INDEPENDENT RESEARCH PROJECT

Issues of Migrant Workers

Under the guidance of: Prof.S.S.Singh

Research Study Conducted by: Fidel Castro Mehra PGDM- RM II U307016

Sl No. Contents

1. Executive Summary

2. Acknowledgement

3. Introduction

4. Issues of Migrant workers

5 Migration in Orissa

6. Study Objectives

7. Study Area

8. Methodology adopted for research study

9. Study and Analysis

10. Failure of the Government Project

11. Laws related to Migration in India

12. Outcomes of the Study

13. Cocnlusion and Suggestions

14. References

15. Appendix-1

Executive Summary

Migration from one area to another in search of improved livelihoods is a key feature of human

history. While some regions and sectors fall behind in their capacity to support populations,

others move ahead and people migrate to access these emerging opportunities. Industrialisation

widens the gap between rural and urban areas, inducing a shift of the workforce towards

industrialising areas.

In the past few decades new patterns have emerged, challenging old paradigms. First, there have

been shifts of the workforce towards the tertiary sector in both developed and developing

countries. Secondly, in developed countries, urban congestion and the growth of communication

infrastructure has slowed down urbanisation. Thirdly, in developing countries, the workforce

shift towards the secondary/tertiary sector has been slow and has been dominated by an

expansion of the ‘informal’ sector, which has grown over time.

Migration in Orissa occurs when workers do not get suitable options for livelihood in the home

state. So there is some expectation of improvement in circumstances through migration. The

improvement sought is not only for better opportunity or higher wages but also maximization of

family employment or smoothing of income or consumption over the year.

Particularly in Orissa, labour migration occurs due to wage differences between the home and

destination place. The major reason of migration spectrum, the workers could be locked into a

debt-migration cycle, where earning from migration are used to repay debts incurred at home.

The second reason is purely voluntary in nature because of their limited choices for subsistence.

Moreover, absence of non-farm employment, and low agricultural production due to natural

calamities has resulted in a growth of seasonal migration.

This is a study which hightlights the livelihood conditions of people who migrate to

Bhubaneshwar and particularly to the larget slum of Bhubaneshwar Salia Sahi.

Acknowledgement

The following study is a outcome of the contributions from various people and it will be

incomplete if they are not mentioned and thanked. I will first like to thank my faculty guide Prof.

S.S. Singh for helping me throughout the study and suggesting potential spots for finding a good

mix of migrant laborers. The SRC committee which is responsible for running the IRP agenda is

also to be thanked. Moreover I will like to thank Deepu Kumar Sahu from Salia Sahi for helping

me out with the questionnaire survey in the area, without his help as interpreter of oriya to hindi

the study would not have taken off. Finally I thank Xavier Institute of Management for allowing

me to be a part of the IRP.

Introduction

Internal labour migration is emerging as an important livelihood option in many parts of India.

Micro-level studies reveal that rural-urban migration, particularly from marginal areas, is on the

rise. For instance, the National Sample Survey estimated that in 1999-2000 close to 8 million

rural people from India’s major states migrated to urban locations for employment purposes.

However, the official data grossly underestimates the scale of internal migration and do not

capture the dynamics of the process in terms of its determinants, patterns and outcomes. Much of

the evidence on those issues therefore comes from studies undertaken by universities, rural

development agencies, research institutes and NGOs.

Recent evidence shows that internal migration in India is a complex phenomenon that is shaped

by agro-ecological, social, economic, political and historical factors. However, the combination

of determinants, patterns and impacts of migration vary not only between source locations but

also between households within a location. Internal labour movement in India is generally looked

at from five broad perspectives: (i) spatial and temporal dimensions: rural-rural, rural-urban,

urban-urban, temporary or seasonal and long-term or permanent; (ii) nature of work: agricultural

and non-agricultural; (iii) skill level: unskilled, semi-skilled and skilled; (iv) socio-economic

composition: caste, class, ethnicity, gender, etc; and (v) returns from migration: a low-return or

survival mechanism and a high return livelihood strategy.

