‘inaction or in action ’, effectiveness of … npp 2004 electoral manifesto- plans to introduce...
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‘INACTION OR IN ACTION’, THE
EFFECTIVENESS OF THE GHANA SCHOOL
FEEDING PROGRAMME: THE CASE OF
NTRANOA SCHOOL, CAPE COAST, GHANA.
AMY LYNCH
H.P.S.S.
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NAME: AMY LYNCH
ID NUMBER: 09006840
TITLE: INACTION OR IN ACTION’, THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE
GHANA SCHOOL FEEDING PROGRAMME: THE CASE OF
NTRANOA SCHOOL, CAPE COAST, GHANA
SUPERVISOR: DR. BERNADETTE CONNAUGHTON
EXTERNAL EXAMINER: DR. JANE O’MAHONY
DEGREE TITLE: H.P.S.S.
DATE: 21ST FEBRUARY 2013
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DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this project is entirely my own work, in my own words, and that all sources used in researching it are fully acknowledged and all quotations properly identified. It has not been submitted, in whole or in part, by me or another person, for the purpose of obtaining any other credit / grade. I understand the ethical implications of my research, and have been granted ethical approval by the Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee. This work meets the requirements of the above committee and is in line with the proposed ethics application.
Signed:..................................................................................................................
Date:.................................................
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract .................................................................................................................................. viii
Acknowledgments.................................................................................................................. viii
Dedication..................................................................................................................................v
Table of Acronyms/Abreviations..............................................................................................vi
1 Profile of Ghana.....................................................................................................................1
1.1 Ghana’s evolution- Social Intervention Initiatives....................................................4
1.2 Poverty in Ghana .......................................................................................................... 4
1.3 Constitutional commitments of the GOG...................................................................5
1.4 NPP 2004 electoral manifesto- plans to introduce GSFP.........................................6
1.5 The Development of the School feeding programme in Ghana ................................ 6
1.5.1 Expansion of the GSFP in the Volta Region..............................................................7
1.6 The aims of the GSFP..................................................................................................8
1.7 The long term goals of the programme......................................................................8
1.8 Aims and Objectives of this study...............................................................................8
1.9 Identified problems......................................................................................................9
1.10 Central research questions: ......................................................................................... 9
1.11 Hypothesis: .................................................................................................................. 11
1.12 Methodological considerations .................................................................................. 11
1.14 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 17
1.15 Chapter outline............................................................................................................17
Chapter Two-Literature review of policy process...............................................................19
2 Introduction................................................................................................................19
2.1 Defining policy............................................................................................................19
2.2 Top-down approach/ efforts to decentralise............................................................20
2.3 Pressman and Wildavsky’s series of linkages..........................................................20
2.4 The Bandwagon effect................................................................................................21
2.5 Probability Theory.....................................................................................................21
2.6 Separating politics and administration....................................................................22
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2.7 The bottom-up approach...........................................................................................22
2.8 Actors responsible for policy and beneficiaries.......................................................24
2.9 Synthesizers.................................................................................................................24
2.10 Participatory democracy...........................................................................................25
2.11 Conclusion...................................................................................................................26
Chapter Three- Democracy, Poverty and Governance......................................................27
3 Introduction................................................................................................................28
3.1 Introduction of Structural Adjustment Programmes.............................................28
3.2 Agenda setting- Role of the WB and the IMF.........................................................28
3.3 Levels of dependency on donor assistance...............................................................29
3.4 Influence of the WB on Ghana's growth..................................................................30
3.4.1 Dutch Activity in Ghana............................................................................................30
3.5 Role of the Dutch Government and CSOs...............................................................31
3.5.1 Dutch Activity in Ghana............................................................................................31
3.6 Consultative processes...............................................................................................32
3.7 Legislative Measures aiding decentralisation..........................................................32
3.8 Local government, decentralisation and capacity building....................................33
3.8.1 Partisanship in politics...............................................................................................34
3.9 Role of parliament......................................................................................................35
3.10 Central features in poverty reduction......................................................................36
3.11 Risks encountered......................................................................................................37
3.12 Conclusion...................................................................................................................38
Chapter four- Analysis of household-survey results............................................................39
4 Introduction................................................................................................................39
4.1 Performance of the GSFP..........................................................................................39
4.2 Attendance and retention of school pupils...............................................................41
4.3 Levels of local food production.................................................................................41
4.4 GSFP reducing hunger..............................................................................................42
4.5 Levels of satisfaction with the GSFP........................................................................43
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4.6 Process of Implementation for the GSFP.................................................................47
Chapter five Discussion, conclusion of main findings and recommendations................54
5 Summary of chapters.................................................................................................54
5.1 Discussion: the Success of the GSFP to date............................................................55
5.2 Concluding comments................................................................................................55
References.............................................................................................................................. 59
TABLE OF FIGURES Figure 1: Map of the Republic of Ghana....................................................................................3
Figure 2: Age of respondents...................................................................................................13
Figure 3: Gender of respondents..............................................................................................14
Figure 4: Level of education of respondents............................................................................15
Figure 5: Current Occupation of respondents..........................................................................16
Figure 6: The GSFP had helped to increase school enrolment................................................40
Figure 7: Levels of satisfaction about buying foodstuffs locally............................................44
Figure 8: Histogram showing the implementation of the GSFP..............................................49
Figure 9: Implementation of GSFP-controlled by local committee members.........................51
Figure 10: Implementation of GSFP-controlled by the Head-teacher.....................................53
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TABLE OF TABLES Table 1: Ages of respondents...................................................................................................13
Table 2: Gender of respondents................................................................................................14
Table 3: Level of education of respondents.............................................................................15
Table 4: Current occupation of respondents.............................................................................16
Table 5: The performance of the GSFP-increasing enrolment.................................................40
Table 6: Crosstabulation of gender/performance of GSFP......................................................41
Table 7: The performance of the GSFP-attendance and retention of pupils............................42
Table 8: Views about impact of the GSFP- domestic food production....................................42
Table 9: Views about reduction rural hunger and malnutrition...............................................43
Table 10: Levels of satisfaction about buying foodstuffs locally............................................44
Table 11: Levels of satisfaction with quality of food being served.........................................45
Table 12: Crosstabulation satisfaction with quality of food being served/gender...................45
Table 13: Crosstabulation satisfaction with quality of food being served/occupation.............46
Table 14: Levels of satisfaction with quantity of food being served.......................................47
Table 15: Levels of satisfaction with the menu chart...............................................................48
Table 16: Implementation of GSFP-controlled by Municipal Assembly Officials..................49
Table 17: Implementation of GSFP-controlled by KEEA education officials.........................50
Table 18: Implementation of GSFP-controlled by local committee members.........................51
Table 19: Crosstabulation-implementation by local committee members/gender...................52
Table 20: Crosstabulation-implementation by local committee members/education..............52
Table 21: Implementation of the GSFP-controlled by Head-teacher.......................................54
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the community of Ntranoa for their cooperation in conducting the household-surveys and to show my appreciation to those who assisted me in the distribution of the surveys.
To my supervisor Dr. Bernadette Connaughton who has provided me with direction and guidance throughout this project, I am most grateful.
To my friends both at home and abroad, thank you for your kindness and consideration during our frequent chats over multiple cups of coffee regarding the progress of the project, I am extremely grateful.
