262

distaste for republican government,245

doubts disinterested virtue can sustainrepublican government, 259

doubts propriety of Roman politicalmodel, 271

doubts well-regulated militiasustainable, 270

eager to bring about a more adequateConstitution by way ofadministration, 246

early republic’s most brilliant aspiringprince, 245

echoes Hume’s reiteration ofMachiavelli’s claim legislator mustpresume all men knaves, 211

envisages Christianity as check onrepublican fanaticism, 276

eventually viewed by Madison as anaristocratic conspirator, 250

executive power, 262–3, 277favors firm union, 272favors reliance on naval power, 272–3finance and public-spiritedness,

266–7finance and war, 265, 268First Report on Public Credit, 267first to call for a federal convention,

260founding, 168general welfare clause, 248, 250helps tame Machiavelli, 255hints at need for emergency executive

powers, 218hostile to European imperialism, 275hostile to French Revolution, 276imperialist, 254indebted to Hume, 256indebted to Livy, 255inspector general of the army under

Adams, 264and Jefferson, 264language of state-centered power, 254letter to James Duane, 257, 259,

262–3, 266letter to John Laurens, 258






Index 291

letter to Robert Morris, 261, 263–5,267

liberal Machiavellian, 256liberal opponent of Machiavelli, 254liberty and empire, 277liberty and the necessities of war, 256links disunion with despotism, 272links public-spiritedness with

self-interest, 263and Longinus on tactics, 263and Machiavelli, xxix, 189, 246, 254,

256, 264, 277Madison against, 251–3Madison fears his aim perpetual

refounding, 246Madison founds Republican Party to

oppose, 231Madison on his motives, 249mass mobilization for war, 268military reform, 268–9, 271–2misjudged by Madison, xxixmisrepresented by opponents, 277money as the sinews of war, 265national bank, 246, 249, 266necessary and proper clause, 247and Necker, 266need for army pensions, 268need for a firm union, 273need for a medium of exchange, 266need for own arms, 259, 261Newburgh Conspiracy, 177non-commissioned officers important,

272at odds with Jefferson in what he

learned from Machiavelli, 264openly critical of Machiavelli, 255–6opposes enumeration of powers, 247patriotism and greed, 263prime minister under Washington,

264proposes military academy, 271proposes plan to Federal Convention,

247public credit and industrious increase,

268public-spiritedness and victory in war,

264quarrels with Jefferson, 264quickly recognizes the danger posed by

French revolution, 276

quotes Hume paraphrasingMachiavelli on the cruelty ofrepublican imperialism, 277

regrets Continental Congress’s failureto seize dictatorial powers, 260

rejects Roman and Spartan politicalmodels, xxx

republican prince, 254responsibility a virtue, 264role of administration, 247–9rule of law, 260secretary of the treasury, 245, 249–50,

266–7seeks to found American empire on

consent, 277for small professional army, 269speech at Federal Convention, 262–3state’s need for energy, 260traces American military misfortunes

to failure to support the army, 259traces sins of American people to sins

of government, 258–9virtue, 258war and finance, 264war and the need for executive unity

and independence, 263and Washington, 174Washington warns political resort to

military force dangerous, 177Hannibal, 71, 258Harper, John Lamberton, 254, 256Harrington, James, xx, xxi, xxiii, xxv,

xxvi, xxviii, 8, 21, 24–30, 33–5,89, 91–2, 200, 215

accepts Machiavelli’s critique of moralreason and the moral imagination,26

Adams indebted to, 194, 205and Adams on Machiavelli, 190in Adams’s Defence, 191admires Venetian institutions, 30and America’s Whigs, 212approached by Cromwell’s opponents,

22author of The Commonwealth of

Oceana, xxiii, 22, 25, 27, 29–30,32, 35

adopts Machiavelli’s view thatpopular interest aggregated ispublic interest, 24






292 Index

Harrington, James (cont.)advertised in Mercurius Politicus, 22on ancient and modern prudence, 23argues justice achievable on model of

two girls dividing cake, 34balance of property, 28challenges English to raise selves

from mire of private interest, 24depicts Machiavelli as the patron of

the people, 25echoes Hobbes on reason and

interest, 26echoes Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 26, 211embraces absolute sovereignty, 31embraces bicameralism, 34, 213embraces institutional political

science on Machiavellian model,27

embraces rotation, 31–2embraces secret ballot, 30–2, 34–5excludes lawyers and divines from

public assemblies, 30hostile to classical emphasis on

citizen character, 26interest politics to trump spiritual

divisions, 31and Machiavelli’s influence on the

English, 200modern prudence, 28natural aristocracy proposes, natural

democracy disposes, 33–4at odds with Machiavelli over

tumults, 33–4, 213on Ottoman Empire, 28outlaws canvassing and public

deliberation, 30papers over chasm separating

Machiavelli from the ancients, 23pretends to embrace classical

republicanism, 23–4primacy of self-interest, 33profoundly indebted to Hobbes,

25–6, 28, 211proposal for immortal

commonwealth, 32proposes agrarian law, 29proposes republic independent of

classical republican premise, 33

proposes tongue-tied republic, 30read by Jefferson, 213reason as slave of passions, 26reestablishes ancient political

typology on modern foundation,25

rejects classical principle ofdifferential moral and politicalrationality, 24

relies on the passions, 27religious freedom for all but

Catholics, 31republican political architecture,

210–12seeks to bridle tongues of clergy, 31seeks to surpass Machiavelli, 213substitutes institutions for moral and

political virtue, 27, 35authors flood of books and pamphlets,

22aware the people cannot be their own

politicians, 32cites Aristotle’s contention the best

democracy agricultural, 29classicism peripheral, 23coins term priestcraft, xxivconstancy of the people, 24distrusts speech in the public sphere, 29embraces Machiavelli, 122, 211in embracing vigilance Jefferson at

odds with, 215financially independent, 22gentleman of the bedchamber to

Charles I, 22hostile to unitary executive, 218human appetites insatiable, 26Hume indebted to, 118liberal republican, 210links representation with interest

politics, 34Locke at odds with regarding the

executive, 215modern Platonist, 24modern populist on the Machiavellian

model, 24Montesquieu criticizes as subject to

passion and prejudice, 131and Henry Neville, 2republicanism, 28






Index 293

thought by Jefferson and others overlyreliant on political architecture,215

Harrison, Benjamin, 179Heidegger, Martin, 209Heraclitus, 210Hiero of Syracuse, 3Hippocrates, 193Hoadley, Benjamin, 200Hobbes, Thomas, xxiii, 25–6, 29–30, 32,

36, 106–8, 112–13, 217abandons classical political science, 26absolute monarchy, 215against Aristotle’s claim man a political

animal, 24agrees with Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 211anticipates argument of Nedham’s Case

of the Commonwealth Stated, 12author of Behemoth, 5author of De cive, 30author of Leviathan, 5

and absolute sovereignty, 31advocates enlightened despotism,

29, 213Aristotelity, xxiiicivility as law of nature, 161contrasted by Adams with

Machiavelli, 195follows Machiavelli, 107–8human anxiety, 107human appetites insatiable, 26human equality, 108if reason against a man he will be

against reason, 26intimates Machiavelli overestimates

human inequality, 108judges political arrangements solely

with regard to security, 28knowledge with respect to causes,

105and Locke, 215natural rights, 189, 220and preservation, 112reason as slave of passions, 26, 210rejects tumults, 213reliant on self-interest, 107relies on the passions, 27resolutive-compositive method, 105

skeptical posture, 105–6skeptical regarding human

generosity, 112blames English civil war on reading of

the classics, 5charges civil disorder endemic in

republics, 32claims certitude of his arguments, 112critique of Machiavelli, 21denies natural human sociability, 163disciple of Bacon, 105dubbed Monster of Malmesbury, xxiiifears public debate, 29the few and the many, 32and Franklin on civility, 163Harrington indebted to, 25, 211and Harrington on self-interested rule,

211hostile to the mixed regime, 28and Hume, 211Hume attacks his selfish system of

morals, 112Hume and Rousseau criticize, 233inherent contentiousness of republican

politics, 29Jefferson opposes in embracing

vigilance, 215Machiavelli anticipates his

understanding of man’s naturalcondition, lix, 96

modern Platonist, 24and Montesquieu, 133Montesquieu compared to, 139moral reductionist, 113natural law in, 161praises Venetian polity, 29princes and the people, 108quest for certainty, 107, 112rejects classical principle of differential

moral and political rationality, 24scientific method, 106steeped in the classics, 24tongue of man trumpet of war and

sedition, 30unfriendly to city life, 29

Holland and the Dutch, 87, 89Holy Roman Empire, 87Homer, 32Hooker, Richard, xxiii






294 Index

Horatius Cocles, liiihumanity, 91, 144, 155, 157, 160–1, 164,

269Hume, David, xxi, xxv, xxvi–xxvii, 22,

89, 93, 95–7, 104, 108–19, 211,256, 266

and Adams, 194agrees with Machiavelli on aims of

political life, 111and America’s founders, 120attacks the selfish system of morals of

Hobbes and Locke, 112author of A Treatise of Human Nature,

210author of An Enquiry Concerning

Human Understandingcriticizes rationalism, 117history a guide to principles of

human nature, 94mitigated skepticism, 118

author of An Enquiry Concerning thePrinciples of Morals, 113

contrasts moral philosophy withphysics, 112

criticizes reductionist accounts of thesentiments, 112–13

defends integrity of the naturalmoral sentiments, 113, 155

defends integrity of the virtues, 113author of Essays Moral, Political, and

Literary, 92advocates moderation, 119against moral reductionism, 114ancient policy violent, 109attacks Locke’s Second Treatise, 114commerce not regarded as affair of

state until seventeenth century, 110consent, 97criticizes parties of abstract

principle, 114criticizes partisan philosophers, 97criticizes partisanship, 119criticizes social contract theory, 97,

114defends in moral matters appeal to

general opinion, 115defends integrity of moral virtue, 115denies consent establishes political

societies, 115

embraces institutional politicalscience, 118

embraces moderation, xxvi, 119endorses as a just political maxim

Machiavelli’s claim legislator mustpresume all men knaves, xxvi, 93,115, 211

on the Epicurean or Hobbistoutlook, 113

follows middle way between trust inhuman virtue and skepticism, 118

forms of government, 118history as antidote to false

philosophy, 115hostile to partisan passion, 118on Machiavelli, 92men more honest in private than in

public capacities, 116seeks to moderate partisanship, 119

author of The History of England, 117on the fragility of civilized society,

117on commerce and manufactures, 109commercial republican, xxxcontrasted with Madison, 244corresponds with Franklin, 155criticizes Locke’s political thought, 114criticizes metaphysics, 152criticizes modern rationalism, 112criticizes obsession with Roman

grandeur, 91defends common life, 112, 115disciple of Machiavelli, xxviiidoubts clear and certain knowledge

possible, 112favors modern commercial societies, 95and Hamilton, 256historian, 94identifies skepticism as the

distinguishing feature of modernphilosophy, 105

impact on Madison, 230indebted to Harrington, 118indebted to Machiavelli and Hobbes,

211joins Machiavelli in treating security

and well-being as the aim ofpolitics, 108

kinship with Aristotle, 119






Index 295

less pessimistic than Machiavelli aboutman’s place in the world, 117

less skeptical than Machiavelli aboutcommon life, 117

liberal republican, 210more sympathetic to the classical

perspective than Machiavelli, 96paraphrases Machiavelli on the cruelty

of republican imperialism, 277reason as slave of passions, 210rejects Machiavelli’s suggestion that the

high things are illusory, 111ridicules notion of founderless

founding, 233skeptical empiricist, 152smooths the rought edges of

Machiavelli’s doctrine, 211and spontaneous order, 97studied Machiavelli with care, 95suspicious of Machiavellian propensity

for taking bearings from extremecase, 96

takes note of Machiavelli’s discussionof monarchy, 92

thinks Locke reckless, 220vision of a perfect commonwealth,

277humors in Machiavelli, xxxviii, xli, xlv,

lv, lvii, 94, 98, 111, 126, 196, 206,213, 219, 231

Hutcheson, Francis, 155

Ireland and the Irish, 7, 22Italy and the Italians, xxxi, xxxiii, lxi,

lxii, 1, 19, 21, 37–8, 86, 89, 169,191, 198–9, 261, 269, 271, 273–4

Jarvis, William Charles, 227Jay, John, 146, 179, 269Jefferson, Thomas, xx, xxi, xxvii, xxviii,