Moreover, migration is a dynamic process where each stream of migration evolves into new

forms over time. Migration process is therefore not susceptible to generalizations. Unskilled

work may become a skilled or specialized one over a period of time and temporary migration

could transform into a long-term or permanent migration. Similarly a high-return activity may

turn into a low-return work. Also the spatial distinctions about the receiving areas get blurred in

some migration streams where rural-rural migrant workers pass through urban locations or the

nature of work at destinations straddles both rural and urban locations. And the dichotomy

between agricultural and non-agricultural work does not always hold the ground because

migrants of farm stream may also work as non-farm workers and vice versa.

Migration is undertaken not only by the poor but also by the non-poor. Migration takes place

from both underdeveloped and drought-prone areas as well as from well-endowed locations.

Issues of migrant workers

In some parts of India, three out of four households include a migrant. However despite the large

scale of migration in absolute numbers of people involved and India’s long history of population

and labour mobility, labour migration has rarely been reliably studied. Labour migration is

complex. Streams differ in duration, origin, destination and migrant characteristics. Economic

and social impacts on migrants and their families are variable. Migration often involves longer

working hours, poor living and working conditions, social isolation and poor access to basic

amenities.

At destination, migrant labour affects markets, lowering the cost of labour. Migration also affects

the labour market at the place of origin. Migrant earnings affect income, expenditure patterns and

investment and changes relations at household and community levels. While there seems to be

some positive impact on incomes and investment, the major function of migration is to act as a

‘safety valve’ in poor areas. The impact on asset and income inequality is more mixed.

Migrants are disadvantaged as labourers and labour laws dealing with them are weakly

implemented.

Poor migrants have very little bargaining power. Most migrant labourers are also employed in

the unorganized sector, where the lack of regulation compounds their vulnerability There is

considerable conceptual difficulty in defining a migrant. Worker mobility takes different forms,

which may coexist. The worker’s place of residence and place of work may be different, and the

distance covered by daily commuting. At the other end of the spectrum, workers may move

permanently from their places of birth or usual place of residence, maintaining little or no contact

with their places of origin. Between these two extremes, people move away for differing periods

of time. Most household surveys use a cut-off point to determine the usual place of residence – in

India, this is six months – but such a cut-off point has no firm basis in migration patterns.

It is useful to distinguish between ‘permanent’, ‘semi-permanent’ and ‘temporary’ migrants,

based on how long they are away from their place of origin, the links they maintain, and the

likelihood that they will return home. Temporary migrants are unlikely to stay away from their

places of origin for more than a few months in a year. The nature of migration primarily reflects

household subsistence strategies in the face of social, cultural, demographic and other

constraints. Males predominate in most labour migration streams. But in a number of other cases,

both men and women migrate together for work, especially among lower caste and tribals where

constraints on women’s participation in non-household economic activities are fewer. The

pattern of labour migration (whether males alone, males and females, or females alone) is related

to the social structure, the pattern of demand, and the nature of the migration process. In some

sectors such as construction, brick kiln and sugarcane cutting, family migration is prevalent as it

is more economical for employers.

The migrants face various issues some of them which can be studied in two broad categories are

1) On migrants and their families

• Living conditions

• Health and Education

2) Impact on source areas

3) Impact on destination areas

Migration in Orissa

Relation Between Poverty and Migration

Poverty and migration have always been interrelated in Orissa. The poverty profile shows that

income poverty is higher in Orissa than in the rest of India. Although poverty has been falling

over time, all data sources indicate that the gap in incomes and between Orissa and the rest of

India has widened over the last twenty years. Whereas in 1980 per capita income in Orissa was

27% lower than in the rest of India, in 1997 it was 70% lower. The proportion of people below

the poverty line is estimated at 47.13% compared with 26.1% in the whole of India. And there

are wide disparities between coastal and southern regions. It is because of high concentration of

Scheduled Tribe population in the southern region. Scheduled Tribe population in coastal area is

7.2% as against 39.7% in the southern region. So, poverty ratio in coastal region is 64.0% as

against 85.5% in the southern region. If we see the overall trend, we find that 80% of the rural

families are leading a painful life in the state. And we lost many investment opportunities due to

non-availability of basic infrastructure in our state. It is a dead state for outsiders and it is the real

worry for investors to start something new in Orissa. State’s economy has incurred huge losses to

the extent of Rs 13,230 crore due to natural calamities from 1998-2003. More than 90% of the

state plan outlay is being financed from borrowings.