I would like to show my appreciation to the family of Ahotokurom, for granting me the opportunity to embark on a journey of teaching in Infant Jesus Preparatory School, Twifo Praso, the where I was first introduced to the workings of the Ghana School Feeding Policy,
Finally, I would like to acknowledge with high esteem, my family who have been an invaluable source of strength and reassurance, with a note of particular gratitude to my parents for their patience and unconditional support throughout the duration of my undergraduate degree.
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DEDICATION
This project is dedicated to Dr. Mark Mantey to whom I am eternally grateful, for his
unwavering support and invaluable guidance both in Ireland and in Ghana, Meda ase.
Poem on the school feeding programme
By Joseph Cobbinah (9 years old)
Boekrom d/a Primary, Ahante West, June 2007
FOOD! FOOD! FOOD!
The energy giver
the hunger extinguisher
Who can confidently say that he has not eaten for the past two months
No one! No one! No one!
Gone are the days
When school going children weren’t in school
When the crow of the cock made us think what to eat at school
When we lost concentration in class at exactly 12 noon
When our parents dragged us to the farm during week days for food
Ah! Ah! Ah!
Today they are the things of the past
In the name of the School Feeding Programme
What says the time?
It is 12 noon
Yes smiles are written on our faces
Because it is lunch time
Long live the donors
Long live Ahanta West
Long live Ghana!
(SIGN)
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TABLE OF ACRONYMS/ABREVIATIONS
CAADP Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme
CHRAJ Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice
CPP Convention People’s Party
CSO Civil Society Organisation
DA District Assembly
DIC District Implementation Committee
GOG Government of Ghana
GSFP Ghana School Feeding Policy
HGSFP Home Grown School Feeding Policy
HTFI Hunger Task Force Initiative
IMF International Monetary Fund
KEEA Komenda /Edina/Eguafo/Abirem
LGSA Local Government Service Act
MA Municipal Assembly
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MLGRD Ministry for Local Government and Rural Development
MP Member of Parliament
NDC National Democratic Congress
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development
NGO Non Governmental Organisation
NIRP National Institutional Reform Programme
NPP National Patriotic Party
ODA Official Development Assistance
PCD Partnership for Child Development
PRSI Poverty Reduction Strategy Initiative
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PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
PSC Project Steering Committee
PTA Parent Teacher Association
SIC School Implementation Committee
SIGN School-feeding Initiative Ghana Netherlands
SMB School Management Board
SNV Netherlands Development Organisation
TUC Trade Union Congress
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WB World Bank
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CHAPTER 1- INTRODUCTION
Examining the implementation of the Ghana School Feeding Policy: the case of Ntranoa
School
1. Country Profile of Ghana
Ghana is situated in West Africa bordered by Cote d’Ivoire on the west, Togo on the east,
Burkina Faso in the north and the Atlantic Ocean in the south forming its coastline. Ghana
has a population of approximately 25 million, of which an estimated 2 million people live in
the capital city Accra (World Bank 2011). Ghana, a former British colony gained
independence in 1957 under anti-colonialist leader Kwame Nkrumah with the Convention
People’s Party. Nkrumah’s leadership was brought to an abrupt end by a military coup in
1966. For the consequent years Ghana’s governance was dominated by periods of military
rule (1966-69, 1972-79, 1981-91) and by intermittent periods of civilian rule (1969-71, 1979-
81). Ghana made the transition to democracy and a return to multi-party politics in 1992
under Lt. Jerry Rawling’s government. The main political parties within Ghana are the
National Patriotic Party, the National Democratic Congress, the People’s National
Convention and the party which administered Ghana’s gaining Independence the Convention
People’s Party (Africa.com 2010). Today Ghana is governed by the NDC party under newly
elected President John Dramani Mahama. Ghana is also internationally renowned for its
natural resources namely cocoa and gold; however the discovery of an offshore oil source in
2007 saw the commencement of new oil production in 2010. Internationally Ghana has
gained membership in the UN, the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), the African Union and the British Commonwealth (Foreign and Commonwealth
Office 2012). According to the UN Committee on Social Economic and Cultural Rights 2001
the great majority of Ghanaians are living in poverty, as despite the existence of a minimum
wage the majority of Ghanaians are in receipt of as little as GH ¢50 - GH ¢100 per month
(approx. €25-50) with over fifty per cent of the total poor population living in rural areas
(Selby 2011).
Global institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF have been instrumental in guiding
Ghana through the adoption of a number of strategic development programmes. The long
term effects of the introduction of the structural adjust programme (SAP) in the 1980’s by the
IMF, WB and other external donors saw the start of a process of external assistance which
would come to characterise Ghana’s development.
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On gaining independence in 1957 the population of Ghana was at 5 million. On completion
of the last census in 2010 Ghana’s population was found to be nearing 25 million. Of this 25
million it has been estimated that 41% are between the age of 0 and 15. In addition to this
55% of the population live in rural communities (Uduku 2011; Oduro 2001). The aim of the
GSFP is to eradicate poor rural household and community poverty and achieve food security
(GSFP 2005). Since becoming a democracy there has been a push for a greater liberalization
of government initiatives through calls for broader participation and efforts to decentralize
the policy making terrain. This has aided successive governments such as National
Democratic Congress (NDC) 1992, 1996, New Patriotic party (NPP) 2001, 2006 and NDC
2010 making efforts to produce social intervention progress to address poverty related issues
to benefit both rural and urban poor.
For instance, the following examples illustrate the variation of poverty reducing policy
initiatives which have been implemented in Ghana in recent years: (i) the national health
insurance scheme, (ii) free primary education policy, (iii) school feeding programme, (iv)
metro mass transport system, (v) Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP), (vi) the
education capitation grant (Al Hassan, R. and Colin Poulton 2009; Oduro 2001; Modern
Ghana, 2011). A number of these social intervention programmes have indeed helped to
address major poverty issues and have proved to be extremely successful. The LEAP
initiative has been particularly successful; it is based on the Growth and Poverty Reduction
Strategy II within Ghana. LEAP provides the most vulnerable poverty stricken citizens with a
cash supplement of GHC8.00 every two months and enrols its recipients in the National
Health Insurance Scheme. Like the GSFP LEAP aims to increase and maintain school
attendance (South-South Learning on Social Protection 2009). These policies among others
indeed demonstrate the political will and commitments of political parties in helping to
improve the living standards of the people.
Research problem:
1.2 Poverty in Ghana
Today Ghana is regarded as a success story in Sub-Saharan Africa. As a nation it has made a
number of significant advances in terms of poverty reduction in recent years, in the last
decade alone the overall poverty rate has seen a significant drop from 52 per cent to 28 per
cent whilst also achieving lower middle-income status. However, despite these successes
poverty remains to be a major obstacle in the path to development as Ghana is still considered
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to be ‘a food deficit country’ (Feed the Future 2011, WFP, 2011). There are still major inter-
regional and urban/rural disparities as 70 per cent of Ghana’s poor live in three of the
northern regions- Northern (13 %), Upper East (11%) and Upper West (14%).Although
Ghana’s development is in line with the first MDG ‘to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger’
it is showing fewer signs of progress with the remaining seven. In the 2010 Human
Development Index Ghana was ranked 130th out of 169 countries and placed in the ‘low
human development category’ (UNDP 2010). In an effort to alleviate disparities between rich
and poor a number of initiatives have been taken to achieve sustainable food security within
Ghana’s own borders. In accordance with the Hunger Task Force Initiative introduced by UN
Secretary Kofi Annan in 2002 as part of a long term goal to halve the levels of hunger by
2015 through three pivotal areas: increasing small holder productivity (in terms of increasing
agricultural education), the introduction of a series of nutrition schemes within communities
and a conscious effort to enable the poor to benefit from the markets, thus making them more
accessible. To date Ghana is on the right track to achieving the 2015 target, its GDP has
doubled from 4 to 8 per cent in the last ten years. In 2011 alone Ghana’s economy grew by 14
per cent due to new oil productions (World Bank 2012). The largest generator of Ghana’s
GDP is the agricultural sector, contributing to almost one third of the total GDP. The
agricultural sector is the largest source of employment for Ghanaians as it is a source of
employment for 56 per cent of the entire labour force. Therefore it is clear that the
agricultural sector is a key component to reducing the rate of poverty in Ghana (Feed the
Future 2011).