59, 167, 176, 180, 208, 210, 212,214–16, 223–4, 226, 230, 232–3,236, 238–9, 242–4, 264

and Adams, 191agrees with Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 228anticipated by Locke, 220attributes a fondness for Machiavelli to

John Francis Mercer, 208

author of Notes on the State ofVirginia, 208

calls for constitutional convention inVirginia, 232

denounces constitutional provisionfor dictatorship, 216–17

authors Kentucky Resolutions, 227Bill for the More General Diffusion of

Knowledge, 222–4Bills of Rights, 225calls Federal Convention an assembly

of demigods, 168close to Locke in his Machiavellianism,

215Declaration of Independence, 228eager that individual citizen be armed,

227echoes Machiavelli on dangers of

corruption and lethargy, 221embraces Machiavellian tumults and

Lockean natural rights, 244establishes University of Virginia,

224familiar with and critical of

Machiavelli’s Prince, 208fears popular corruption, 221fears public lethargy, 221First Inaugural on majority rule, 182and Hamilton, 264indebted to Machiavelli, 189,

208–9joins Machiavelli in endorsing tumults,

209, 214joins Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke,

Montesquieu, Bolingbroke,Blackstone, and Lolme inacknowledging the need for aprince capable of meetingemergencies, 217

last letter to Madison, 225leaves behind little evidence he had

grappled with Machiavelli, xxviiiliberty of the press, 225limited government and the politics of

distrust, xxviiilinks Locke and Sidney, 59Madison’s debate with, 252moderation and virtue of Washington,

177






296 Index

Jefferson, Thomas (cont.)more candid than Hamilton in

acknowledging need forquasi-dictatorial discretion in theexecutive, 218

natural aristocracy, 213need for quasi-dictatorial discretion in

the executive, 218no friend to energetic government, 217at odds with Hamilton in what he

learned from Machiavelli, 264opposes assumption of constituent

powers by the Virginia House ofBurgesses, 232

plan for general education, 223popular sovereignty, 243prefers the general education of the

many to the higher education ofthe few, 224

prepared as president to sanctionconstitutional breach, 217

program of legislative reform forVirginia, xxviii, 221–3

promotes disestablishment, 222promotes outlawing entails and

abolishing primogeniture, 222promotes public education, 222proposes constitutions lapse with each

sovereign generation, 243proposes establishment of ward

republics, 225quarrels with Hamilton, 264reads Harrington, 213reformulates Machiavelli’s claim

legislator must presume all menknaves, 212

seeks to circumscribe the executivepower, 216

seemingly at odds with Locke onexecutive prerogative, 216

shares Machiavelli’s view the peopleare liberty’s best guardians, 214

sources of American liberty, 60strict constructionist, 217suspicious of the courts, 227University of Virginia, 58Washington and self-sacrifice, 175Washington’s character, 173

Jephtha, 55Jerusalem, 30

Jesus Christ, 38, 159–60Jews, the, 135, 142John of Viterbo, xxxiiiJoly, Maurice, 141Jonathan Swift, 206, 217Jonson, Ben, 5

Kant, Immanuel, 152Kercheval, Samuel, 226Kramnick, Isaac, 254

L’Estrange, Roger, 11Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch

Gilbert du Motier, marquis de,177, 180–1

Latini, Brunetto, xxxiiiLaurens, John, 258, 269Lee, Henry, 174, 250Lee, Richard Henry, 234–5Lerner, Max, 94Lewis, Warner, 174liberal democracy, xxi, 141

Montesquieu as friendly critic, 140liberalism, xx, xxiv, 141

dignifies private and social affairs,144

in Hamilton, 254Locke reconciles with republicanism,

59and Locke, xxiv, 61and Machiavellianism, 256married with Machiavellianism by

Sidney, 71–2Montesquieu as friendly critic, 127,

140Lille, siege of, 88Lincoln, Abraham, 263Lincoln, Benjamin, 181Livy, Titus, xxi, xxiii, xxxi, xxxvii, liv,

23, 37–8, 76, 199, 255Adams indebted to, 194compared with Davila by Bolingbroke,

199judiciously read by Machiavelli, lxiMachiavelli on, lxi, 195Machiavelli embellishes, xxxviiMachiavelli and Locke exploit same

passage, 38on Scipio Africanus, 71on the sons of Brutus, 76






Index 297

Locke, John, xxi, xxiii–xxvi, 37–8, 40,42–3, 48–50, 52, 54–60, 72–5, 84,86, 89, 91–2, 114, 152, 215–16,218–20, 225

accused of being Calvinist, Socinian,atheist, Hobbesian, 36

admired by Franklin, 152agrees with Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 228American founding, 58author of A Letter Concerning

Toleration, 54author of An Essay Concerning

Human Understanding, 52, 153aims at understanding morality and

revealed religion, 152asserts reason adequate to conduct

of life, 153denies Summum Bonum, 45desire for glory, 51epistemology, 152happiness a diminished uneasiness,

51human unhappiness, 45less impressed than Machiavelli with

feats of military prowess, 52praised by Franklin, 152probabilistic reasoning, 154reason’s limits, 152uneasiness, 45, 51, 53

author of Some Thoughts ConcerningEducation, 152

civility as cure for disputatiousnessand curtness of speech, 162

love of dominion in children, 52treats civility as supreme virtue,

161–2author of The Reasonableness of

Christianity, 158author of Two Treatises of

Government, xxiii–xxiv, 37–8,41–2, 55, 58–9

adopts Machiavelli’s argument thatthe people are liberty’s bestguardians, 218–19

anticipates Jefferson’s discussion ofwolves and sheep, 220

appeal to heaven, 55appropriation, 48Biblical exegete, 41

civil society remedies inconveniencesof the pre-political state, 73

denies that aggressor has right tospoils of conquest, 74

denies that God punishes childrenfor sins of father, 42

denies that punishment visited onEve intended for subsequentwomen, 42

describes moderated monarchy asLeviathan, 215

desire for glory, 51–2desire for self-preservation, 41discourages war, 74doctrine of property, 38doctrine of rebellion, 56duty to preserve mankind, 49eager to enlist the turbulent under

the banner of liberty, 220embraces popular resistance as

antidote to executive abuse, 220espouses politics of distrust, 224executive and federative powers, 215executive power and prerogative,

215God as creator and owner of the

world, 42God’s donations to Adam and Noah,

41God’s property in man, 41–2governance by established standing

laws, 217harbors no illusions concerning the

turbulent, 219Hume criticizes, 114immense productive power of

human labor, 49insatiability of human desire, 56intimates God’s power despotical, 40its epigraph from Livy, 37lot of women, 42man as God’s workmanship and

property, 40man possesses property in own

person, 40oppression as cause of popular

rebellion, 55penury of men in natural state, 44power over such as have no property

at all despotical, 40






298 Index

Locke, John (cont.)prerogative, 216productive power of labor, 52productivity of cultivated land, 84property, 40property as the right to destroy by

use, 48property’s privacy, 48protection of property, 47relies on popular mobilization as

antidote to tyranny, 244resistance to oppressive government,

38rhetoric of natural rights, 220rhetoric of popular resistance, 219right of resistance, 73Roman dictatorship, 216in Second Treatise confines self to

discussion of man’s natural state,43

self-preservation, 48separation of powers, 135social contract, 72spirit of vigilance, 215state of nature, 48, 56stops just short of endorsing tumults,

220tempers the executive power, 183

avid collector of Machiavelli’s works,37

balances popular resistance andprerogative, 218

in Cato’s Letters, 84–5the chevalier de Pio on, 209commerce, xxvcontrasted with Aristotle, 74denies Providence, 38details suggest debt to Machiavelli,

xxviii, 37, 209doctrine of natural justice, 48doctrine of rebellion, 56eighteenth-century republicanism, 209fails to reiterate Machiavelli’s call for a

frequent return to first principles,220

failure to acknowledge debt toMachiavelli, 36

Franklin on morality, 156Franklin promotes reputation, 151–2his influence in America, 60

his thought compatible with that ofSidney, 58

Hume and Rousseau criticize, 96, 233Hume attacks his selfish system of

morals, 112identified as a student of Machiavelli

by Adams, 200and Jefferson, 264and Jefferson on natural rights, 244and Jefferson on the need for a prince


liberal republican, 210liberalism, 61linked with Sidney by Jefferson, 59and Machiavelli on faction, 126and Machiavelli’s influence on the

English, 200and Machiavelli, and resistance to

priestcraft, 38Madison on first principles, 230metaphysical skepticisim, 154modifies Machiavelli, 143Montesquieu compared with, 133,

139natural law, 48natural law theorist, 36natural rights, 152, 189and Nedham, 21owes account of human nature to

Machiavelli, 45philosophical kinship with Machiavelli,

48, 56, 59, 96, 122, 220philosophy as life’s guide, 154property as approximation of common

good, 50quotes from Livy a speech hostile to

Rome that Machiavelli also cites,37

reason as slave of passions, 215regarded by Hume and Blackstone as

reckless, 220rejects Aristotelian teleology, 50rejects faith in the goodness of the

divine, 38religion, xxivreputation for sobriety, 37and science in Adams, 193and Sidney, 73not silent on justice, 49






Index 299

subverts notion that God is just andgood, 40

suspicious of glory as a motive, 51suspicious of military dominion, 53tempered by common law

jurisprudence, 142toleration, 159at the University of Virginia, 59uses Machiavelli’s debunking of

aristocratic virtue againstMachiavelli, xxiii

Lolme, Jean Louis de, 211, 217Longinus, 263Louis XIV, 87–9, 157Louis XV, 157Lucca, 4, 66Lucretius Carus, Titus, 131Lycurgus of Sparta, xl, lii, 70

Macedon and the Macedonians, lxiiMachiavelli, Niccolo, xx–xxvi,

xxviii–xxxabandons classical political science, 26acquisitiveness and war, xxivand Adams, xxviii, 189–90, 194–5,

199, 200–1, 203, 206Adams identifies Locke as a student of,

200Adams on his revival of ancient

politics, 200and Adams on the study of history, 206and Adams on tumults, 201in Adams’s Defence a defender of

mixed government, 190–1admired by Montesquieu, 60advantages possessed by unitary states

in execution, 262advises princes to make men dependent

on them, 40advocates perpetual refounding, 244ambitious prelates, xxivand the American founding, 190American Revolution marks an epoch

in his reception, 167and America’s Whigs, 189, 212analyst of power, 94ancient republicanism, 190antiquity, xxxiapplies lessons of the past to the

present and future, 197

appreciated by Richelieu, 122argues founders must be armed, xxxviiiargues the necessity for expansion, 74articulates politics of interest, 91asserts primacy of foreign over

domestic policy, 254asserts that surface appearances

deceive, 99, 105attacks perfectionism, 144author of Art of War, xxxi, xliv

admits own ambition, lxiichampions popular militia drawn

from subject population, 17and the conquest of Greece by Philip

and Alexander of Macedon, lxiicriticizes humanism, lxidenies that money the sinews of war,

90and the enslavement of the

conquered in antiquity, lviiimakes case for audacity, 263for a militia on the Roman model,