The Issue: Interstate migration

Seasonal migration has become an important livelihood strategy for many Oriyas. Lakhs of

people migrate to the other states for working as wage labourers. The Adivasis, Harijans and

backward class villagers are always struggling for their basic need (i.e. food). After the harvest,

the villagers who are engaged in paddy field become jobless. Hardly they will get any

opportunities in their villages to maintain their daily expenditure. How many days, they will sit

idle? Some of them get an opportunity to work in brick-kilns within the home state. What about

the millions of farmers after the harvest season? They need work; they want money to fulfill their

minimum requirements. Without second thought, they have to leave their villages and their

homes in search of ‘work for food’ and start their journey to the neighbour states for working in

construction, in weaving, in hotels or as rickshaw- and cart pullers. This is not a new story, it is

being repeated every year since 1965. This trend was started by the Harijans, who could not get

any work once the harvest was over.

The problem with this migration episode is the middleman, the labour contractor, who is better

known as sardar. The role of sardar is to herd the labourers and organized into small groups and

send them to the different destination. If you study the matter in a neutralized manner, this is a

mutual need for the employers and labourers. The rich industrialists, brick-kilns owners or the

road contractors savour the cheap and skilled labour and at the same time the poor farmers get a

source of income round the year. Sometimes the sardar helped the poor labourers by offering a

loan, at a vulnerable time, for anything from Rs. 5,000 to 20, 000. That will paid back by the

labour when the migration season comes. The migration cycle begins like this.

When we are talking about the law for migration issue, the only law, the Interstate Migrant

Workman Act, 1979, formulated with particular attention to western Orissa, applies only to

people who cross state boundaries. Movements within the state do not fall within its purview. Its

emphasis is on regulation of movement, not on welfare and security. And it is almost impossible

to apply the law in favour of individuals: there is yet no state machinery to follow up on names

and addresses, even if a worker is able to report them.

Real Story

The life of seasonal labourers is miserable in every respect. Most of the Oriya labourers are

migrated to Andhra Pradesh usually from November to May to work in brick kiln. In regional

language, the labourer is known as Pathuria. Starting from the home to reach at the destination,

in every step they struggle to survive. Due to suffocation, dehydration and sheer exhaustion in

general compartment with overcrowded passengers, their train journey towards the destination

place become more disgusting. When they get down at the in brick kiln, the owners showed them

an open place to build their hovel. This is the duty of these pathurias to build their hovels as early

as possible else the life under the open sky may be extended to weeks. The owner provides the

thatch or polythene for the roof and show them place where they get the materials (raw bricks

and clay). As far as drinking water is concerned, the same water, which is used to prepare the

clay, is used for every other purpose. These pathurias are working in brick kilns with a rate of

payment about Rs 80 for 1,000 bricks made. They work for 12 to 15 hours, sometimes 18 hours a

day to get the wage (around Rs. 70 per day) more than the home state. The minimum wage for

daily labour in Orissa is little more than Rs 50.

Additional to that amount, the owner pays the to and fro tickets from their house to kiln. The

final settlement is made only when they are ready to leave that place. The final settlement means

deduction of all the payment whether it may have taken for food or any other purpose.

The pahturias actually put all their effort to repay the debt what he has borrowed from the sardar.

But at the going-home time, the calculation shows a shortfall, which they must pay back in next

season. Illness is a normal phenomenon and the expense is first borne by the owner. Very ill

people are sent home. Sometimes return journey becomes the last journey for many labourers.

They do bring back some money most of which goes treating illness, or just to eat.