1.3 Constitutional commitments of the GOG
In accordance to chapter six of the 1992 Ghanaian constitution: ‘The directive principles of
state policy: political objectives act 35 part (2) states that ‘........the state shall safe guard and
protect the well-being of all her citizens’. This ensures an unyielding commitment by the
GOG to protecting the citizens of Ghana and endeavouring to meet their needs. Also in the
same act in part (6d) in which the act refers to the decentralization of government
administrative and financial machinery to all regions ‘.....by affording all possible
opportunities to the people to participate in decision making at every level of national life and
in government’. This addresses the commitment by the GOG to the broadening of
participation in the decision making process; it states that in order to fulfil the democratic
ideals the people of Ghana from all societal levels have to be included in the decision-making
process (GOG 1992).
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1.4 NPP 2004 electoral manifesto- plans to introduce GSFP
This project will focus primarily on the effectiveness of the GSFP whilst drawing on other
policy initiatives to support its findings. It will also examine the New Patriotic Party’s effort
to meet the requirements of the MDGs through the inclusion of plans for a GSFP in their
manifesto for the 2004 electoral campaign (NPP Manifesto, 2004). Throughout their time in
office 2001-2008 under President Kuffor the NPP introduced a series of measures which
would provide an invaluable foundation to the successful implementation of the GSFP in
2005. These comprised issues I and II (2003-2005 and 2006-2009) of the Ghana poverty
reduction strategies. Therefore through these efforts to reform the education system it was
acknowledged that an effective education system provided a solution to reducing poverty and
was highly conducive to development strategies (Wereko and Dorundoo 2010, pp 10-11).
1.5 The Development of the School feeding programme in Ghana
In an attempt to alleviate rural poverty, the Government of Ghana introduced the Ghana
School Feeding Programme. As a public policy, various institutions have to work in
collaboration to ensure that the implementation of the policy is done with effectiveness and
efficiency such as SIGN, the Dutch Government and the new partnership for African
Development. The GSFP originated from the New Partnership for African
Development/Hunger Task Force Initiative (NEPAD/HTFI) under the auspices of the-
Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Organisation (CAADP) which attracted
the support from external donors from the Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV)
(GOG-GSFP plan, 2010). On becoming a signatory of the CAADP in 2008 Ghana agreed to
allocate ten per cent of the national budget to agriculture, particularly to aid the development
of smallholder farmer’s productivity and furthermore to increase their access to markets
(WFP 2012-2016, 2011). This was done in collaboration with local institutions such as
Ministry of food and Agriculture, Ministry of Education and Ghana Education service and
Ministry of Health. The overall responsibility for the GSFP rests on the shoulders of Ministry
of Local government and rural development. In its Mission Statement the Ministry for local
government and rural development espouses promises of balanced development in rural areas
in supporting ‘a well resourced decentralised system of governance’ (Ghana Government
Portal 2013).
The implementation of public policy although usually introduced as a government initiative,
are often after the initial stages of implementation left without sufficient support and
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therefore look to Civil Society Organizations (CSO) provide them with the necessary
resources to sustain themselves. These resources may vary from human to financial to
material resources as a result of inefficient government planning. The GSFP relies on support
from the WFP, SNV, PCD, and SIGN and within Ghana this is further supplemented by the
support of: The Ghana Health Service, Ministry of Food and Agriculture, and the
Government of Ghana. The implementation process for the GSFP is monitored by a number
of other bodies such as the Ministry for Local Government and Rural Development as the
coordinative ministry for the GSFP, the National Secretariat who is responsible for
administering implementation in Ghana, the PSC which was established in 2007 which
oversees commitment to policy rules and inter-ministerial communication (SIGN 2011).
1.5.1 Expansion of the GSFP in the Volta Region
The expansion of the GSFP school attendance was poor in rural communities and some urban
areas. The population of the Volta Region (see figure 1) accounts for 8.6 per cent of the
population, (73.0%) of this figure live in rural areas as agriculture is the largest sector and the
majority of the inhabitants of this sector are engaged in agriculture (Modern Ghana 2010). In
the first year of the programme 2005 the Volta region had a total of 4,501 recipient students
this had increased to 29,213 by 2010. Therefore the significant rate of expansion of the GSFP
between 2005 and 2010 may be attributed to the effectiveness of the programme in boosting
local economies through the employment of farmers for the SFP. This example reaffirms that
the measures being taken are in line with the overall aims of the programme to: (i) increase
school enrolment, attendance and retention (ii) boost domestic food production (iii) reduce
hunger and malnutrition.
The overriding objective of the GSFP is in conformity with Africa Agricultural development
Pillar 3 to provide food security and reduce hunger with the continent. This is in fulfilment of
achieving the Millennium Development Goals, especially to do with pillars one and two,
which seek to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger and at the same time help to achieve
universal basic education (Kwankye and Chuks, 2007). Consequently the introduction of the
Ghanaian School Feeding Programme (GSFP) is a commendable development. The GSFP
initiative was developed in collaboration with the Comprehensive African Agricultural
Development Programme (CAADP) pillar III and part of the government’s (CAADP Pillar
III, 2008). The G.S.F.P is primarily concerned with children at basic level of education
especially at the public schools of the most deprived communities, particularly in rural
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Ghana. The policy is to ensure the provision of one hot, nutritious meal, prepared from
locally grown foodstuffs. In addition, the aim of the policy is to spend eighty per cent of the
feeding cost in the local economy to help reduce rural poverty (Quaye 2007).
1.6 The aims of the GSFP are as follows:
• To Increase school enrolment, attendance and retention
• Reduce hunger and malnutrition
• Boost domestic food production (SNV 2007).
1.7 The long term goals of the programme
• Aid poverty reduction in Ghana
• To achieve food security in the worst poverty stricken areas (GSFP 2010 AOP, p.7).
1.8 Aims and Objectives of this study:
This study is concerned with implementation of public policy in Ghana. The provision of
public goods as a social intervention programme is becoming very popular in Ghanaian
policy making. Therefore political parties in an attempt to seek the mandate of citizenry to
rule do well to come up with good programmes that address needs of the people. The overall
aim of this project is to assess the extent to which the introduction of the GSFP has been
successful in meeting these aims.
The main objectives of this study are as follows:
(i) To review the relevant literature on the concept of public policy and models of
implementation
(ii) To examine the evolution of Ghana as a democratic state and how external
contributors have aided this transition.