270as reading never recommended by

Jefferson, 208and the Roman army, 270Rome vs. Venice, 274unification of Italy to be followed by

conquest of the world, 271author of Discourse Concerning

Florentine Affairs, xlv–l, 190on founding, lxiion the short-lived Florentine

republics, xlvauthor of Discourses on Livy, xxi,

xxiii–xxviii, xxxi, xxxv,xxxviii–xli, xlviii–lv, 1, 3, 14, 27,33, 51, 53–4, 56, 62, 75, 80–1, 85,104, 121, 126–7, 129, 138, 220,254, 259, 272

in absence of external threat thepeople make bad electoral choices,xlvii

abstracts from statesman’s horizon,169

accidents, 196acquisitiveness spurred by fear of

loss, 45, 54addressed to those worthy to be

princes, 3






300 Index

Machiavelli, Niccolo (cont.)advocates republican imperialism,

lviiiagainst the possibility of a perpetual

republic, lvaims at providing us with a true

knowledge of histories, lxiall men defective in the fashion in

which the ancients accuse themultitude, lx

in all regimes the few rule, xxixall the things of men in motion, xli,

lviii, 66–7, 210, 215ancient founders profit from rustic

character of the people, liiapplies words of Magnificat to David

and new princes generally, 39banishment of Coriolanus and

Camillus, 79calls for founders to bring home to

men the dominance of necessity,100

calls for the elimination ofgentlemen, xlii

candid brutality, 136capacity of the common people to

judge particulars, xlviicapacity of people to see through

religious fraud when used againsttheir interests, li

choices open to new princes, liChristianity makes the world weak

and prey of criminal men, xxxvi,51

Christianity an obstacle to imitationof antiquity, lxi

Christianity’s unfriendliness tomilitary prowess, 53

civic corruption princelyopportunity, 77

civil religion, 252common good, xxxviicommon good and the crushing of

the few, 46common utility drawn from a free

way of life, 98competition between the Roman

Senate and the plebs, 54consonant with The Prince, lxi

constancy of the people, 24consular tribuneship, lcontrasted with Hamilton, 268contrasts Rome with Venice and

Sparta, 65corruption, lvcriticized in Montesquieu’s Spirit of

Laws, 131criticizes Athens, xlviiicriticizes mercenary armies, 17criticizes popular judgment, xlviiicruel modes kings must adopt, xlivcycle of revolutions, 206Decemvirate, xl, liiidefends the people against the charge

of inconstancy, 14defends Rome’s ingratitude to Scipio

Africanus, 80denies that men change their motion,

order, and power, 196denies that money the sinews of war,

90denies that there is a middle way, 103discord in republican Rome, xlvidispenses advice to princes and

republics alike, 2does not advocate arms-bearing

citizenship, 17education and virtu, lxiiin elections the Roman people

astute, xlviielectoral manipulation at Rome, lembraces dictatorship as a

republican institution, 217embraces exemplary punishments as

antidote to corruption, xlii, 80embraces faction and tumults, 125embraces pagan preference for

wordly honor, xlviembraces tumults, xxii, xlvii, 15, 33,

82, 136, 213, 220, 226empire as republicanism’s end, xliiendorses prosecution of Scipio

Africanus, 71English revolution occasions

reassessment, 6excerpted and commented on by

Adams, 190excuses evil-doing as necessity, xliii






Index 301

executions at Rome, livexemplary punishment of Spurius

Maelius and Manlius Capitolinus,80

expansionist republicanism, 103extension of citizenship, 51faction necessary to greatness, 126faction and republican imperialism,

124fails to follow Livy in justifying

Roman behavior, xxxviifaulted by Adams for failing to

embraced a fixed constitution, 205favors public accusations, xl–xlvii, 16fear and war as a cause for union, lviifew, the, xlviifocus of Adams’s attention, 195foreign threat unites the humors at

Rome, lviiforms of government, 99founding and bloodshed, lvifounding by one alone, 170French institutions, 92French parlements, 138French, Spanish, and Italian

corruption, liifriendlier to principality than some

suppose, 2in general things the people easily

deceived, xlviiiGentili admires, 2glory’s pursuit harnesses grandi to

the people, 53good customs, xxxiv–xxxv, xlii,

lii–lviambition’s capacity to dissolve,

xxxvdependent on exemplary

punishments, liveffectiveness doubted, livthe enforcers, livrenewed by fear, liiitheir weakness vis-a-vis human

wickedness, xxxixgood laws foster liberty, xxxixgood order as a source of good

fortune, 102grandi and the popolo, 231grandi and their prudence, xlix

and Hamilton, 259–60his argument’s bourgeois dimension,

xlvi, 19–20his chosen audience, 195human acknowledgment of

dependence on God ruinous, 40human appetites insatiable, 26, 44,

56, 100–1, 210humor of the people and that of the

nobles, xlviidleness and peace cause disunion,

lviiimpact in England, 89imperial republics harsher than

principalities, lviiimperialism ties the people to the

republic, 54inducto-empirical method, 195ingratitude, 78innovator, lxinstitutionalizes class conflict, 33, 213interest in Livy, lxiinterprets Scripture judiciously, 39intimates God a tyrant, 39intrinsic causes for renewal, 71Jefferson familiar with its argument,

209knowledge of justice, xllaw, 123law dependent on good customs, liilawful injustice a necessary evil, 126lawmaking at Rome, xllegislator must presume all men

knaves, xxvi, xxxv, xlii, 14, 26,82, 93, 115, 125, 210–12, 228

less accessible than The Prince, 1less dangerous to conspire against

republics than against princes,xxxvii

links liberty and empire, xlvilinks peace with idleness and

effeminacy, 125makes a virtue of necessity, 124for making necessity one’s guide, 101man’s natural licentiousness, liManlius Torquatus’s punishment of

victorious son, liiimanpower at Sparta, Athens, and

Rome, lix






302 Index

Machiavelli, Niccolo (cont.)the many incapable of founding, liimixed republicanism at Rome, xlvimodel for Adams’s Discourses on

Davila, 199modern populist, xlvi, 21monarchy compatible with vivere

civile and vivere politico, 92and Montesquieu, 127Montesquieu criticizes his

endorsement of popular juries intreason trials, 133

and Montesquieu’s Dissertation onthe Policy of the Romans inReligion, 126

and Montesquieu’s prescription formoderation in government andliberty, 135

and Montesquieu on Rome, 121,123, 126

on Moses, xxxvimost men are fooled by appearances,

99natural propensity for corruption to

spread, liiinecessity for princely ingratitude, 81Nedham openly embraces, 20need for actions of one alone when

the matter corrupt, lvneed for exemplary punishments, liiineed for a frequent return to first

principles, xlii, liii–liv, lvi, 15, 69,77, 175, 205, 220

need for modes by which the peoplecan vent their ambition, 54

need for self-reliance, 261need for a true knowledge of

histories, lxneed for virtu in those who execute

the laws, livneed to change the orders of Rome

when it had become corrupt, 70need to imitate the ancients, lxneed to keep up the semblance of old

forms when refounding, 267need to retain popular support in

time of war, 265new modes and orders, lx, 195,

206

new science of republican politics,xxviii

Numa’s use of religion to manipulatethe Roman people, l

obstacles to founding when mattercorrupt, lv

often treated as representative ofMachiavelli’s real thinking, 2

one alone in founding, lvionly the few desire to command, 111ordinary folk defective in appetite,

14ordinary folk treat freedom as

instrumental to security, 110pagan religion, liipeace occasions idleness, effeminacy,

and discord in a republic, lviii, 103the people liberty’s best guardians,

xlvi, 13, 54, 82, 214, 231, 243the people necessary as support for

vivere civile, liithe people and princes, xlviithe people’s ability to be blinded by a

species of false good, xlixpiety an instrument for manipulating

the common people, xlvii, lpiety an obstacle to corruption, xlviipolitical effectiveness of oaths at

Rome, lpopular insensitivity to the dictates

of necessity, 234popular mobilization as a check on

the oppressive sway of the few,244

power and security, 99power of religious fear, lpraises Rome in the age of the good

emperors, 109prefers Rome to Sparta and Venice,

lix, 65, 67profits from English imperial

interest, 5progress of virtu, lxiiproper distribution of political

honors and rewards, 79provides basis for Sidney’s assault on

Filmer, 65public accusations, 78public prosecutions and judging, 138






Index 303

punishment of Manlius Capitolinus,liii

quotes Cicero on public assemblies,xlviii

quotes Livy on necessity and justwar, 37

as reading never recommended byJefferson, 208

reads Livy judiciously, xxxviireason as slave of passions, 26reason of state, xliireasons concerning history, 195rejects the middle way, lviii, 67, 103rejects natural teleology, 125republican liberty and imperial

grandeur, xlvirepublicanism and the prudent

selection of statesmen, 264republics benefit the common

people, 75republics and the common good, 46republics for increase, 103republics neglect great and rare men

in peaceful times, xlviirise and fall of countries, 196role of the parlement of Paris in

renewing the orders of the Frenchmonarchy, 72

Roman censors as arbiters ofcustom, xl

Roman dictatorship, xlixRoman nobles avoid appearance of

disdain for religion, lRoman practice of extending

citizenship to foreigners, lixRoman practice of making the

conquered allies, lixRoman Senate uses religion to

manipulate the people, lon Rome, 195Rome vs. Venice, 274Rome’s need for fraud, xlixRome’s subjugation of the Latins by

way of confederacy, 262Romulus consented to the murder of

Titus Tatius, xxxviiRomulus, founding, and fratricide,

206Romulus murdered Remus, xxxvii

Romulus and the Roman Senate, xlvSidney identifies as proponent of

frequent return to first principles,69

Soderini’s defects, xxxviii, xli, 138soldiers drawn from the citizenry

and subjects loyal, 271sons of Brutus, liii, 76, 79source for The Federalist, 229Sparta, xl–xli, 67Spurius Maelius punished, xlii, liiitakes the untrodden path, 104teaches Hamilton one must appear

to abide by established modes, 247the two humors, 82, 98traces empire’s necessity to fact that

all the things of men in motion,124

traces greatness to liberty, xlvitraces political foresight to the study

of history, 94traces popular attachment to moral

virtue to popular insensitivity tonecessity’s dictates, 234

traces virtues and sins of the peopleto princes, 258

trains reformers in use of violenceand coercion, 205

tribuneship, 126unchanging nature of man, 196the untrodden path, 116urges one to bind oneself to a prince

or distance oneself from him, 103urges treatment of misfortune as

opportunity, 77warns that extraordinary deeds will

be taken as a precedent, 246war’s avoidance true political way of

life for a city, lviiiwell-ordered republics reward virtu

and become wealthy, xlviwilling to crush minorities, xliiworld always the same, lxi

author of Florentine Histories, xxviii,xxxi, xxxix, xlvii–xlix, li, 131–2,203

Adams criticizes, 199, 202, 203anticipates Hobbes with regard to

fundamental equality of man, lix






304 Index

Machiavelli, Niccolo (cont.)contrasts Florence with Rome, 132excerpted and commented on by

Adams, 190, 201executive power, 204on Florentine corruption, liiidentified by Adams as a student of

the causes of discord, 201inducto-empirical method, 195on Italian corruption, liias reading never recommended by

Jefferson, 208on Michele de Lando, xlix

author of Mandragola, lxauthor of poem Of Ambition, lviiauthor of The Prince, xxvi–xxviii,

xxxiv–xxxvi, xxxviii, 2–3, 21, 33,47, 51, 54, 64, 91, 94, 102, 104,121, 138, 230, 255

abstracts from statesman’s horizon,169

acquisitiveness natural and ordinary,83

against imagined republics andprincipalities, lxi, 125

ancients taught princes to use humanand beastly means, xxxvi

astuteness of the grandi, xlviiautocratic regimes, xliiblames failures on the indolence of

princes, 101Cesare Borgia’s execution, 46classifies regimes with regard to

power’s acquisition, 99condemned and then surreptitiously

embraced by Nedham, 21counsel, 64criticizes the human imagination, 151criticizes mercenary armies, 17cruelty well-used, xliii, 46custom a support for vivere civile, liideparts from others’ orders, lxi, 104depicts world as bleak, xxxvdismisses teaching of Aristotle and

asserts necessity for men toacquire, 44

dispenses advice to princes andrepublics alike, 2

distribution of rewards andpunishments, 46

does not advocate arms-bearingcitizenship, 17

embraces the effectual truth, xxxiv,xxxvi, xli, xlii, xlix, lviii–lix, lxi,26, 33, 65, 96, 98–9, 104–5, 125,135, 210–11, 270

embraces private property andcommerce, 110

ends and means, 183equates God and Fortuna, 43evil’s necessity, xxxv, xliifear the most reliable passion, 101,