Study Objectives The objective of the study is to find out the change in the livelihood patterns of people after they

have migrated to Bhubaneshwar. The study also aims to highlight various issues which the

migrant workers face and present the current state of laws which govern the migrant issues.

Study Area The study area chosen was Salia sahi and its adjacent areas within Bhubaneshwar. But the onsite

workers were selected randomly from some buildings under construction.

Rationale behind choosing the study area The rationale for selecting salia-sahi for an in-depth study are: (i) The slum witnesses large scale

in migration and the study area(Bhubaneshwar) figures prominently among the high in-migration

zones of Orissa; (ii) Two broad categories of migrants based on area can be found which are

intra state and from other states; (iii) Unlike other districts of the state with large scale out-

migration (such as Nayagarh and Bhadrak), Bhubaneshwar city of Khurda district has a lot of in

migration ; (iv) Salia sahi is the largest slum in Bhubaneshwar and remains largely unexplored

related to migration studies.

Methodology adopted The research began with a literature review on the issue of migration and narrowed into

migration in Orissa, covering the basic understanding of different types of migration and

dynamics involved in migration. The facts were presented using various resources which have

been duly mentioned. Also, the various laws which exist pertaining to migration in the country

were highlighted in the research. The research method used is primarily qualitative based on in

depth interviews with migrants. A questionnaire was prepared which was used to map the

income level improvement and subsequent impact on livelihood. The study involved a sample of

50 migrants which have been classified in three broad categories i.e Permanent Migrants in salia

sahi, On site workers, other migrants in the city. The migrants were interviewed and the

questionnaire were completed based on which the complete research was carried out.

The Study and Findings

The study comprises of the in-depth interviews which were carried out at three different

locations in Bhubaneshwar. The people selected for interviews were the migrants to

Bhubaneshwar. Out of the 50 people/migrants interviewed 34 were instate migrants and the rest

were from adjacent states of Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal and Jharkhand. Some of them were

also from UP, Bihar and Maharashtra. The survey started from households in Salia Sahi, moved

to Unit-2 and Unit 4 markets and subsequently ended with interviews with onsite workers in

construction buildings.

Migrants in salia sahi

Salia Sahi being the largest slum in Bhubaneshwar is house to thousands of migrants. The slum

came to existence 15-20 years back and proliferated into a large number of unauthorized shanties

today. The slum houses people from different states, caste and rituals. The slum is also house to

all the major problems which plague the country today. Be it, diseases, unhygienic living

conditions, all sorts of basic amenites, Salia sahi is the perfect example of urban planning gone

wrong. Almost all the households are migrant people here. But in the study only those people

who have migrated in the last 4-5 years have been taken. They are employed in various kinds of

works like carpentry, mocha, Rickshaw pulling, daily wage laborers ( manual labors), Some are

employed in small hotels, work as mechanic and almost all the kinds of work which can be

performed manually are undertaken by these people. The education level is abysmally low and

they do not have any hopes from the system to improve upon their lives.

25 households (Families) were surveyed in Salia sahi and out of them only 14 people were

educated beyond class 8th. This means out of the total number of 58 people only 14 people were

educated beyond 8th class. The people who could read and write say they don’t find it very useful

as their lives remain in shambles. The various reasons that were cited for them to migrate were

lack of job opportunities, some kind of disaster or incident happening for them to leave the place,

increasing burden of the family and irregular income. The most prominent reason for those who

migrated from within Orissa was disaster/incident and others cited income as the reason of

migration. Out of the 25 a total of 19 families were from within Orissa, one from UP, one from

Jharkhand and rest from Andhra Pradesh. As mentioned above they do not have a regular source

of income and they primarily opt for working as daily manual laborers. Some of them have skills

like art and crafts, painting and weaving and are involved in respective works.