(iii) To conduct an extensive secondary investigation with respect to the implementation
of the G.S.F.P and identify the progress and challenges militating against the policy
and implementation.
(iv) I will investigate whether the GSFP policy is in keeping with its initial intentions to
spend eighty per cent of the feeding cost in the local economy, thus aiding the
reduction of rural poverty.
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(v) Another important objective is to collect primary data to help examine whether the
GSFP has indeed helped to increase and retain school attendance and also develop
local economies, thus working towards poverty eradication.
Against this background the data collection will deal with issues relating to the
benefits of the G.S.F.P to the relevant communities as a whole; creating employment
through various areas in the cultivation and preparation of food. Whilst also
investigating whether the communities are satisfied with portion size and the quality
of the food being served. Finally the study will investigate the extent to which the
implementation process is controlled by the local elites such as the Municipal
Assembly and KEEA and consequently to determine what is proving successful/not
so successful within this process to date.
1.9 Identified problems
So what problem is this study trying to solve? To what extent do governments utilise the
implementation of public policy to alleviate the concerns of the public? Or are they
implementing public policy to further promote their positions in government? How does the
process of implementation determine the outcome of the public policy after it has been
implemented? More specifically there are a number of challenges which discourage the
implementation of public policy.
1.10 Central research questions:
In an attempt to address the concerns of this research, the following research questions were
designed to help ascertain relevant information about identified problems. The research
questions are as follows:
1. To what extent has the GSFP helped to increase school enrolment and retain school
attendance?
2. To what extent is the process of implementation of the GSFP controlled by the
Municipal Assembly officials/KEEA?
Questions:
• How can public policy be sustained by the concerted effort of CSOs?
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Donor finance has become a fixed necessity to supporting and sustaining public policy in
developing countries, as often countries such as Ghana are unable to extend their budgets to
public policy initiatives which prove fundamental to the country’s growth. Therefore, this
study will analyse the important role of CSOs within Ghana and in relation to the case study
how they aid the expansion of the GSFP.
• How has the GSFP benefitted the recipient children of the programme in terms of
acting as a type of incentive to stay in education?
Within Ghana often a child’s daily consumption of food is dependent on the money either
they themselves or their families earn from street vending each day which is an unreliable
source of income. Therefore the GSFP decreases the pressure on families as one hot,
nutritious meal is promised each day to students in public schools so therefore this is an
added incentive to attend school. However, many families cannot afford to allow their
children to attend school as they rely on the total income generated by the parents and their
children to sustain the family as a whole.
• To what extent is the implementation of public policy an opportunity for government
to reaffirm the promises outlined in their manifestos and thus gain more support?
In order to gain an informed opinion of the process of implementation one must, whilst
commending the successes question the extent to which political parties remain committed to
the promises outlined in their election campaign manifestos. If governments adhere fully to
the promises outlined in their manifestos then public support is automatically generated.
However if a promise outlined in the manifesto and it is not fulfilled then this can be of
extreme detriment to the government as a whole as the citizenry lose faith in the ability of the
government which in turn makes the public sceptical about the governments future
endeavours. For instance in relation to promises in the NDC 2008 manifesto which ensured
immediate action on the establishment of a National Council of Persons with Disability in
conjunction with the disability PWD act 2006, Act 715 . In reality it took three years for the
council to be established and five years for guidelines to be provided for the appropriate
distribution of funding. Although the promise was eventually delivered it was long overdue
and thus not in keeping with the promise of ‘immediate action’ as outlined in the 2008 NDC
manifesto (Amegashie 2012).
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• To what extent may the implementation of public policy be viewed as a concerted
effort on behalf of the government to improve current policies/introduce new policies
to better the relevant areas?
The implementation of public policy can act as an extension of pre-existing policies, in terms
of expanding policy to a greater demographic or perhaps in increasing levels of funding
allocated to a particular policy. Also in relation to the introduction of new policies
governments can identify potential areas where new policies can be introduced that perhaps
the previous government had failed to address.
1.11 Hypothesis:
In order to answer the above research questions I will purpose two hypothesises.
The first hypothesis purposes that the GSFP is effective in meeting the increasing the
attendance and retention of the students and also acts as an incentive for the students to stay
in education.
The second hypothesis states that the GSFP is an ineffective government initiative in so far as
that the success of the public policy is greatly attributed to CSO intervention.
This projected has undertaken quantitative research in the form of the distribution of fifty
household surveys. On completing these surveys I proceeded to code the results using SPSS
data and I examined the evidence from this research to propose an explanation for the
findings. I then utilised this data accordingly to prove my hypothesis.
1.12 Methodological considerations
As part of the qualitative research the study will also review the relevant literature on the
implementation of public policy in Ghana and specifically the GSFP. During this process
Journals, official documents, internet sources, newspaper reports will be used to gain an in-
depth, comprehensive knowledge of the subject area.
The quantitative research will be conducted through the distribution of 50 household-surveys
around the village of Ntraona which is part of the Komenda, Edina Eguafo Abream (KEEA)
municipal Assembly located approximately 10km from the city of Cape Coast and 132km
from the Capital city of Accra. The results of which will serve to assess the community’s
opinion of the effectiveness of the scheme both for the children attending the school and for
12
the community as a whole. On completing the quantitative research a number of the
respondents utilised the space available to suggest improvements which could be made to
how policy is implemented in regard to the GSFP.
However, before the above research methods could be undertaken I applied for ethical
consideration and shortly afterwards it was approved. On receiving approval a pilot survey
was distributed in the community of Ntranoa to ensure the proposed questions worked
effectively so as to aid the extraction of evidence to support the project’s hypothesis.
1.13 Details of surveyed respondents
Table 1 and figure 2 below shows the distribution of age of the targeted respondents. The
majority of those surveyed are between the ages of 12-19 therefore indicating that they are
junior high and senior high students. Therefore these respondents have been the recipient
children of the GSFP since it was introduced in 2005, they have directly witnessed the
programmes evolution and are in the position to duly note both the successes of the policy
and the areas in which there may be room for improvement. There are also a large percentage
of respondents between the ages of 26-35 years; these respondents largely represent the
teachers. The teachers like the students have experienced the programme and from an
administrative point of view the teachers are more aware of exactly how the power of
implementation is distributed.
TABLE 1
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FIGURE 2
The gender of the respondents is almost equally divided as 52% of the respondents are male
and 48% female. This will ensure the results are not gender biased and thus more
comprehensive.
Table 2
q1.2.Gender
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Male 26 52.0 52.0 52.0
Female 24 48.0 48.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
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FIGURE 3
The majority of those surveyed at 40% were educated to Junior High school level. With the
second highest percentage at 26% of the respondents were educated to University level.
Within the area of Ntranoa a number of students living in Ntranoa travel to Cape Coast
University. The comments from those educated to University level are extremely informative
and invaluable in their support of the surveys overall findings. For instance one teacher who
had been educated to university level suggested that the school authorities themselves should
become more involved in the implementation process so as ‘....to ensure the quality of food
served to the students and the school authorities’ is of a high standard (Respondent C08).
This comment provides us with a direct insight into the experiences of those on the ground
and gives a clear indication of the type of approach to implementation which is being used.