205Fortuna conquered by audacity, 56,

148, 207, 263founder needs popular support,

235French institutions, 92French parlements, 138the grandi and the popolo, 231and Hamilton, 259harbors no illusions concerning

ordinary human beings, 109inducto-empirical method, 195Italy’s liberation from slavery, 38Jefferson familiar with, 208language of state-centered power,

254makes case for self-reliance, 261man’s wickedness, xxxvmercy cruel, 78and Montesquieu, 127more accessible than Discourses on

Livy, 1Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and

Romulus armed prophets andfounders, xxxviii, 237

must keep up semblance of old formswhen refounding, 267

necessary to learn how not to begood, 183

necessity to be vicious, xliiiNedham insinuates the teaching of,

21Nedham reluctant openly to

embrace, 20need for flexibility, 264need for one’s own arms, 17need to retain popular support in

time of war, 265






Index 305

no one in the world but the vulgar,99

obstacles to founding, 235one should either caress or eliminate

one’s enemies, 103opportunity afforded Moses, Cyrus,

Romulus, and Theseus, 77picks the less bad as good, liipopular distress an opportunity for

founding, 237popular hatred endangers prince, 47popular support an antidote to

conspiracy, 242praises Philopoemen for devoting

peacetime ruminations to war, 99praises Romans for anticipating war,

lviiipraises Romans for giving primacy

to war, 99princely virtu as sensitivity to

necessity’s dictates, 234promotes acquisitiveness, 100quotes Livy on necessity and just

war, 37as reading never recommended by

Jefferson, 208rejects classical prudence, 70rejects teleology in favor of the

effectual truth, 98Remirro d’Orco’s execution, 46republicanism and the prudent

selection of statesmen, 264repudiates moral virtue, 44restores true politics, 195Rome vs. Venice, 274scholars tend to discount

significance, 2security and well-being as his point

of reference, xliiisecurity and well-being the true

standard for judging virtue andvice, 99

self-interested rule the effectualtruth, 26

skeptical posture, 106source for The Federalist, 229takes bearings from the extreme

case, 101traces corruption to the absence of

an enemy, 103

traces good laws to good arms, 102traces popular attachment to moral

virtue to popular insensitivity tonecessity’s dictates, 234

treated as expose of principalities byGentili, 2

treated as satire by Neville, 2two humors, xlv, 82written to trip up the Medici, 1

Bacon acknowledges a profound debtto his method, 194

benevolence, 155and Bolingbroke, 197breach with Aristotle, 231break with classical republicanism,

xxxivbridges ancient political science and

modern political empiricism, 194builds axioms built on study of the

manner in which men actuallylive, 196

builds his politics on humanwickedness, xxxv, xlii–xliii, li, 14,21, 26, 37, 82, 101, 190, 210, 212,228, 234

carefully studied by Hume, 95in Cato’s Letters, xxv, 60Cesare Borgia, 131champions conscript armies drawn

from subject population, 3champions modern populism, 20charged by Adams with

misunderstanding the executivepower, 204

the chevalier de Pio on, 209chronicler of civil disorder in Florence,

201not cited by Nedham in support of the

citizen army, 17cited four times in Montesquieu’s Spirit

of Laws, 131not a civic humanist, 95civic vigilance, 264civilized monarchy, xxvnot a classical republican, 110the common good, xxiicompared to Davila by Adams, 199concern that one’s arms be truly one’s

own, 17contrasted by Adams with Plato, 195






306 Index

Machiavelli, Niccolo (cont.)contrasted with Aristotle, lx, 74contrasted with Nietzsche, lxicontrasted with Hamilton, 275, 278contrasted with Plato and Aristotle,

xxxviiicovert teaching of the ancients, xxxvicriticizes classical outlook, 186cruelty of republican imperialism, 277debt owed by Bacon, Descartes, and

founders of modern science, xxvdebunks aristocratic virtue, xxiiidefends jealous spirit of distrust, 79defends republican ingratitude, 79–80deliberately silent on justice and

natural law, 36, 47–9, 169, 183denies money the sinews of war, 265denies Providence, 38denies we ever escape the realm of

necessity, 100described by Adams as having revived

ancient politics, 190desire to fashion a republic that could

master the world, lxiinot diametrically opposed to Locke,

59, 209dictatorial power, 171dies in 1527, 1disappointed by the Florentine militia,

270disciple of Heraclitus, 210no discussion of the state of nature, 36disreputable in seventeenth-century

England, 64distrusts the surface, 117embraced by Bacon, Locke,

Harrington, and Sidney, 122embraces discord, lviembraces imperialism, xxiiembraces instrumental reason, 148embraces tumults, 34in embracing vigilance Jefferson less

close to Hobbes and Harringtonthan to, 215

energy in the executive, 256English admirers, 60English lawyers hostile to, 30and English republicanism, 8Epicureanism, 124

evil’s necessity, 96executive energy, 184executive power, 183, 277exemplary punishments, 76expert on conspiracy, 242in 1557 works placed on Papal Index,

xxxvifascinates Nedham, 11–12flexible regimes, xlFlorence, 201, 202in the Florentine Chancery, 270Florentine militia, 270focuses on the passions, 68not a founder, 169founder of a new science, 108founding, 170, 233French monarchy, 137French parlements, xxviand the French Revolution, 276no friend to constitutional government

and the rule of law, xligap between morality and the

politically effectual, xliiiGenoa’s Bank of St. George, 229gives war priority over peace, 99in government under Soderini, xligreatness as the highest good, xxxivguides Madison on role played by

princes in founding, 230and Hamilton, xxix, 211, 254–5, 258Hamilton ambivalent concerning, 255and Hamilton on foreign policy, 254and Hamilton on the moral and

strategic advantages of republics,262

and Harrington on self-interested rule,211

high is for the sake of the low, 111his founders less public-spirited than

those of Madison, 231his image of man resembles Aristotle’s

description of the many, lxhis imperialism contrasted with

Hamilton’s, 277his republic a tyranny of citizens over

foreigners, lxhistorian, 94, 115, 201Hobbes’s critique, 21hostile to Christianity, 276






Index 307

hostile to gentlemen and lords, xliion human nature, matter, motion, and

power, 129and Hume, 108, 256and Hume in agreement on the aims of

political life, 111imitated more often than

acknowledged, 104impact on Montesquieu of his praise of

parlements, 140impact on Sidney, xxiv, 60importance of process, xlindebted to Livy, 255influence deep rather than apparent,

144influence mediated and modified by

Montaigne, Bacon, Locke, and thelike, 143

influence on eighteenth century, 91influence on emergence of modern

science, 147–8influence on the English, 200institutionalized conflict, 205intellectual hegemony over

eighteenth-century republicanthought, 209

intimates God tyrannical and unjust, 38intimates human beings self-sufficient,

40Jefferson indebted to, xxviii, 208–9and Jefferson on the dangers of

corruption and lethargy, 221and Jefferson on need for prince


and Jefferson on tumults, 214and Joly, 141known as an enemy to morality and

Christianity, 1known as counsellor of princes, 1letter to Vettori, lviii, 90letters and reports to Florentine

government, xxxviiiand liberalism, 116liberty and the necessities of war, 256liberty and the waging of war, 255links public-spiritedness with

self-interest, 263Locke acknowledges no debt to, 36

Locke indebted to, 37, 220Locke joins against priestcraft, 38love of expansion and glory, 143lowering of sights, xxvMachiavellianism, xxiv–xxvi, xxxvi,

56, 60, 92, 123, 147, 230, 255the concealment of one’s motives,

172moderated in Montesquieu, 126,

133, 137in Sidney, 64

and Madison, xxviii, 229and Madison on founding, 233and Madison on popular distress as

opportunity for founding, 237and Madison on the role played by

princes in founding, xxixMadison’s opposed understanding of

princes and peoples, 253makes case for a popular militia, 270makes executive power the centerpiece

of his political theory, 183martial republicanism, 143mentioned by Jefferson once, 208method compared with that of

Newton, 196military revolution, 3misrepresented as advocate of classical

republicanism, 122mistakes causes of civil disorder in

Florence, 204mixed government, 204mocks those who imagine republics

and principalities, 104modern populist, xxiii, 13, 20the modern scientific project, xxxvi,

104and Montesquieu, xxvi, 122, 131, 140,

200Montesquieu accuses of disregarding

individual security, 139Montesquieu criticizes as subject to

passion and prejudice, 131and Montesquieu on faction, 126Montesquieu indebted to, 121Montesquieu modifies the principles,

123Montesquieu more humane than, 135Montesquieu owns works, 121






308 Index

Machiavelli, Niccolo (cont.)moral virtue, xliimore modern in disposition than

Hume, 96natural human desire for glory, power,

and wealth, lvinecessity, xxxv, xxxviii, xli, xlii–xliii,

liii, liv, lviii–lix, lxii, 44, 56, 63–4,66–7, 69–72, 75–6, 80, 86, 100,102–3, 123–5, 128–9, 135, 183–6,205, 216–17, 234

necessity for war, 63necessity of increase, 75necessity to secure oneself, 136Nedham embraces his modern

populism, xxiiiNedham indebted to, 12Nedham rightly claims that ancients

would have loathed argument of,21

need for energy in a state, 260need for execution, 260need for one’s own arms, 259neither the father nor the grandfather

of American republicanism, xxxNeville Anglicizes, 2Neville forges letter, 2at odds with Adams on the remedy for

social conflict, 206at odds with Harrington over tumults,

213at odds with Hume in a fashion rarely

noticed, 96openly breaks with the ancients, 64openly criticized by Hamilton, 255originates the modern doctrine of

executive power, 182paradox that effect is depoliticization,

144patriotism and greed, 263persistent concern with military

manpower, 17pessimistic view of princes and peoples,

xxixphilosopher, 123philosophical implications of his views,

96philosophical kinship with Locke, 56not a political founder, 169

political life exists to satisfy privateends, 111

political science, 94, 123, 196–7politics of distrust, 224popularized in Sidney’s Discourses and

Cato’s Letters, 60praises republican liberty, xxxivpreoccupied with Roman grandeur, 91presumes man not naturally political,

74pretends to embrace classical

republicanism, 23princes, xxiiprovides the devil with his moniker

Old Nick, xxiii, 8public-spiritedness and victory in war,

264pursuit of glory, xxiiiquoted extensively in Adams’s Defence,

xxviiiquotes from Livy a speech hostile to

Rome, 37raison d’etat antipolitical, xxviirapacity, xxvii, 256rare examples, 71rarely mentioned by Franklin, 144rarely mentioned by Hamilton, 255read and taken seriously by Adams,

xxviii, 189reads the ancient writers judiciously, 91realism, 229reductionist, 101refuses to address question of justice,

xxviiregards classical republicanism as

non-viable, xxxvii, lixregards peace as an illusion, 102rejects Aristotle’s claim man a political

animal, 98rejects classical and Christian

traditions, 104rejects faith in goodness of the divine,

38rejects imagined republics, xxxivrejects natural teleology, 50, 98, 125reliance on own arms, 50Remirro d’Orco’s execution, 46republican princes amoral seekers of

glory and dominion, 240






Index 309

republican teaching, xxiii, xxviirepudiates classical republicanism,

xxxviireputation in eighteenth-century

France, 122rhetorical style, 62Roman dictatorship, 215–16Roman bellicosity, 62Rome, 65, 109, 197, 205Rome vs. Venice, 274Romulus, founding, and fratricide, 206rule of law, 260sanctions violation of the moral rules,

xliiion Savonarola, xxxviiiseapower, 273secretary of the Second Chancery of the

Florentine Republic, xxxiseems less scandalous today, 121separation of powers, 206seventeenth-century English admirers,