The houses for the survey in Salia Sahi were randomly chosen. The average salary of a

household comes out to Rs.2400 per month. Some of the families have three members earning

and still they are not able to earn more than Rs. 3000 per month. The total family income of the

migrants are still better as compared to the main person of the household himself as they do not

have regular income and are into drinking , which results in all sorts of problems for some

families

From Mirzapur to Salia Sahi : CASE of Deepu Kumar Sahu

Deepu Kumar sahu is a 30 year old Teli under the caste Bania. He belongs to Mirzapur in UP

and migrated to Bhubaneshwar 2 years back with his uncle, in search of a job. His uncle returned

to UP and he started ‘Kabadi’ business with one of the friends he made here. In Mirzapur, they

use to have a small shop selling and buying old newspaper and cloth, once that business stopped

working he being the only male capable of earning amongst his young two sisters, a wife and a

weak mother had to look for alternatives for job. His uncle had some links in Bhubaneshwar

which is why he came here but to his surprise that dint work out. He did not had money to return

back so he send his uncle alone and started working as a rag picker and later on started his own

Kabadi shop from his slum here in Salia Sahi. The income that he earns varies from Rs. 2000-

3000 a month. Out of which he sends money to his family back in Mirzapur.

He has come across all sorts of problems in these two years. He got malaria last year and was in

bed for 2 weeks. The person looks indefatigable though, welcoming everyone who comes to his

place with a smile and a cup of tea. The hut is all torn and has weared out along with the little

furniture he has. He is trapped between the dilemma of returning home and not having an income

source. He is happy that he does not have children else he would have been much more troubled.

This is one amongst the many stories of migration in Salia Sahi.

Many of the people interviewed feel that the migration is increasing in the area. More number of

people are coming to Bhubaneshwar from inner districts like Koraput, Kandhamal and they feel

that the conditions are likely to worsen in the area. The authorities are hardly concerned about

the state of the slums. 80% of the people interviewed are not aware of any labor laws. The people

who are aware have never bothered to understand what these laws are.

The other findings from the study reveal that the education is a highly neglected subject in the

area, as there is only one primary school in the area. People send their children to school till

upper primary and then they are not able to afford for their education. There is a large drop out in

from the school and many children end up working in small hotels and dhaba for a monthly

income as low as Rs. 500. Once they enter into work there is no chance of them returning to

school, as the family starts being dependent on them.

7 out of the 25 people sit outside unit-2 and unit-4 markets everyday and offer manual labor like

carpenter, house repair and other related works. They get paid around 80 Rs/day which can vary

sometimes to as low as Rs 50 /Day.

So it was decided to interview some more migrants who work as manual labors outside these

markets.

The findings from the people interviewed in the unit markets of Bhubaneshwar were somewhat

similar to those in Salia- Sahi, the only difference was in the income of the people was more

regular here. The people offer them as manual labor and are most of the days picked up for some

work or the other. But the living conditions are almost the same for them as Salia sahi. Out of the

10 people interviewed 9 of them were married, 6 had children and 4 had more then 2 children.

The financial is too much for these people to bear.

The whole survey comes as a surprise that, amongst all the ten people interviewed, no one is

earning more than Rs. 3000/month. Two of them sleep at station and rest live in the Mali sahi

slum and adjacent areas.

One Debiprasad sahoo narrated his story of how he became trapped in the debt-loan cycle and

finally had to migrate from his village in Nayagarh to Bhubaneshwar. “The debt taken from

moneylenders is also one of the reason for their misery”, he said. The problem according to him

is with the government’s total neglect of the people who migrate to cities. This leads to random

proliferation in the city slums and the conditions are worsened day by day.

5 out of 6 people send their children to school but are very sure that they won’t be able to

continue their studies after sometime. Only 3 out of the 10 were themselves educated till 8th class

few studied till 4th and one of them never joined school. They say the living conditions are

pathetic and are worse if not like salia sahi. One interesting fact which came out from Rajnish

mishra one of the migrants, was that , out of the total money they earn in a particular day a small

portion goes to the person who gets them the work. This person are the local thekedaars which

operate in these areas and help these people get work. Usually they are hired for 8 hours work

and end up working for 9-10 hours.

These are among the several travails which these people face every day.

On-site construction workers

The on- site construction workers were also surveyed for the interview to give a new dimension

to the study.