15
TABLE 3
FIGURE 4
Of the respondents surveyed Table 4 and Figure 5 below 50% were students and the second
largest majority at 28% of those surveyed were teachers. As the students are the direct
16
recipients of the GSFP and they make up 50% of the respondents with 40% of that 50% of
students being educated to Junior High School level. Therefore these students have been the
recipients of the programme from its outset. Similarly the teachers have witnessed the growth
of the GSFP since its introduction in 2005 and their comments and suggested developments
are invaluable to the evolution of the programme; as gaining informed insights into the
experiences of the programme from the bottom up is crucial to the program’s success in the
future.
TABLE 4
17
FIGURE 5
1.14 Conclusion
The subsequent research will therefore endeavour to undertake sufficient analysis so as to
provide informed answers to the aforementioned research questions and consequently prove
the proposed hypothesis.
1.15 The break-down of the chapters is as follows:
Chapter two will provide a literature review of the relevant policy implementation models as
well as a number of relevant theories whilst supporting them with examples from Ghana.
These models will in turn be used to explore a definition of participatory democracy and
efforts by non-state actors to entrench its fundamental principles within Ghana’s system of
governance.
18
Chapter three will address the stark change of direction which Ghana has undertaken since
becoming democratised in 1992. It will examine the actors within the public policy arena in
Ghana, focusing particularly on the acute role of donors and CSOs in sustaining Ghana’s
policy initiatives. This chapter will also assess the extent to which Ghana’s transition from a
centralised, technocratic form of governance to a decentralised liberal form of governance
has been successful in achieving broader participation in policy making.
Chapter four will provide analysis of the data collected in the household-surveys conducted
in the community of Ntranoa in relation to the GSFP. Particular attention will be paid to the
overall performance of the programme, levels of satisfaction within the community and who
is controlling the process of implementation.
Chapter five will provide a summation of the previous four chapters. It will serve to prove the
proposed hypothesis outlined in chapter one. This chapter will also provide recommendations
for the results of the household-surveys outlined in chapter four.
19
CHAPTER TWO-LITERATURE REVIEW OF POLICY PROCESS-
IMPLEMENTATION THEORIES AND PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY
2. Introduction
There is a vast amount of literature particularly from the 1970s concerning public policy and
the process of implementation. Central to this literature is an analysis of the top-down and
bottom-up approaches to policy making. The following chapter will endeavour to address the
two most significant models which are used in Ghana's public policy process, namely the top-
down, bottom up models and the role of these approaches play in Ghana's development as a
participatory democracy.
2.1 Defining Policy
Policy and the process associated with its formation and implementation may be defined
through a series of definitions. Firstly to define policy; Brian Hogwood and Lewis Gunn
stress the importance of distinguishing policy from ‘decision’, they view policy as being
created as a result of the interactions among a number of sequential decisions (Hogwood and
Gunn 1984, p.19). Hugh Heclo reaffirms this definition by stating that the general consensus
is to view policy as ‘bigger than particular decisions but smaller than social movements’
(Heclo 1972, p.84). Contrastingly Brian Smith considers both inaction and action to be of
equal importance rather than the relationship between a number of interrelating decisions; he
encourages one to also look at the resistance to particular decisions which do not support
change (Hill 2005, p. 7). However, one may argue that in all the definitions there are a
number of variables depending on the specific type of policy one is dealing with, such as the
type of actors involved and the quantity of actors. The ‘actors’ largely consist of politicians,
pressure groups, civil servants and members of the public. These various agents either
individual or corporate contribute their varying personal values and interests to the public
policy process all of which add to the complexity of the situation as a whole (Sabatier 1999,
pp 3-4).
When analysing the public policy process two of the most fundamental principles to address
are the following, firstly how decisions are made and secondly how the policies are put into
action. Christopher Ham and Michael Hill put forward the idea that public policy should be
formulated in the ‘real world’ where it shall be implemented (1984 p.7). The public policy
process is more than just a decision or a series of decisions but a ‘course of action’ (Hill
20
2005, p. 6). In order to understand public policy properly one has to look at policy formation
and implementation as two individual processes. There are a number of models one can draw
upon to understand various types of public policy, a vast amount of literature is based on the
top- down bottom-up paradigm and also a number of synthesizers have been developed as a
result of this paradigm. In analysing these models this study will focus primarily on policy
implementation in Ghana and more specifically the Ghana School Feeding Policy.
2.2 Top-down approach/ efforts to decentralise
The top-down approach may be defined as the impact of a policy decision which has been
directed from goals which have been the basis of an authoritative decision. Within Ghana
although public policy implementation is largely dominated by this top-down approach,
efforts to decentralize government power and more specifically policy making power may be
dated back to the 1940’s during colonial times as a mild form of ‘de-concentration of the
administrative structure’. This was to maintain control throughout Ghana rather than provide
the citizenry with greater influence in decision making (Kyei 2000). However it was not until
the 1980’s with the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and more
fervently in 1992 with the publication of Ghana’s democratic constitution that the control
centralised at the top was distributed to DA’S and Municipal Assemblies which marked a call
for the decentralisation of policy making power and thus the adoption of a bottom-up
approach (Ayee 1995).
2.3 Pressman and Wildavsky’s series of linkages
The objectives of the Top-down approach can prove quite controversial. According to
Sabatier the top-down approach aims to analyse the degree to which legally binding measures
have enabled/ disabled the success of policy over a specific time period (Sabatier 1986, p21-
22). Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky often referred to as the founding fathers of the
‘Top-Down approach’ view policy as a series of linkages between various organisations and
departments. These linkages all of which must be closely connected for a number of minor
deficits have the ability to cumulatively create a significant shortfall and thus hamper the
success of the entire process. However Joseph Ayee on examining Ghana’s plethora of
legislative measures and challenges within the bureaucracy views the failures of
implementation as fundamental to successful development. Ayee affirms that ultimate
success regarding implementation can only be achieved through employing the lessons
21
learned from previous unsuccessful attempts. He believes governments should ‘utilise
implementation failure as a route to implementation success’ (Ayee 1995, p.712). As Ghana
lacks sufficient historical legacies on which to draw upon, the failed measures of the past half
a century are fundamental experiences to the development of implementation practices.
2.4 The Bandwagon effect
Wildavsky and Pressman’s model has been modified by a number of writers on policy
implementation, the best known of which is Elinor Bowen. Wildavsky, Pressman and a
number of other early contributors to public policy analysis in particular the implementation
process discussed by Derthick (1972) and Bardach (1974) were later viewed to have a
pessimistic outlook in comparison to the more hopeful analysis of Bowen and later
contributors. Bowen provides a series of modifications, the first of which Bowen attempts to
find a universal clearance point instead of Wildavsky and Pressman’s collection of
independent decisions. In this instance Bowen employs the ‘Bandwagon effect’, notion that a
series of successful decisions will in turn enable a positive outcome (Alexander 1989, p.
454). An example of the ‘Bandwagon effect’ can be seen in the response of donors to the
Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) which was introduced in Ghana in 1983 when the
Government of Ghana showcased its potential as a negotiator in regard to aid agreements.
Ghana was seen to be in a favourable position in terms of negotiating capability, as a result,
increasing numbers of donors showed interest in collaborating with the GOG. This can be
seen as a prime example of the ‘bandwagon effect’ in action as Ghana was considered ‘a
potentially good case’ to pursue (Osei 2003, p.136).