2, 181shapes and fails to shape American

republicanism, 169shares some preoccupations with

Hamilton, 255Sidney dissembles allegiance to, 59,

62–3silent on the question of rights, 49silent on the soul, xxxvisometimes characterized as a

traditional republican, 95source for Montesquieu on rule of law

and judiciary, 124not a speculative philosopher, 115steeped in the classics, 24studies political science by way of

history, 195–7subordinates liberty to greatness and

glory, xlvisuccessors reject metaphysical and

theological grounds for moralvirtue, 161

taming his prince, 255teacher of evil, 190theory of mixed government, 200thinks ancient philosophers blinded by

the surface of things, 101thinks the middle way untenable, 102

trains Florentine militia, 270treats two humors solely in light of the

selfishness of each, 231underestimates popular capacity for

self-government, 253understood as a philosopher, 104uninterested in political economy,

89–90unsympathetic to a fixed constitution,

205used by Bolingbroke, 122used in a circumscribed fashion by the

American founders, xxviiivalued at first in England as counsellor

of princes, 6virtu, 183virtue of humanity, 155and Washington on virtue, 172Washington opposes his political

science, 171, 187–8wonders whether a republic can endure

Christian otherworldliness, 252Machiavellian republicanism, xxii–xxviii,

xxxi, xxxiv–xxxv, xxxviii–xxxix,xli–xlii, xlvi–xlvii, xlxi, liii–lvii,lix, lxi, 1–2, 6, 14, 46, 48, 51, 54,65–7, 70, 75, 95, 98, 103, 110,122–3, 125–6, 170, 190, 205, 231,246, 253, 260, 262, 264, 267,277–8

and the American Revolution, 167armed expansion, 66authority distributed and checked, xlvthe common good, 46contingency, xlidependent on war, xlviiempire its end, xlii, lviiexemplary punishments, 72expansionistist, 66, 124extends citizenship, 51external threats, xxiifear of foreign threat reduces discord,

lviifounding, 170greatness, 124initially eclipsed, 3legal modes, 123martial, 143and the militia, 271






310 Index

Machiavellian republicanism (cont.)mixed regime, xlvMontesquieu moderates, 137more like an alliance than a community

aimed at making the citizens justand good, lx

Nedham Anglicizes, xxiii, 21need for increase in the number of

citizens armed, lixand need for own arms, 17need to wage war, lviiordering of, xliinot oriented towards making men

virtuous, lxthe people liberty’s best guardians, xlviprincely virtu required, 3public accusations, xli, 126question of arms, 17rapacious, xxiireason of state, xliirefounding, 175requires princes, 217return to first principles, xliirole assigned princes, 3role played by elite, xlixsatisfying the humors, xlvSidney promotes, 61, 63spirited, 20two humors, 213not tyrannical, lvityrannical imperialism, lx, 277virtu, 123

Machiavellianism, xix–xx, xxiii–xxvii,xxix–xxx, 15, 47, 64, 76, 78, 80,82, 84, 86, 115–16, 118, 128–9,135, 138, 142, 150, 156, 164, 169,172, 197, 206, 208–9, 224, 240,242–3, 245, 251, 255–6, 265, 275,277

in Adams, 206and America, 189and America’s founders, 169and the American founding, 172, 189,

256in Cato’s Letters, 60, 75–6commerce and moderation cited by

Montesquieu as cure, 131–3, 135and commerce in Montesquieu, 132dictum legislator must presume all men

knaves, 228

doctrine of occasione, 77elevation of civility as a virtue, 161as European policy, 275and faction, 133and Franklin’s approach to diplomacy,

143–7and the French Revolution, 256and Hamilton, 246, 254–6humanity and civility in moral

philosophy after, 161in Hume, 211its impact on European power politics,

147jealous spirit of distrust, 227and Jefferson, 214and liberalism, 142, 256and Locke, 200, 220, 230married with liberalism by Sidney, 71–2metaphysical skepticism, 151, 154–5moderated in Montesquieu, 130–1and Montesquieu’s account of the

judicial power, 140and Montesquieu’s Persian Letters, 127necessity, 184of Nedham’s populism, 13at odds with Washington on moral

virtue and national character, 187opposed to the middle way, 67not ordinarily attributed to Locke, 36philosophical basis for Franklin’s

moral philosophy, 150politically misleading, 172and rhetorical style, 62in Sidney, 60–2, 64–5, 67, 69, 85, 230as a species of political science, 172and subsequent moral philosophy, 158tamed by Montesquieuan

constitutionalism, 137virtu, 207wrong lens for viewing Washington,

171–2Machon, Louis, 122Madison, James, xxvii, xxix, 167–8, 214,

217, 225, 229–30, 232–5, 242–3,245, 250, 252. See also TheFederalist

abandons argument for popularselection of constitutionalconvention, 234

affinities with Machiavelli, xxviii, 229






Index 311

American people’s spiriteddetermination to rule, xxix

Annapolis Convention, 236–8attacks anti-republican party, 251attends to Machiavelli’s account of

founding, 233authority of the ratifying conventions,

250authors essays for National Gazette, 251aware of the possibility of popular

wrongdoing, 253becomes painfully aware of the

precedent he set, 246chagrined that ratification did not

mark the end of conspiracy, 242charges Hamilton with conspiracy, 251civil religion, 252comes to see federal constitutional

convention as a necessity, 233comes to see Hamilton as an

aristocratic conspirator, 250the Confederation feckless, 233–4conference at Mount Vernon, 235, 236confident truly popular regime

possible, 253conspirators’ need for popular support,

242Constitution’s need for popular

ratification, 240Constitution’s need for popular

veneration, 244, 252–3contrasted with Hume and Burke, 244corruption, 251criticizes Virginia constitution, lviii,

232defends the enumeration of powers,

249–50denies Congress has the power of

incorporation, 249distinguishes men from angels, 212distrusts the state legislatures, 237doubts the pre-political situation

anarchic, 234echoes Machiavelli on obstacles to

founding, 235echoes Machiavelli on popular distress

as opportunity for founding, 238–9echoes Machiavelli’s conviction the

people liberty’s best guardians,243

embraces what Machiavelli calls theeffectual truth, 230

endorses equality of right, 230enemy of consolidation, 252exploits for national ends Tyler’s

proposal for AnnapolisConvention, 237

faction and party, 229fails to secure grant to Confederation

of modest commercial powers, 236fears the domination of the few, 251fears government on a self-directed

course, 252Federal Convention, 180Federal Convention exceeded mandate,

239the few and the many, xxixnot fiercely hostile to the purely

economic part of Hamilton’sprogram, 245

founds Republican Party in oppositionto Hamilton, 231

no friend to perpetual refounding, 244hopes for the election of the virtuous

and wise, 243hostile to Hamilton’s proposal for a

national bank, 246and Hume on faction and the extended

sphere, 230influenced by those whom Machiavelli

influenced, 230initially at a loss with regard to

reforming the Confederation, 235initially regards Hamilton’s outlook as

mistaken not sinister, 249Jefferson writes, 208judgment of Alexander Hamilton, xxixless pessimistic than Machiavelli

concerning princes and peoples,xxix

links Tyler’s proposal for AnnapolisConvention with Mount Vernonconference, 237

looks to the people for theconservation of liberty, 231

and Machiavelli, 189, 229and Machiavelli on the role played by

princes in founding, 230near silence on Machiavelli, xxviiinecessary and proper clause, 249






312 Index

Madison, James (cont.)necessity that in founding princes act

on the people’s behalf, 240need to seek support for Constitution

from America’s princes, 240opposed to Machiavelli in his judgment

of the character of republicanprinces, 240–2

opposes national bank, 249original intent, 250owes first principles to Locke. Sidney,

and the Declaration ofIndependence, 230

the people and constitution-making,237

the people liberty’s best guardians,252–3

popular character of government underthe Constitution, 242

popular opinion and the call for aFederal Convention, 238

prejudice a salutary aid togovernments, 243

presses for constitutional convention inVirginia, 232

princely initiative inconstitution-making, 238

reads Machiavelli’s disciples Locke,Sidney, Hume, and Montesquieu,xxviii

recommends Continental Congresspurchase Machiavelli’s works, 229

regards Articles of Confederation asbeyond reformation, 233

regards founding as a rare feat, 231rejects Hamilton’s reading of the

general welfare clause, 250republican princes not critical to

operation of the American regime,243

the role played by the grandi and thepopolo respectively, 231

seems to sanction Hamilton’s behavior,246

shares Machiavelli’s convictionfounding requires princes, xxix

social compact, 244, 253suspects that only the few can

anticipate constitutional crises,234

takes notes from Machiavelli onGenoa’s Bank of St. George, 229

ultimately opposes Hamilton’sadministration, 250

wary of frequent return to firstprinciples, 245

welcomes Hamilton’s appointment assecretary of the treasury, 245

Maelius, Spurius, xlii, liii, 80, 202Magnificat, the, 39Malplaquet, battle of, 88Mandeville, Bernard, author of The Fable

of the Bees, 132, 134, 211Manlius Torquatus, liii, 80, 202Mansfield, Harvey C., 184, 254–5Marius, Gaius, lv, 80Marlborough, John Churchill, duke of,

87–9, 92, 167Marsilius of Padua, xxxiiiMarten, Henry, 6–7Marx, Karl, 117Mason, George, 175–6Mather, Cotton, 164Media, lxiiMedici, the, xli, xlv, 1, 3, 138, 270Medici, Lorenzo de, 258Mercer, John Francis, 208Michele di Lando, xlixMiddle Ages, the, xxi, xxxi, xxxiii, xliii,

34, 96, 129, 138, 191Milton, John, 13, 200, 209moderation, xxi, xxxii, xlvii, 83, 92, 102,

118–19, 134, 139, 140–2, 177,182, 188, 211, 231

in Aristotle, 132in government, 134, 139–40in Hume, xxvi, 92, 119–20Machiavelli thinks human nature

incapable of, 201, 210in Montesquieu, xxvi, 127–8, 130–7,

142monarchy, xxxii, 5–6, 23, 25, 27–8, 32,

72, 92, 184, 216absolute, 28–9, 114, 263

in Hobbes, 215Sidney’s critique, 66in Spain and France, 92

in Adams’s Defence, 191civilized, xxv

Hume on, 95






Index 313

in France, 72according to Machiavelli, 137

and Hamilton, 251Hamilton seeks to blend with

republicanism, 262in Locke moderated, 215Machiavelli treats as compatible with

vivere civile and vivere politico, 92mixed, 23, 27–8in Montesquieu, 133–4offered Washington, 176and republicanism blended in

Hamilton, 262and republics in Montesquieu, 262Rome’s, 76Sidney treats as corrupting influence,

61universal, 87and war, 262

Monroe, James, 180, 237, 275Montaigne, Michel de, 143, 154Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat,

baron de La Brede et de, xxi,xxv–xxviii, 22, 121–2, 128–39,141–2

Adams indebted to, 194in Adams’s Defence a defender of

mixed government, 190–1admirer of Machiavelli, 60agrees with Machiavelli legislator must

presume all men knaves, 211and the American constitution, 180attends to Machiavelli’s discussion of

monarchy, 92author of A Dissertation on the Policy

of the Romans in Religion, xxviindebted to Machiavelli, 126

author of Considerations on the Causesof the Greatness of the Romansand their Decline, xxvi, xxxvi,121, 126–7

case for empire, 129case for faction, 128causes of Rome’s loss of liberty, 130condemns plebeian aggrandizement

at Rome, 130diagnoses the causes of Roman

greatness, 127embraces Machiavelli’s qualified

endorsement of faction, 132

examines politics from theMachiavellian perspective ofgreatness, 129

faction, 128, 136and imperialism, 136for liberating the passions, 128and Machiavelli on Rome, 121, 123,

126Machiavelli’s influence on, 122

author of Persian Letters, xxvi, 127–8constitutional equilibrium and

separated powers, 127Europe, England, and republicanism,

127for liberating the passions, 128secret chain, 127

author of The Spirit of Laws, xxvi,121, 126–7

accuses Machiavelli of disregardinginidividual security, 139

all who possess power are driven toabuse it, 212

alludes to Machiavelli’s FlorentineHistories, 131

calls Machiavelli a great man, 131character and manners produced by

the English constitution, 136commerce and moderation as

antidote to Machiavellianism, 131commerce, civility, and the softening

of mores, xxviconditions for political liberty, 135constitutional equilibrium, 133criticizes Machiavelli’s call for

popular juries in treason trials,131, 137

criticizes Machiavelli’s discussion ofSoderini’s expulsion, 138

criticizes popular judging, 139defects of liberalism, 140defines liberty in relation to

tranquillity and opinion ofsecurity, 134

denies despotism can be moderate,134

embraces Machiavelli’s qualifiedendorsement of faction, 131

embraces Mandeville, 134England’s mixed regime, 136English aptitude for commerce, 141