A total of 15 people were chosen from a building being constructed in a famous B school in

Bhubaneshwar. They all were from the same district and were working through the same

contractor. The findings were totally different if compared with the two other sets of migrants

surveyed. These people were happy as they had a regular source of income and they had a shelter

in the building under construction and the food was also being served by the contractor. The only

part to concerned is the wages which they are paid for 7-8 hours of hard work. They are paid

only Rs.40 -50 per day, but they are assured of work 30 days a month. According to them the

contractor gives them the target of one building each year and they have to finish it day night

alike.

All of the 15 were from Nayagarh District but most were from different villages.

One Ravi Pradan who is 28 years old works 7 hours a day and says that he is happy with the

wage he gets. He says that the building is their first home and the place where they belong does

not carry the same importance for them. As they are very religious people, they consider the

building,which provides them food as God’ gift. He is educated till 4th class and has two brothers

who work along with him who have also studied till 4th and 5th standard. When survival is the

question education is the last priority which these people assume. The findings suggest that they

have better facilities regarding basic amenities.

Failure of Government Projects

The Government of Orissa developed number of ways to reduce the poverty in the state but there

is no single best way to approach this task. On agriculture, the most urgent requirements are road

and irrigation. The implementation of the national Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, which is

a centrally funded scheme designed to achieve connectivity. Rural connectivity needs to be

improved. Orissa has about 40% villages, which have all weather connectivity as compared to

60% all weather connectivity at national level. All weather connectivity is required for rural

roads to produce significant benefits for the farmers in terms of transport infrastructure. At the

other side, nearly 60% of the cultivable land is rain fed and exposed to the vagaries of monsoons.

Due to the absence of adequate irrigation facilities, agriculture is pathetically dependent upon the

monsoons. As a result of the erratic behaviour of the monsoon, agricultural production fluctuates

widely from year to year. If we improve our irrigation facility then the farmers will get over the

year employment in their cultivation land. No need to migrate to other states. We can use our

strength, our labour and our manpower on our soil to develop our Orissa.

The Food for Work Programmes (FFWP) was started in 2000 as part of the Employment

Assurance Scheme (EAS) in Orissa. Later this programme was expanded to form a part of any

wage employment scheme of the State Government. It was being implemented in the notified

districts during periods of natural calamities, such as drought, flood or cyclone. This programme

also helps for generation of wage employment for BPL and APL families. The wage is paid to

the labourers in the form of foodgrain and partly in cash. Out of 30 districts, 28 districts of Orissa

are covered under Food for Work Programme, but the state’s food for work programe is still

badly timed, beginning only when work on the fields has started. For communities who have no

concept of savings, this is useless. Work on government projects for few months is never enough

for the farmers of Orissa. They want round the year employment. It is the responsibility of Orissa

government to create different job sources for the jobless farmers who are migrated in the winter

just like Siberian birds to Chilka Lake.

Despite tall claims of the State Government about its performance in the implementation of the

National Rural employment Guarentee Scheme (NREGS), it has not been able to bring down the

level of distressed migration.

Life of labourers is extremely grim, and they are forced to live on a shoestring budget,

consuming substandard food to save up to enough money to return home with. Being largely

illegal, labour migration remains an unaccounted activity. So it becomes next to impossible to

ensure minimum wages or labour rights for a migrant. In case of accident, sickness or death of a

migrant, there is virtually no way to ensure compensation.The farmers are struggling for

maintaining their daily life, as there is no work for anybody in the state. .

Laws Related to Migration in India

The Indian Constitution contains basic provisions relating to the conditions of employment,

nondiscrimination, right to work etc. (e.g., Article 23(1), Article 39, Article 42, Article 43). India

is also a member of the ILO and has ratified many of the ILO conventions. These provisions and

commitments, along with pressure from workers’ organisations, have found expression in labour

laws and policies. Migrant labourers face additional problems and constraints as they are both

labourers and migrants. Many of the problems faced by migrant labourers are covered by laws

and policies in as much as they cover all labourers in a particular sector or industry These

laws include the Minimum Wages Act,1948; the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition)

Act,1970; the Equal Remuneration Act,1976; the Building and Other Construction Workers

(Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service), Act,1996; the Workmen’s

Compensation Act 1923; the Payment of Wages Act 1936; the Child Labour (Prohibition &

Regulation) Act, 1986; the Bonded Labour Act, 1976; the Employees State Insurance Act, 1952;

the Employees Provident Fund Act, 1952; and the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961.