2.5 Probability Theory
Bowen also approaches ‘Probability theory’ differently, she utilises it to promote the
successes of implementation rather than Wildavsky and Pressman’s use of it to support
implementation failure. Bowen’s modification of Wildavsky and Pressman’s model may be
seen as an improvement on the strict ‘command and control’ and essential compliance of
those involved observing subsidiary roles nature of their Top-down approach (Bowen 1982,
p.3). To summarise, Bowen believes that taking a more optimistic approach and focusing
primarily on implementation successes loosens the fixated grip of ‘command and control’ and
in turn allows those occupying subsidiary roles, i.e. those on the ground, citizenry of Ghana
22
to have greater influence in the process of implementation, making the policy more inclusive
responsive to the needs of the intended recipients.
2.6 Separating politics and administration
As outlined above policies are complex phenomena, as with all policy models there are a
number of criticisms that must be addressed when analysing the top down approach. In
relation to the public policy, concerns of politicians in particular have the likelihood of being
largely symbolic in intent. Often their commitments to particular policy areas are in an
attempt to boost the popularity politically or a poor effort to meet the promises of their
party’s manifestos? Thus a relative criticism has been made in relation to this inability by the
decision makers in authoritative positions to exercise a complete separation of politics and
administration (Matland 1995, p.148). In this case policies are formulated with little
intention of implementing them as politicians want to be seen in favour of particular interests
or goals but in reality have little intention of following them up (Hill 2004, pp 179-280).
There is evidence of such practices within the GOG, in particular in relation to electoral
campaigns. Taking for example the 2000 NPP electoral manifesto the party assured voters
that if victorious it would implement policies which would solve socio-economic, cultural
and political disparities throughout Ghana. Before gaining presidency John Agyekum Kuffor
acknowledged that the rural areas of Ghana who were often the producers of agricultural
commodities would benefit majorly from greater access to markets. This commitment went
unfulfilled as instead of allocating funding to the development of rural roads the Kuffor
administration provided funding for road networks connecting urban areas. This measure
meant that rural districts were increasingly isolated from the markets (Adu-Asare 2004).
Therefore this case exemplifies the government’s outright neglect of its electoral promises
but also its active decision to further isolate the rural communities and effectively making the
situation worse.
2.7 The bottom-up approach
In the late 1970s early 1980s a new approach had evolved; the Bottom up approach. This
approach was in essence seen as a reaction to the failures and difficulties encountered by the
top-down approach. The bottom-up approach as the title suggests focused on the interaction
of actors on a local level who worked specifically on a particular concern (Sabatier 1989,
p.22). As the notion of a bottom-up approach appeared more conducive to developing
23
countries making the transition to democracy, the 1990s witnessed an influx of donor-led
efforts to modernize developing countries. However, the cost of this transition was in many
cases gravely underestimated with the hasty imposition of institutions, processes and
organizations by donors so to reduce poverty and create self-sustaining democracies. In
reality, the transition to democracy was majorly impeded by these new initiatives as they well
exceeded the budgetary capacities of developing countries. This resulted in the deterioration
of new facilities as well as the demise of older facilities as the governments were spreading
themselves too thinly in an effort to support both new and pre-existing programmes. An
example of a misjudgement of financial capacity was evident with the low-profile second
democratic elections in Ghana in 1996, during which approximately one fifth of what the
government spent on education that year and 40 per cent of what was spent on health, this far
exceeded Ghana’s budget which meant half of the total cost was financed by donors (Ottaway
and Chung 1999, pp 109-110).
In light of these apparent underestimations donors began to place more focus on the
economic legacies of developing countries and sought about implementing institutions,
processes and organizations that could after long term donor support become self-sustained.
It was thought that this could be achieved firstly through the introduction of economic
reforms through structural adjustment which provide a condition for future financial support
from donors. Secondly a push for ‘beneficiary driven’, less costly bottom-up would be in line
with the evolution of more self-sustaining outcomes (Ottaway and Chung 1999, p.110). A
conscious advancement to a bottom-up approach would include a shift from a ‘supply-driven’
to a ‘demand-led’ approach. To ensure that this ‘demand-led’ bottom-up approach is
successful it is essential that leaders are appointed within the community as part of a local
organization. This organization monitors the demands of the proposed recipients making sure
they are a direct reflection of their needs and not altering their demands in accordance to what
they believe donors are willing to finance. Such organisations create a strong foundation for
future self-sustainability within communities (Ottawang and Chung 1999). This is evident in
the GSFP, as 80 per cent of the foodstuffs used for the recipients are sourced from the local
farmers. Furthermore the programme is over seen by a number of local committees such as
the District Implementing Committees and the School Implementing Committee (Antwi-
Boasiako 2010). An additional effort to further enhance Ghana’s self-sustaining ability as
well as an effort to decentralise government control is reflected in the development of District
Assemblies in Ghana during the 1980’s. In conjunction with the introduction of these DAs a
24
District Assembly Common Fund (DACF) was introduced which saw the allocation of 5 per
cent of total national revenue to DAs (Oduro 2001). In addition to the establishment of DA’s,
a series of sub-district structures were also created. These structures may be seen as ‘local
organs of the DAs’ (Owusu 2004, p.168). The basic aim of these sub-structures is to ensure
that decentralisation incorporates those at a grassroots level by making the local citizenry part
of the decision making process and thus enabling bottom-up action (Owusu 2004).
2.8 Actors responsible for policy and beneficiaries
One must consider two main issues when analysing the bottom up approach, firstly what
actors are responsible for the policy and secondly the impact on the beneficiaries of the
policy, provided the implementation process is successful. In looking at individual actors one
has to pose the question, ‘who is influencing what?’ (Hill 2004, p.182). Paul Sabatier in an
attempt to synthesize the two approaches stated it is the existence or absence of ‘a dominant
piece of legislation structuring the situation’ which will allow one to determine which
approach is best suited to a particular question (Hill 2004, p.183). However in Ghana despite
legislative measures being taken in accordance with efforts to decentralise, aside from a
number of successful cases the overall rate of success of the bottom-up approach is
questionable. Focusing again on the GSFP, those responsible for implementation at the
bottom rely on direction from District Assemblies’ and other Municipal Assemblies (MAs),
often these officials have little insight to the requirements of the recipient population.
Although the sub-district committees are aware of the needs of the proposed beneficiaries
they have no budget and therefore rely on the District Assemblies’ to administer work to
them (Owusu 2004). An additional problem encountered is the misappropriation of funds by
the DA officials due to the absence of adequate monitoring of expenditure. The District
Assembly officials claim that a large portion of the funding is spent on administration and
therefore there is a financial shortfall which means the caterers in the schools as well as the
local farmers who provide the produce for the GSFP do not receive payment (Oduro 2001).
Evidence of this misuse of budgetary funds will be discussed in more detail in chapter 4 with
the case of the community of Ntranoa, KEEA municipality, Ghana.
2.9 Synthesizers
In recent years a number of scholars have merged existing frameworks on public policy such
as the frameworks discussed above and devised synthesizers through which to analyse policy.
25
One of the earliest contributors is Richard Elmore through his extensive research on the
bottom-up framework. Elmore is most famous for his notion of ‘backward mapping’, through
which he states one should focus on individual and organizational choices which encompass
the problem itself first and foremost and then work on the establishment of rules and
implementation procedures (Hill and Hupe 2002, pp 58-59). This concept one could argue is
in line with the creation of community organisations in developing countries and the
responsibility endowed on them to make appropriate decisions to meet the demands of the
proposed recipients as aforementioned.