314 Index

Montesquieu, Charles-Louis (cont.)English constitution, 134, 136and Epicureanism, 131examines sheep’s tongue, 121expansion and faction, 126false honor as the principle of

monarchy, 134favors constitutional equilibrium, 136formalities of justice, 139indebted to Machiavelli for his

understanding of the judicialpower, 138

judicial power, 133, 137–40judicial power at Rome, 139juxtaposes England and Rome, 136law should provide for individual

security, 138liberty and constitutionalism, 134links lowered moral expectations

with a criticism of politicalbrutality, 135

Machiavelli influences, xxviii,122–3, 131–2, 140

Machiavelli, Plato, Aristotle,Thomas More, and Harringtonsubject to passion and prejudice,131

and Mandeville, 133moderation in government, the

separation of powers, and liberty,134

Newtonian dynamics, Machiavellianfaction, and the separation ofpowers, 133

party strife in England, 137political motion and constitutional

equilibrium, 130promotes moderation in

government, 133–4protection of life, liberty, and

property, 138regime change, 136regime typology, 134rejects Aristotle’s condemnation of

usury, 135republican federations do not live up

to his expectations, 262security and the judicial power, 139self-exile at Rome, 139separation of powers, xxvi, 123, 136

treats commercial interest as brakeon wickedness, 132

tumults and faction, 133virtue’s need for limits, 135

compared with Hobbes and Locke, 139criticizes earlier liberal philosophers,

129criticizes Machiavelli’s obsession with

Roman grandeur, 91criticizes Machiavelli, 123debt to Hobbes and Locke, 133early interest in Machiavelli, 126experience as a judge, 139follows Machiavelli and modern

science in understanding nature interms of matter, motion, andpower, 129

his care in writing, 127his political science, 139identified by Adams as student of

Machiavelli, 200influence on America’s founders, 140influence scholarship on, 121influenced by Sidney and Cato’s

Letters, 60influences the American constitution,

60, 140and Jefferson on the need for a prince


and Joly, 141liberal republican, 210and Machiavelli on faction, 126and Madison on the separation of

powers, 230mitigated Machiavellianism, xxvi, 126

Roman censorship, 130Roman liberty, 128Rome’s extension of citizenship, 127

moderates the executive power, 183more favorable than Machiavelli to

Roman nobility, 130owns Machiavelli’s Prince and

Discourses on Livy, 121political scientist, 92praises the Roman Senate, 130rule of law and the judiciary, 124sojourn in England, 89, 122student of Machiavelli’s Prince and

Discourses on Livy, 127






Index 315

More, Thomas Sir, 131Morris, Robert, 261, 263, 265–7Moses, xxvi, xxxviii, 77, 237Moyle, Walter, 210Mucius Scaevola, Gaius, liii–liv

National Gazette, 251natural aristocracy, 32–5

in Harrington, 213Harrington assigns debate to, 34in Jefferson, 213–14, 222, 224in Locke, 219and Oceana’s Senate, 34used by Harrington as an aristocracy

of service, 34natural democracy, 32, 35

in Harrington, 213Harrington assigns result to, 34in Jefferson, 214

Necker, Jacques, 266–7Nedham, Marchamont, xxi, xxiii–xxiv,

8, 10, 12, 14–15, 17–22, 31,91–2

in Adams’s Defence, 191advocates separation of powers, 15author of Interest Will Not Lie, 20author of The Case of the

Commonwealth Stated, 12author of The Case of the Kingdom

Stated, 11author of The Excellencie of a Free

State, xxiii, 13advocates disenfranchising

malignants and neuters, 18advocates separation of powers, 16agrees with Machiavelli ordinary

folk defective in appetite, 14case for citizen army, 18cites Aristotle not Machiavelli in

support of citizen army, 17condemns then insinuates the

teaching of Machiavelli’s Prince,21

echoes Machiavelli’s claim the peopleliberty’s best guardians, 13, 21

excludes from electorate theconfused promiscuous body of thepeople, 19

favors franchise limited to those withproperty, 19

favors frequent popular electionsand a succession of powers andpersons, 14

favors honor, dominion, glory, andrenown, 19

follows Machiavelli in advocatingpublic accusations, 17

the interest of the people generallythe common good, 14

liberty and its preservation, 13man’s capacity for self-rule, 13nowhere quotes verbatim

Machiavelli’s claim legislator mustpresume all men knaves, 14

political authority should be made aburden, 16

prefers Athenian democracy toRome’s mixed regime, 14

prefers to rely on self-interest ratherthan moral virtue, 15

pretends to agree with Aristotle onman’s capacity for self-rule, 13

promotes political accountability, 16propagates a jealous spirit of

distrust, 14–15publishes book five months before

Harrington’s Oceana advertised,22

quotes Cicero on man’s capacity forself-rule, 13

regards frequent elections as a returnto first principles, 15

regards lodging the executive andlegislative powers in the samehands as tantamount to tyranny,16

treats end of government as securityin rights, 20

debt to Machiavelli, 11denounces Shaftesbury, 10derives policy of divide and rule from

Machiavelli, 12draws out bourgeois element in

Machiavelli’s teaching, 20echoes Machiavelli on faction, 126edits Mercurius Politicus, 10–11, 13, 22edits Mercurius Pragmaticus, 10embraces Machiavelli’s modern

populism, xxiii, 13fascinated with Machiavelli, 12






316 Index

Nedham, Marchamont (cont.)fears placing legislative and executive

power in same hands, 16flexible, 10follows through on the logic of

Machiavelli’s modern populism,20

friend of John Milton, 13hostile to claims of titled nobility, 19jealous spirit of distrust, 15and Jefferson, 264journalist, xxiii, 9liberal republican, 210Machiavelli’s Prince, 21offers services to regicide republic, 12papers over chasm separating

Machiavelli from the ancients, 23passes self off as a believing Christian,

12political participation not a primary

concern, 17pretends to embrace classical

republicanism, 23propensity for rhetorical obfuscation,

20proponent of interest-based politics, 11quotes The Prince at length, 21realizes bourgeois potential of

Machiavelli’s argument, 19regards frequent elections as an

alternative superior to tumults, 15rejects classical notion that man is a

political animal, 13rejects classical principle of differential

moral and political rationality, 24relies on popular mobilization as

antidote to tyranny, 244religious and moral skeptic, 12Royalist cause, 11rule of law, 21steeped in the classics, 24suspicious of standing senates, 14unfriendly to tumults, 15

Neville, Henryassociate of Harrington, 2, 215author of Plato Redivivus, 200mocks those who cannot stomach

Machiavelli’s Prince, 2translates Machiavelli’s works, 2

Newton, Sir Isaac, 149, 152, 192Adams compares his method with that

Machiavelli’s, 193, 196and Montesquieu, 128, 133–7

Nicias, xlviiiNicola, Col. Lewis, 176Nietzsche, Friedrich, lxi, 140Noah, 39–41Numa Pompilius, l, lii

Odysseus, 219oligarchy, xxxiii, 25, 28, 32, 216, 227Oricellari Gardens, xxxiOttoman Empire, 28Oudenarde, battle of, 88

Paine, Thomas, 194, 209Peloponnesian War, the, xl, lixPendleton, Edmund, 241Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvanians, 89,

145, 160–1, 171, 191people, the, 253

able to see through religious fraud, liacquisitive, 54Adams on, 202and the American Constitution, 182,

252–3under the American Constitution, 243can aspire to be princes, xlixin Cato’s Letters, 78, 84choose magistrates, xlvii–xlviii, li, 19Christianity enslaves, 53cities wishing to avail themselves of,

xlviin their collective capacity in

Machiavelli, 244and the common good, 14, 24confused as to needs, 239confused promiscuous body, 19consent, 18–19, 31, 97, 115, 237, 277conspiracy and the confidence of, 242constituent authority, 232, 233, 235,

237, 238, 239and the Constitution, 240, 242and constitution-making, 234and constitutional ratification, 240constrained in Sparta, 65contrasted with the princes, 32defective in appetite, 213






Index 317

deliberate, 232desire freedom to safeguard material

interests, 32desire liberty for sake of security, 19,

51, 54–5, 231desire security, 20their distress an opportunity for

founding, 237easily deceived in general things, xlviii,

53easily manipulated by the princes, lielect representatives, 34empire and security for, 53empire as outlet, 54and the executive power, 218of Florence, 138, 202–3and the formation of opinion, 240and frequent elections, 180governed by custom, liigovernment requires support, xlixhabitual consent, 97in Hamilton, 247, 259, 261–7,

272–3Hamilton concerned with a growing

disaffection among, 259Harrington depicts Machiavelli as their

patron, 25their hatred dangerous to a prince, 47Hobbes judges polity with regard to

their security, 28as a humor, 126, 213their humor, xlviincapable of founding, 240indebted to princes for their virtues

and sins, 258indifferent and impartial, 35instituting a dictatorship treason

against the, 217Jefferson defends their political

capacity, 214, 216, 218–19, 227Jefferson favors educating, 221, 224–5Jefferson promotes vigilance, 226–7Jefferson suggests a frequent recourse

to, 243judge political contract, 72judge their rulers, 53and judging, 139lack ambition, xxiiand the legislative power, 252

liberty’s best guardians, xxix, 13–14,21, 54, 82, 214, 220, 241, 243, 253

in Locke, 51, 55, 219lose confidence in Continental

Congress, 262in Machiavelli, xlviii, 47, 51, 53–4, 98,

213–14, 231, 234Machiavelli as educator, 2Machiavelli thinks easily fooled, xlviiiMachiavelli trusts, xlviiiin Madison, 231, 235, 240, 241, 244,

245, 246, 250, 252, 253Madison on, xxixMadison defends their capacity for

self-government, 253and modern prudence, 28Montesquieu on, 139naıve regarding necessity, 234naturally at odds with the nobles, lvii,

126necessary as a support for vivere civile,

liiNedham advocates making magistrates

accountable to, 16Nedham defends against charge of

inconstancy, 14Nedham favors lodging militia in the

hands of, 17–18Nedham on their capacity for self-rule,

13, 20Nedham on their rights, 20need for leadership, 220need for vigilance, xxiv, 55, 229, 245,

273need to vent ambition, xlvi, 54, 126,

213, 214often wrongly termed ungrateful, 79and the preservation of liberty in

Madison, xxix, 231, 253protected by the separation of powers,

16and public accusations, xlvii, 17, 78,

126and public prosecutions, 138punish malfeasance, 72and ratification of the Constitution, 246ratify the American constitution, 250regarded by Locke as liberty’s best

guardians, 218






318 Index

people, the (cont.)regarded by Machiavelli as liberty’s

best guardians, 212and representation, 204, 232represented in the legislature, 218represented in Parliament, 7and republicanism, 251right to alter and abolish governments,

244right to judge government, 73shaped by constitution, 203in Sidney, 66, 68, 72–3, 75Sidney judges government in relation

to their welfare, 67sometimes blinded by species of false

good, xlixand the spirit of liberty, 272superstitious, xxiitaught by Christianity to endure their

sufferings, 53tumultuous in response to oppression,

54–5, 57unable to function as politicians, 32and veneration for the Constitution,