The last three Acts cover only organised sector workers and thus preclude temporary migrants.

In addition to the above laws, Parliament passed the Inter State Migrant Workmen (Regulation

and Conditions of Service) Act 1979 specifically to deal with malpractices associated with the

recruitment and employment of workers who migrate across state boundaries. The Act followed

the recommendations of a committee set up by the Labour Ministers’ Conference in 1976. The

Act covers only interstate migrants recruited through contractors or middlemen and those

establishments that employ five or more such workers on any given day. Under the Act:

• Contractors and establishments are required to be licensed and registered by a notified

registering authority.

• The contractor is required to issue a passbook to every worker, giving details about the worker,

including payments and advances, and pay each worker a displacement allowance and a journey

allowance.

• Contractors must pay timely wages equal to or higher than the minimum wage; provide suitable

residential accommodation, prescribed medical facilities and protective clothing; and notify

accidents and casualties to specified authorities and kin.

Labour laws aiming to protect migrant workers have remained largely on paper. In the case of

the 1979 Act, few contractors have taken licences and very few enterprises employing interstate

migrant workers have registered under the Act. The record of prosecutions and dispute

settlement has been very weak. Migrant workers do not possess pass books, prescribed by law,

and forming the basic record of their identity and their transactions with the contractor

and employers.

Following the recommendations of the Second National Commission of Labour (NCL, 2002),

the central government has mooted a draft law (The Unorganised Sector Workers Bill, 2003) in

order to identify workers employed in the unorganised sector and to provide them with basic

social security. The Bill builds upon the experience of tri-partite welfare funds already in

existence for a few industries in some states.

Key provisions of the proposed Act include:

• The scope of the Act will extend to all workers in the unorganised sector, whether directly or

through an agency or contractor, whether for one or several employers and whether a casual or

temporary worker, a migrant worker, or a home based worker (self-employed or employed for

wages).

• Central and state governments shall constitute an ‘Unorganised Sector Workers’ Central Board’

and similar state boards for the administration and coordination of the Act at central and state

levels.

• The boards shall set up ‘Workers Facilitation Centres’ for the registration of workers; issue of

social security numbers and identity cards; mobilisation of workers to become members of the

Welfare Fund; assistance in dispute resolution and in the conduct of inspections.

• Concerned governments could notify welfare schemes for any class of employment under the

Act and establish a Fund for this purpose. It could also regulate the conditions of employment.

• The Welfare Fund will receive contributions from the government, employers and workers.

Workers will have to make regular contribution to the Fund until the age of 60.

• All workers, including self-employed or home based will be eligible for registration.

• Lok Shramik Panchayats shall be formed for dispute resolution in the unorganised sector.

• The government will appoint persons known as Shramik Samrakshak to carry out inspections

and check on the compliance of the Act.

..

Outcomes of the study

1) On site workers: Onsite migrants or the construction workers which come from districts

like Nayagarh, Jajpur and Puri have shown improvement in their livelihood as their

incomes have increased. The positive impact of the migration is that the livelihood in

their native places has improved. More number of children of onsite migrants as

compared to others are going to school. The source of income is regular. Living in

Bhubaneshwar is not difficult for them as they get shelter and food on the site. But the

amount which they get for a 8 hours a day work is very very low as compared to some

other works.

2) Permanent migrants in Salia sahi : Out of the 25 migrant families interviewed in Salia

sahi only 5 feel that their livelihood has improved. All others consider that they were

better off in their native places. The study reveals that though the income levels of people

have increased but the living conditions and the facilities with which they live are

inhuman They do not have access to basic amenities like toilets, fresh water, electricity ,

schools and even medical facilities.