2.10 Participatory Democracy
The establishment of such community organisations is wholly conducive to the bulwarks of
participatory democracy and in turn provides for the existence of a successful bottom-up
approach. A participatory democracy may be described as, ‘action through which members of
political structures, organizations and local groups effectively exercise power to influence
policy outcomes’ (Bachrach and Botwinick 1992, p.57). Theorists of participatory
democracy have stated that the influence of the citizenry in regard to public policy becomes
more effective as citizens become more familiar with the participatory experience; thus
implying that as citizens’ gain experience in being democratically active, they in turn become
more competent and influential in the overall process (Bachrach and Botwinick 1992).
In particular since the turn of the twenty-first century there has been a notable increase in the
number of government initiatives to provide the citizenry as well as NGOs and CSOs with
opportunities to participate in Ghana’s democracy. For instance in 2001 on assuming office
the NPP government introduced ‘the people’s assembly programme’ which sought to provide
a base for dialogue to take place between the people and the president. This was viewed
favourably by the majority of citizens and as result of this the same structure was applied at
regional level with the regional minister representing the president. An additional measure
may be noted in the governments announcing an ‘open door policy on national budgeting’ in
2005 (AfriMAP 2007), this provided the people of Ghana and organisations such as the Trade
Union Congress (TUC) to submit proposals for the national budget. The cultivation of a
structure which enabled greater participation in constructing Ghana’s national budget is a
clear example of the Government of Ghana’s efforts to adhere to prior commitments
concerning the decentralisation of governance. The above examples highlight sufficiently the
26
government’s acknowledgement of the importance of the citizen’s right to participate in the
growth of Ghana’s democracy (AfriMAP 2007).
2.11 Conclusion
There is sufficient evidence to suggest that the top-down approach assumes a position of
greater prestige among elites. The 1992 constitution of the Republic of Ghana promises to
support a full provision of the rights of citizens as members of a democratic state. In theory
this would enable all citizens to avail of opportunities to participate in the governance of
Ghana through one’s activity in Civil Society Organisations, District Assemblies and
Parliament (Burnell and Calvert 1999). However, in real terms this is not the case as there are
a number challenges militating against such activity and thus preventing the citizens from
availing of the offerings of a consolidated participatory democracy. Therefore, although there
is evidence of support for both top-down and bottom-up models of policy implementation the
power appears to be concentrated in the hands of those who favour the top-down approach,
thus preventing the bottom-up model from advancing.
27
CHAPTER 3- DEMOCRACY, POVERTY AND GOVERNANCE
3. Introduction
As a country Ghana is considered to be unique in sub- Saharan Africa as it has achieved
levels of unprecedented growth both socially and economically and in addition it is one of the
few countries in West Africa that has succeeded in reducing poverty in the last twenty-five
years (Birmingham et al. 1967; Aryeetey and McKay 2007). The following chapter will
address Ghana’s turn around in the policy making terrain since 1984 with the enactment of
more consistent policies and its ability to successfully gain stability in the face of a series
challenges regarding the role of government institutions, donor involvement in public policy,
a transition from a technocratic centralised form of governance to a more decentralised liberal
form of governance incorporating broader participation in policy making as a major facet.
3.1 Introduction of Structural Adjustment Programmes
On gaining independence in 1957 Ghana was seen as the ‘shining star’ of West Africa.
However on closer inspection Ghana’s economy was in a compromised position and thus
remained rather volatile between the years of 1965-1984 (Aryeetey and McKay 2007). This
period of poor growth and volatility may be attributed to a combination of changes in power
between military regimes and the weak, ineffective nature of policy initiatives in Ghana.
However in 1983 Ghana experienced the introduction of structural adjustment initiatives that
would alter the policy making procedure thereafter. Centralised decision making is a
fundamental component of Ghana’s political history. The introduction of structural
adjustment programmes further enhanced Ghana’s espoused authoritarian form of
governance which provided further support to the adoption of a technocratic approach to
policy making (Whitfield 2005, p.654). Prior to 1983 institutional weakness and grave
political instability epitomized Ghanaian governance. The government were responsible for
outright neglect of the private sector and was lacking the essential skills to appropriately
manage the economy of Ghana. These discrepancies led to the establishment of a major
economic reform programme which was supported by the World Bank (WB) and the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) (Aryeetey and McKay 2007, pp 154-155). Ghana like a
great deal of other African countries under structural adjustment was forced to adhere to the
conditions of these programmes. These conditions included the retraction of subsidies, major
cuts in the health, and education sectors, major reductions in expenditure for imports and
exports irrespective of whether industries were successful or not. In particular the removal of
28
agricultural subsidies had a crippling effect on Ghana’s agricultural sector as this was and
still is Ghana’s largest source of employment, the backbone to the economy (Aryeetey and
McKay 2007).
The electorate’s decision in 1992 to pass a new constitution in Ghana marked a return to
democratic rule. Later that year the victory of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) party
under J.J. Rawlings was Ghana’s first multi-party election in the Fourth Republic. This
transition to democracy provided opportunities for broader participation of additional donors
and increased the role of a number of NGOs and CSO’s from the delivery of basic services to
consultative roles from the outset of public policies. The dominant argument made by NGOs
was that they believed their work on the ground enabled them to clearly articulate the needs
of the citizens and adequately assist a bottom up approach (Whitfield 2005, pp 659-660; Fox
et all 2011). However the main difficulties for the Ghanaian government in the Fourth
Republic particularly under the Kufor Government (2001-2009) was how to adequately
represent the needs of the citizens on the ground and thus sought to adopt a greater
liberalization of the political system as a whole. For the Kuffor government the adoption of a
fully decentralised government proved extremely difficult, a top-down approach had
dominated the past forms of governance. Critics of the structural adjustment programmes,
called for a departure from the technocratic approach to policy and aimed to achieve a more
democratic form of governance in conjunction with the new constitution. This transition
proved challenging as the government struggled to leave behind the historical legacies of the
past authoritarian bureaucratic culture, elements of which had become an inherent part of the
political system (Whitfield 2005, pp 658-659).
3.2 Agenda Setting- Role of the World Bank and IMF
With the establishment of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and increased aid
inflows with the long standing support of the IMF, the WB and from other donors there was a
concerted effort to remain committed to a pro-poor promise within Ghana. A number of
empirical investigations carried out by the United Nations Human Development Programme
and the World Food Programme in the years 2010 and 2011 respectively endeavour to
provide answers to explain the factors contributing to poverty in Ghana (Aryeetey and
McKay 2007). Research has indicated that poverty in Ghana is often as a result of ‘limited
access to infrastructure and basic utilities and services’ (Oduro 2001, p.1). As a response to
the widespread criticisms of the SAPs and as an effort to address the determinants of poverty
29
in Ghana the WB and the IMF introduced the Poverty Reduction Strategy Initiative (PRSI).
In conjunction with the Bretton Woods institutions the PRSI endeavoured to adopt a new type
of development borrowing process which would assume the role of a long term, country
driven initiative. As a low income borrowing country Ghana was obligated to construct a
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) this paper outlined the level of importance placed
on the issue of broadening participation and thus giving way to greater accountability of the
needs of citizens in policy making (Whitfield 2005, pp 641-642). However on analysing the
impact of the PRSP on policy making in the immediate period after its introduction 1999-
2003 data indicates that its influence was minimal. This is due largely to a lack of
government commitment and an outright neglect of prioritizing projects in relation to
allocation of public expenditure (Aryeetey and McKay 2007, p.161).