244–5Venetians not made soldiers, 65and virtue, 181, 185Washington on, 177, 181

Persia, lxiiPhilip of Macedon, lxii, 271Philopoemen, 99Pio, chevalier de, 209Plato, 23, 25

in Adams’s Defence, 191, 194–5,199

author of The Lawscivic virtue, civic limits, and

inhibitions on commerce, lixfounding and lawgiving as the

perfect test of manly virtue, 188author of The Republic

Aristotle criticizes, 128on civic virtue, civic limits, and

inhibitions on commerce, lixcompares democracy with a

many-colored cloak, 35contrasted by Adams with

Machiavelli, 195on the guardians, 258

and the best regime, 129

on the compatibility of virtue withpolitical life, xxxviii

creates republic in writing, lxiihis metaphysics and physics contrasted

with that of the Epicureans, 124Montesquieu on, 129, 131Montesquieu criticizes as subject to

passion and prejudice, 131and republicanism, 125Sidney praises his antipathy to

commerce, 68, 74virtue in, 129wary of commerce, 132

Plutarch, 23, 205Pocock, J. G. A., xx–xxi, 97, 254, 256Pole, Reginald Cardinal, xxxvi, 1political architecture, xxvi, 22, 26–7,

29–35, 192–4, 210, 212, 215Polybius, xxi, xxxi, 23, 25, 191, 194–5,

199Polyphemus the Cyclops, 219Poynet, John, 200Price, Dr. Richard, 191, 194, 211Pride, Colonel Thomas, 7priestcraft, xxiv, 31–2, 35Priestley, Joseph, 150, 211Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion,

141

Ramillies, battle of, 88Ramsay, David, 167reason of state (raison d’etat, Realpolitik),

xxvii, xxxvi, xlii, li–lii, 11–20,143–4, 146–7, 169, 229

Reformation, the, 3, 200Regulus Attilius, Marcus, liii, 81religion, xxvi, xxix, xlvi–xlvii, l, lii, 1,

11–12, 31, 107, 122–3, 126, 152,159–61, 182, 252, 276

Remirro d’Orco, 46–7, 51Remus, murdered by Romulus, xxxviiRenaissance, the, xxi, xxxi, xxxiii,

xxxviii, lx, 36–7, 75, 89, 266Retz, Paul de Gondi, Cardinal de, 229Richelieu, Armand Jean du Plessis,

cardinal de, 122rights, xxiii–xxv, 5, 18, 20, 49–50, 63,

83, 142, 146, 174, 176, 181, 216,223, 225–6, 239–41, 252–3, 265,272–5, 277






Index 319

bills of, 227, 250of man, 58, 151, 178, 182, 228, 251natural, 85–6, 152, 181–2, 189, 220,

244, 271, 276Roane, Spencer, 227Robbins, Caroline, xix–xxiRohan, Henri, duc de, 11Romagna, the, 51Rome and the ancient Romans, xxii,

xxv–xxvi, xxx–xxxi, xxxvii,xxxix–xlii, xliv–xlvii, xlix–l, lii–liv,33, 37, 54, 65–7, 70–1, 77–8, 80,101–2, 109, 127, 129, 139, 255

admired by Harrington, 23aggression, 67allies provide manpower, lix, 17battle at the Caudine Forks, xxxviicensorship, xl, liii, 130class contention promotes liberty, 65Consular Tribuneship, lconsulship, xxxvii, xxxix–xl, xlv–xlvii,

xlix–lcontrasted with Sparta, 65corrupted by Marian parties, lvcorruption, 70Decemvirate, xxxix, liiidecried by Hamilton, xxx, 271, 276denounced by Montesquieu as cruel

and inhumane, xxvidictatorship, xxxix, xlii, xlix, 80, 171,

205, 215–18, 260elections, xlixEnglish interest in, 6execute the sons of Brutus, 76exemplary punishments, 72, 75, 80exile Coriolanus and Camillus, 79expansionist, lix, 103, 130extend citizenship, 17, 127faction, 126, 128–30, 132, 136–7, 202Filmer on, 65founding, 205French revolutionaries imitate, 276Gallic sack, liiithe grandi, xxxix, lgratitude, 78great men, 81, 86greatness, 91, 124, 128Harrington appeals to authority of, 23Hume and Hamilton on, 277imitation, lxii

imperial period, xxxiiiimperialism, lxii, 109, 271ingratitude to Coriolanus, Camillus,

and Scipio Africanus, 79institutionalize conflict, 205institutions and policy, xxxiJefferson thinks dictatorship fatal to,

216juxtaposed with Sparta by Sidney, 66kingship, xlv, 65, 244Latin confederacy, 262legions, 270–1liberty, 18in Livy, 199lose liberty, 130Machiavelli on, xxxvii, vix, 65, 90, 95,

99–100, 109, 116, 121, 123, 126–7,190, 195, 197, 212, 244, 274

Machiavelli on discord, xlviMachiavelli prefers to Sparta and

Venice, 66Machiavelli regards founding as

incomplete, 70Machiavelli on the true way to make a

republic great, lixMadison compares Americans with, 168martial character, 62military practices, xxximodel for Louis XIV’s France, 91model for Nedham, 19Montesquieu on, 121–3, 126–9, 136Montesquieu on religion, 126Nedham prefers Athens to, 14nobility, xxxix, xlv, xlvii, l, 130, 205,

244oaths, loffer liberty to those deployed in their

armies, 269orders and laws, xxxipatricians, xxxi, 32, 65, 82, 128–30,

136, 139the people, xxxvii, xxxix–xl, xlv–xlvii,

l, lv, 19, 33–4, 54, 65, 82, 124,128

plebeians, xlii, xlvi, xlix–l, li, liii, lvii,53, 65, 79–80, 82, 125, 128–30,136, 205

their aggrandizement, 128source of military manpower, lixthe threat of secession, xlv






320 Index

Rome and the ancient Romans (cont.)policy, xlvi, 271popular lawmaking, xxxix–xlpopular militia, 18prepared always for the worst, 101primacy of the civil interest, 139prosecute Scipio Africanus, 71Provocatio, xlviipublic accusations, 138, 205religion used to manipulate the plebs, lrely on supraconstitutional and

extraordinary means, 205Republic, xlv, 67, 110republicanism, xxi, xxxi, l, liii–liv, 33,

62, 65, 71, 109, 125, 205, 212,244

imperialist, xlviinstitutionalizes faction, 125Jefferson on, 216mixed, xlvitheory of differential moral and

political rationality, 13unknown to Aristotle, 68

res publica, xxxiiruin, 130Sallust on corruption, xxxviiScipio Africanus, 71, 80Second Punic War, 258seek virtu in every rank, xlixSenate, xxxvii, xxxix, xlii, xlv–xlvi, l,

liv, lvii, 14, 33–4, 53–4, 109,124–5, 128, 130

Sidney on, 65–8sources of liberty, xlvistipendiary army, 18subdue the Mediterranean world, xlviisuperiority in manpower, lixin Swift, 206Tarquins, 76to be studied in Jefferson’s schools,

222tribuneship, xxxix–xl, xlvi–xlvii, l, li,

liii, 125–6, 130, 139, 244tumults, 28, 65, 82, 212

Romulus, xxxvii, xxxviii, xliii, lii, 77king at Rome, xlvMachiavelli on, 205–6murder of Remus, xxxviimurder of Titus Tatius, xxxvii

Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 266

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 209Adams on, 194and Adams’s constitutionalism, 205author of The Social Contract

contrasted by Adams withMachiavelli, 195

chevalier de Pio on, 209Montesquieu foreshadows, 140and moral sentiment, 155ridicules notion of founderless

founding, 233Russia and the Russians, 273

Sallust (Gaius Crispus Sallustius), xxi,xxxi, xxxvii, lxi

Salutati, Collucio, xxxiiiSamnites, the, xxxviiSavonarola, Girolamo, xxxviiiScipio Africanus Major, Publius

Cornelius, 71, 79–80, 168, 258Scotland and the Scots, xxi, 22self-interest, xxv, 14–15, 26, 32, 50, 53,

81–3, 107, 111–12, 142, 156, 187,211

self-preservation, xxii, xxxiv–xxxv, 41,44, 48–9, 52, 65–6, 79, 112, 140,148, 154, 181, 217, 220, 227, 230

separation of powers, xxvi, 15, 125, 127,133–5, 140, 142, 180, 182, 204,206, 230, 243, 247, 261, 263

in Montesquieu, 123, 126, 133, 135,137, 139, 183, 230

Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper,first earl of, 10–11

Shakespeare, William, 5Shays, Daniel, 234Sicily, xlviiiSidney, Algernon, xxi, xxvi, xxviii,

59–60, 62–76, 78, 80, 84–6, 89,91–2, 200

Adams indebted to, 194in Adams’s Defence a defender of

mixed government, 190adopts Machiavelli’s rhetorical style, 62advocates liberty, 61and the American founding, 58and the ancients, 200argues the necessity for expansion, 74argues the necessity for war, 69argues the necessity of increase, 75






Index 321

author of Court Maxims, 67author of Discourses Concerning

Government, xxiv, 58–9, 61, 64celebrates the deposition and

execution of kings, 72civil society remedies inconveniences

of pre-political state, 73crucial role played by representative

assemblies in monarchies, 72draws arguments against Filmer

from Machiavelli, 65echoes Machiavelli on necessity for

expansion, 67echoes Machiavelli’s call for a

frequent return to first principles,69, 71

echoes Machiavelli’s critique ofSparta, 66–7

embraces Machiavelli’s rapaciousrepublicanism, xxiv

endorses exemplary punishments, 71endorses prosecution of Scipio

Africanus, 71equality of right and consent, 73espouses politics of distrust, 224extracts reprinted in Cato’s Letters, 85follows Aristotle initially, 63initially asserts reason’s preeminence,

68initially echoes Aristotle’s claim man

a political animal, 63initially embraces Plato, Socrates,

and Epictetus, 68judges governments by provision for

war, 66laws defend lives, liberties, and

estates, 75links good government with

increase, 75makes case for imperialism, 68man’s natural liberty, 73moves rhetorically from

Aristotelianism toMachiavellianism, 63

obscures inspiration for ruminations,62

popular governments superior toabsolute monarchies in preservingpeace and managing war, 66

pre-political state, 73

republics benefit the commonpeople, 75

repudiates divine right of kings, 61repudiates prescription, 70reticent concerning Machiavelli, 63right of resistance, 73roots of Roman imperialism in

Roman republicanism, 65sacrifices principle of consent for

sake of martial aggrandizement, 85scorns commercial republicanism, 74willing to attribute an idea to

Machiavelli when he disagreeswith it, 64

bests Machiavelli in bloodthirstiness,72

breaks with Aristotle, 63case for military adventure, 68in Cato’s Letters, 85the chevalier de Pio on, 209compatible with Locke, 58, 60contrasted with Aristotle, 74dissembles allegiance to Machiavelli, 63distances self from Machiavelli, 62–3echoes Machiavelli on faction, 126echoes Machiavelli’s call for a frequent

return to first principles, 69echoes Machiavelli’s judgment of Rome

vis-a-vis Sparta and Venice, 66embraces exemplary punishments, 63embraces Machiavelli, xxiv, 60, 86,

122embraces the necessity for excess, 71embraces Roman bellicosity, 62embraces tumults, 221endorses Machiavellian maxims while

suppressing their origin, 63–4fails to mention the state of nature as

such, 73focuses on the passions, 68follows Machiavelli on Rome, 65hostile to wayward monarchs, 71and Jefferson, 264Jefferson follows on the question of

tumults, 221Jefferson links with Locke, 59justifies punishment of a malevolent

monarch, 72, 74liberal republican, 210and Locke, 73






322 Index

Sidney, Algernon (cont.)Machiavellian liberal, 72and Madison on first principles, 230necessity, xxivnecessity for war, 63obvious debt to Machiavelli, 59, 62at odds with Aristotle on the primacy

of war, 68popularizes Machiavelli, 60question of progress, 70and the radical Whigs, 61relies on popular mobilization as

antidote to tyranny, 244reluctant to acknowledge full debt to

Machiavelli, 69republican, xxivrights and property in, xxvRye House Plot, 61scorns commercial republicanism, 74on the social contract, 73at the University of Virginia, 60

Sidney, Sir Philip, 2, 6Smith, Adam, 155, 191Socrates, xliv, 68, 104, 128, 258Soderini, Piero, xxxviii, xli, 138Solon of Athens, lii, 14, 168South Sea Bubble, xxv, 76Soviet Union, 87Spain and the Spanish, iii, l, 87–8, 92,