For most of the families there is no regular income source. Some of the families which

started their own business have been able to earn more then the regularly employed

worker.

3) Other migrants in the city: From the 10 migrants interviewed, 7 were from Bhadrak,

Jajpur and other flood affected areas. They migrated for better income which they get but

totally depends on the day. One day they may earn good money and for the next week

they might not earn anything. These people have left their families behind and they work

for a season and go back to support the family in other works like fishery, agriculture.

These can be termed as seasonal migrants but some of them have settled permanently in

other slums. The only improvement can is on the income front and rest the living

conditions are pathetic. Some of them sleep on the road side and at the station. Basic

amenities are a distant dream for them.

Conclusion and Sugestions

As the study progressed it got newer dimensions. From migrants in Salia sahi to on site migrants.

The study evolved with the understanding of various dimensions that govern the day to day life

of one of the neglected section of the society. The squalor which Salia Sahi is today is a result of

gradual neglect by the government and lack of laws applicability for the people. This is a urge to

the authorities to immediately look into the havoc which these people are suffering from.

There can be many suggestions ranging from improvement of each and every issue which these

people face but the major concern is the law making implementation. So to overcome the issue

the only savior can be the authorities taking the matter in their hand and not constantly

negelecting a minor problem which becomes a sore in the neck of the state and a shame for the

country.

References

Sainath. P (2004), “The Millions Who Cannot Vote,” The Hindu, 15 March.

Sainath. P (2003), “The Bus to Mumbai’’ The Hindu (Sunday Magazine) June 1 and 8, ; and “Drought in the

Driver’s Seat,” July 13.

National Sample Survey Organisation (2001), Migration in India: 1999-2000 (55th Round), Ministry of

Statistics & Programme Implementation, Government of India

David Mosse, Sanjeev Gupta and Vidya Shah (2005), “On the Margins in the City: Adivasi Seasonal Labour

Migration in Western India,” Economic & Political Weekly, July 9.

Gita Ramaswamy and Bhangya Bhukya (2002), “Lambadas: Changing Cultural Patterns,” Economic and Political

Weekly, April 20, Vol XXXVII, No 16.

Ben Rogaly, Jhuma Biswas et al (2001), ‘Seasonal Migration, Social Change and Migrants’ Rights; Lessons from

West Bengal’, Economic & Political Weekly, December 8.

Sreenivasulu D, “Misery and Migration,” Frontline, March 12, 2004.

Appendix-1 Questionnaire

Migrants in salia sahi Independent Research Project, XIMB

A) GENERAL DETAILS Name: Age: Name of the native place : Marital status: M / U Educational Qualification: Caste BPL/APL Details on family members: Sl.No. Names Educational

Background Occupation

B) Background of Migrant

How long you have been in Salia Sahi ______________.

Reason for migration ( Tick more than one)

1) Lack of job Opportunities _______________. 2) No education facility ________________. 3) Disaster prone area _________________. 4) No fixed income source_________________. 5) Relatives in Bhubaneshwar_______________.

C) Current Livelihood Analysis Are you employed ( Yes/No). If yes

1) Where do you work __________.

2) Work as _________________.

3) You get paid

a) Monthly ______ Rs. b) Weekly ______Rs. c) Daily ______Rs.

4) Nature of job (tick appropriate) a) Regular b) Seasonal c) Not fixed.

5) Work for ________ hours a day.

6) Are the family members earning Y/N. If yes Sl.No. Names Monthly Income Occupation

7) Total family Income __________________. D) Living conditions a) Do you send your children to school (Yes/No)

If Yes

1) No. of Children in School ___________. 2) School Fees _________. 3) Other School Expenses_________, 4) Support __________.

b) Do you have access to basic amenitites like (Tick appropriate) 1) Toilet 2) Drinking Water/Fresh Water Supply 3) Electricity 4) Cleanliness by BMC. 5) Hospital/Clinic

c) Common diseases

1) ________ 2) ________ 3) ________

d) Living conditions are better in 1) Native place 2) Salia Sahi.