145, 270Spanish Succession, war of the, 88Sparta and the Spartans, xxx, xl, lvii, lix,

33, 66–8, 102admired by Aristotle, 68admired by Harrington, 23aristocratic and isolationist, lixAristotle thinks excessively martial, 68,

102decried by Hamilton, 271disallow foreigners to become citizens,

65domestic harmony, 65English interest in, 6isolationist, xljuxtaposed with Rome by Sidney, 66Lycurgan founding, 70, 205Lycurgus as lawgiver, xlMachiavelli on, 124, 195, 212Machiavelli and Sidney think

insufficiently martial, 68

Machiavelli prefers Rome to, 65martial, 68, 99middle way, 67in Montesquieu, 129republicanism, xl, lix, 124–5restrain the numbers and power of the

people, 65seek stability in world forever in

motion, 67Sidney prefers Rome to, 66–7treat war as primary, 99unable to survive empire, 67weakness rooted in demographic

limits, lixStarkey, Thomas, 5Stiles, Ezra, 160Stoicism and the Stoics, xliv, 25Stourzh, Gerald, 254, 256Strauss, Leo, lviStuart, Gilbert, 172Sultan, the, lxiiSwift, Jonathan, 191, 194

Tacitus, Cornelius, 16, 23Tallard, Camille d’Houstun, duc de, 87,

88Tatius, Titus, xxxviiTaylor, John, 194teleology, xxxiv, 43, 98, 99, 105, 117,

125, 187, 196. See Plato; AristotleThe Federalist, 184, 212. See also

Hamilton, Alexander; Madison,James

America’s republican genius, 241Constitution’s need for popular

veneration, 243–5, 252criticizes Sparta and Rome, 271distinguishes men from angels, 212espouses politics of distrust, 224executive energy, 184executive power, 184, 218, 262Federal Convention exceeded mandate,

239finance and war, 265Hamilton in, 255, 259–60, 272indebted to Montesquieu, 140Machiavellian imperialism of the

Europeans, 275majority faction, 253necessity and the executive power, 184






Index 323

necessity that in founding princes acton the people’s behalf, 240

need for emergency executive powers,218

people in collective capacity excludedfrom conduct of government, 242

peoples’s right to alter and abolishgovernments, 244

popular government under theConstitution, 242

presidential character, 184not a recipe for aristocratic rule, 243relationship between

public-spiritedness and energy andforesight in government, xxvi

replete with maxims culled fromMachiavelli, 229

role played by republican princes infounding, 246

Roman militarism, 271ruling passion of the noblest minds,

184Washington praises, xxx, 176

Thebes and the Thebans, lxiiTheseus, xxxviii, 77, 237Thomas Aquinas, xxxiv, xliii, 98Thucydides, 23, 25, 29, 35, 100Timoleon, 81Tocqueville, Alexis de, 140–1, 263Toland, John, 62, 210Torquatus, Manlius, liiitranquillity, xxvi, 111, 127–8, 134, 139,

169, 215, 218and security in Montesquieu, 127–8,

134–5, 138–42Trenchard, John, 138–42. See also Cato’s

Letterstumults, xxii–xxiv, xxvi, xxxix, lv, 32, 82

in the French Revolution, 209Harringtonian republicanism devoid,

21, 28Hobbes opposed to, 220Hume, Montesquieu, and Franklin

bridle at, xxvin Jefferson, 214, 216, 225–6, 244and liberty in the American tradition,

227Machiavelli embraces, xxii, xxvi, xlvi,

xlvii, 54, 65, 102, 125, 129, 136,213, 220, 226, 244

Madison against institutionalizing,xxix

in Montesquieu, 129, 133Nedham regards frequent elections as a

salutary alternative, 15Sidney embraces, xxiv

Turgot, Baron Anne-Robert, 191–2, 201Turks, lxiiTyler, John, 236–7tyranny, xxii–xxiii, li, lvi, 2, 14–15, 17,

25, 28, 55, 130, 181, 201, 217,220–1, 244, 276–7

and Christianity, 155of the Decemvirs, xxxixEngland as, 275and faction, 124in Florence, 202over foreigners under Machiavellian

republicanism, lxGentili regards Machiavelli as enemy

to, 2of God, 39, 43Harrington distinguishes monarchy

from, 25Locke on right of resistance against, 47and Machiavelli, 3Machiavelli and Locke oppose clerical,

38option for new princes, lirepublics exercise over conquered

provinces, 277Roman hatred, 128

Utrecht, treaty of, 88

Venice and the Venetians, lvii, 29, 90commercial republic, 274do not make soldiers of the people, 65domestic harmony, 65Harrington admires, 30Machiavelli prefers Rome to, lix, 65,

273public debt, 266republic, 4–5, 273restrain the numbers and power of the

people, 65sea power, 273secret ballot, 32Sidney criticizes, 66

Venus, xxxv






324 Index

Vettori, Francesco, lviii, 90vigilance, popular, 244, 264

in Cato’s Letters, 78, 82Harrington rejects, 21its Machiavellian roots, xxivin Jefferson, 215, 227, 264in Locke, 55, 219in Madison, 229necessary in a republic, xxviiiNedham transforms Machiavellian

class resentment into, 21refined by Madison, 245

Virginia and the Virginians, xxviii, 167,173, 175, 179, 208, 212, 214,222, 224, 229, 232–5, 238

Annapolis Convention, 236conference at Mount Vernon, 236constitutional reform, 216, 234great families, 222Jefferson reforms College of William

and Mary, 223–4Jefferson’s draft constitution, 216Jefferson’s program of legislative

reforms, 221Jefferson’s proposal for university, 223Jefferson’s Revisal of the Laws, 225Mount Vernon conference, 237Virginia Resolutions of 1799, lix, 224

Virginia, University of, 224and Jefferson, 58, 60Madison on, 230and Sidney, 61

virtu, x, xxii–xxiii, xlvi–xlviii, xlix, li–lv,lxii, 3, 33, 123, 183, 207, 219,231, 254–5, 261, 266

and Hamilton, 256–8, 261, 263, 266,277

popular, xxiii, xlixprincely, xxii, xxiii, 234

virtue, xxiii, xxxii–xxxiii, xlii–xlv, li, lix,25, 33, 35, 39, 47, 53, 79–80, 102,107, 133–5, 144, 157–8, 161–2,164, 186, 188, 223, 239, 242, 259

American, 167–8, 185, 243, 256–8,260, 268

in Aristotle, xxviii, 43–4, 129Cato’s Letters on, 77, 81civility as supreme modern, 161–2, 164in Franklin, 143, 156–9, 163

Hamilton on, 168, 259, 271, 276–7Harrington substitutes institutions, 24,

27, 35in Hume, 109, 115Machiavelli redefines, 109, 125, 208Machiavellian, xxxiv, xliv, xlvii, 100,

132, 172, 183, 264Mandeville on private vices as public,

133–4Montesquieu on its need for limits, 135morality, xxii–xxviii, xxxii, xxxviii, 25,

50, 156, 160, 182–3, 187in Aristotle, 50, 132and classical republicanism, xxx,

lix–lx, 182, 186Franklin reconceives, 156, 158–9Hamilton on, 266Hobbes unconcerned with, 161Locke’s concern with, 152Machiavelli debunks, xxxv,

xlii–xliii, lii, 44, 57, 99, 108, 186its need for limits, 135and the preservation of liberty, 186Washington on, 172–7, 179, 181–2,

186–7in Nedham, 12, 14, 19republican, lix, 75, 123, 182, 254, 258Roman, xxxii, 95, 195Sidney and Cato’s Letters treat

republics as the nursery, 75, 86social, 160, 267

Franklin subordinates religion to,160

Sparta promotes martial, 68in The Federalist, 184of Washington, 185

vivere civile (civil way of life), xxxiv,xxxv, xxxviii–xxxix, xlii–xliv, li,liii–lvii, lix–lx, 92, 96, 210

vivere libero (free way of life), xxxviii,xlvi, 20, 79, 98

vivere politico (political way of life),xxxiv, xxxviii, li, lviii, lix, 92, 103

Voltaire, Francois-Marie Arouet de, 89

war, xxiv, xxix, xliii, xlvii–xlix, lvii–lviii,lxi, 32, 53, 66–9, 88, 90, 119, 128,150, 171, 205, 255–6, 259, 269,272–3, 276






Index 325

Aristotle subordinates to peace, 99, 102Cato’s Letters averse to, xxv, 84Christianity and just, 276civil, 18, 203, 234Franklin abhors, 143Genoa and naval, 273Hamilton on, xxix–xxx, 254Hamilton on America’s need for

preparation, 271, 273–4, 278Hamilton on centralized banking and

the funding of, xxix, 259Hobbes treats as man’s natural state,

107, 112Hume, Montesquieu, and Franklin

display aversion to, xxvLivy on, 255in Locke, 74, 215Locke on state of war, 73Locke on tyranny as state of, 55Machiavelli and Locke quote Livy on

just, 37Machiavelli embraces, xxii, xxvi, xliii,

xlvii–xlviii, lvii, lviii, 51, 63, 67,99–103, 125, 183, 255

money as sinews, 90, 265Montesquieu averse to, xxv–xxvi,

133Montesquieu on republics, monarchies,

and, 262and republicanism, xlii, lvii, lixand Rome, 129, 270–1Sidney echoes Machiavelli on the

necessity for, 64, 66–7, 74transformed by the French Revolution,

xxxWashington in and on, 171

Warren, James, 176Washington, Bushrod, 185Washington, George, xxi, xxvii, xxx,

167, 170–2, 174–7, 179–80,185–8, 237

address at Newburgh, 187advocates permanent union of the

states, 178American Constitution, 181–2American founding, 178–9American nationalist, 177American republicanism, 179and the American Revolution, 170

character, xxvii, 169and the classical principles of

statesmanship, 188decay of public virtue, 176deplores need to confiscate property

for war, 265executive power, 173, 185exercises quasi-dictatorial powers, 171Fabian strategy, 265Farewell Address, 171, 224

on constitutional arrangements andmoral character, 181

on the virtues needed forself-government, 182

favors strong executive and strongnational powers, 185

fears for America, 179at Federal Convention, 180, 241final Circular to the States, 177First Inaugural, 187

on the importance of virtue, 186formation of a new government, 175Fortuna, 171as general, 171and glory, 172, 187and Hamilton, 174, 256–7Hamilton as prime minister for, 264his understanding of the founding, 173Ides of March, 177Jefferson on his character, 173Jefferson praises his moderation and

virtue, 177Jefferson on self-sacrifice and, 175justice, 178liking for Addison’s Cato, 174links private morality with national

character, xxviiand Machiavelli, 171, 187and Machiavelli on virtue, 172majority rule, 181moderation and nobility, 188moral education, 173–4national character, 175, 177, 186natural rights as the foundation for

constitutional government, 182need for a frequent return to first

principles, 175need for moral virtue, 181Newburgh Conspiracy, 177






326 Index

Washington, George (cont.)opposed to Machiavelli in his

understanding of first principles,175

opposed to Machiavelli on hisjudgment of the character ofrepublican princes, 240

opposed to the political science ofMachiavelli, 187

praises The Federalist, xxx, 176president, 185, 274presides over Federal Convention, 180as a prince, 172promotes ratification of the

Constitution, 180prudence, 172rejects Machiavelli’s narrow

conception of politics, 187rejects opportunity to become a prince,

176rejects political resort to military force,

176–7religion, morality, and republicanism,

182rules of civility, 173

self-respect, 174at siege of Yorktown, 261statesmanship and prudence, 170struggles to control his passions, 174Stuart’s portraits, 172teleology, 187treats common law principles as a

reflection of the law of nature, 176understood as he understood himself,

172union between virtue and happiness,

186at Valley Forge, 257virtue, 173voting record at the Federal

Convention, 185warns against relying solely on virtue,

187Washington, George Steptoe, 173Wentworth, Sir Peter, 7Wildman, John, 210William III (William of Orange), 89Wood, Gordon S., xx, xxi

Xenophon, 23






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