3.3 Levels of dependency on donor assistance
The high degree of dependence on donor finance is largely due to the unfavourable offers of
the national budget in providing adequate funding to government departments and what may
be regarded as highly desirable salaries. However the sums associated with donor funded
projects are far more satisfactory to government officials and thus the advantages of foreign
aid inflows are apparent to politicians (Whitfield 2005). The major discrepancy in taking on a
series of donor funded projects with the main incentive by politicians to increase budget
allocations means that the projects are wholly compromised as politicians are not committed
to the needs of the policy recipients from the outset. In an effort to somehow consolidate
these initiatives and ensure full commitment from government donors attempt to create
specific conditions upon which the granting of large sums of money is dependent (Harrison
2004). Throughout Lt. Jerry Rawlings term in office the tendency was to commit to a large
policy agenda so as to encourage and increase donor contributions to the national budget. Of
fundamental importance to this was of course the need for the government to appear to be
taking the necessary measures to the donors make the promised contributions. However, in
reality the government just appeared to be doing what they were supposed to be doing which
consequently gives rise to imbalances in power relations which is paired with an acute
eagerness on behalf of the donors to get the policies in action (Whitfield 2005, pp 648-649).
Thus a great deal of credibility in reference to policy initiatives between donor and
government was lost as these negotiations were seen as a ploy by donors to hasten the
introduction of new policy at any expense as the government would take all necessary
measures to maintain access to funding.
30
3.4 The influence of the World Bank on Ghana’s levels of growth
Aid takes up a considerable amount of the budget for public expenditure, the percentage of
which fluctuated between 40-50 % during the 1990s (Whitfield 2005, p.647). The WB
assumes the position of the largest donor in Ghana and therefore is able to cover a wide
spectrum of areas and include a variation of initiatives; in December 2002 the WB had
twenty-three projects on going. The assistance provided by the World Bank has been
invaluable to Ghana’s development. In particular the WB has been instrumental in increasing
the rates of students completing primary education, aiding developments in agricultural food
production, household electrification, ICT and providing a safe water supply. The WB’s
influence has been less progressive in the areas of transport, health and within both private
and public sectors. Although progress within the private sector has been slower than other
sectors a number of advances have been noted through increased levels private sector credit
and heightened foreign direct investment by the WB. Additionally the work of the World
Bank- financed Education Sector Project has been fundamental in supporting an increase in
the rate of access and attendance to education in Ghana. The levels of primary completion
experienced significant growth from 80.1 in 2007 to 86.3 in 2009. Although there remains a
great deal of development in Ghana’s health system, there have been a number of successes
in recent years assisted by the World Bank- financed Nutrition and Malaria Control Child
Survival and Health Insurance projects. Between 2003 and 2008 the child mortality rate has
been decreased from 111 deaths per 1,000 births to 80 and pregnancy related mortality
dropped from 503 to 451 per 100,000 live births (World Bank 2012).]
3.4.1 Looking to the future- the role of the World Bank
As Ghana’s largest donor the achievements aforementioned achievements of the World Bank
are highly commendable. However there are a number of areas which the World Bank has
itself outlined which will assist Ghana’s future development. The WB views Ghana’s lack of
capacity building as an impediment to the country’s progress, it has therefore endowed itself
with a responsibility to guide Ghana in this area. In order to aid capacity building a Public
Private Partnership (PPP) was approved in 2011 within the Ministry for Finance and
Economic Planning. The PPP aims to lead capacity building and to support action within the
ministries. The WB in turn will encourage the government of Ghana to remain committed to
their electoral promises and avoid the abandonment of project initiatives after the electoral
campaigns have come to an end. An example of this can be seen with the complete
31
abandonment of rural development projects after the 1992 elections (Aryeetey and McKay
2007, p.162). The WB acknowledges Ghana’s tendency to focus their attention on more
generalized programmes such as energy subsidies rather than on programs to help the poor.
Therefore the WB promises to guide Ghana’s common targeting approach (World Bank
2012). The WB also aims to aid the process of decentralization in Ghana through the
eradication of what it refers to as ‘a centrally run locally non-responsive service delivery
system’. The WB notes inter-regional disparities in outcomes concerning poverty and human
development. It seeks to bridge these regional gaps through for instance maintaining school
enrolment rates and paying particular attention to districts with school lacking qualified
teachers or adequate teaching materials (World Bank 2012).
3.5 The Role of the Dutch Government and CSO’s
The Dutch government first established links with Ghana in 1701, today their relationship is
characterized by strong historical legacies. Officially Ghana has been a partner country of the
Netherlands since 1988. Ghana is listed as one of the main countries with whom the
Netherlands maintains a bi-lateral development cooperation relationship. On this list Ghana
falls into the profile three categories as a country with progressive economic growth. In 2011
the Netherlands awarded Ghana with €45 million in Official Development Assistance (ODA)
(SIGN; SNV). Of the total ODA €10 million was allocated to the general budget and a further
€10 million was spent on the GSFP. In the first year of the GSFP the Dutch Government
contributed six million euro to the twenty million cost value of the programme (SNV; SIGN),
therefore there is evidence eight years later that the Netherlands has remained committed to
its GSFP portion of its ODA to Ghana.
3.5.1 Dutch Activity in Ghana
The Netherlands is active in the following areas: education, healthcare, environment, budget
provisions, water and sanitation and the promotion of good governance. Both at home and
abroad Dutch Civil Society is fundamental in promoting Ghana’s development. The Dutch
government is responsible for funding 11 major alliances with Dutch NGOs active in Ghana.
In addition to this there are 225 civil society organisations working within Ghana. Within the
Netherlands there are also a number of Ghanaian Diaspora organisations for the Ghanaian
community (Government.nl 2011).
32
3.6 Consultative Process’ in an effort to decentralise policy making power
In response to this lack of commitment by governments and a distinct deficiency in
prioritization by both donors and representative institutions a number of consultative
processes were introduced. These processes sought to connect more closely both citizens and
the state. In accordance with this effort to broaden participation there was a further initiative
to promote the role of civil society. These processes were an extension of earlier efforts to
decentralise the command orientated policy making actions of government and adopt a more
consultative approach to policy making which would grant greater policy making
responsibility to the district level (Whitfield 2005; Ayee 2008). These features of
decentralisation were formulated into law as part of the Local Government Law of 1988
(Republic of Ghana 1988). As an extension of this law a three tier structure was implemented
by the Provisional National Defence Council under Rawlings. This structure consisted of
Regional Coordinating Councils (RCCs), District Assemblies and the third tier was largely
perceived to be town/area councils (Koranteng and Larbi 2008, p.214). The District
Assembly (DA) was regarded as the highest political and administrative body and was
responsible for the establishment of the town and or area jurisdictions within its relevant
areas (Crawford 2008).
3.7 Legislative measures aiding decentralisation
In terms of the legislative measures introduced to aid the transition to decentralisation and
contribute to the broadening of participation in policy making on a local level, the 1992
Constitution, the Local Government Act, 1993 and the Civil Service Act, 1993 are notable
(Republic of Ghana 1992).These three measures presented a foundation for the establishment
of the Local Government Service Act (LGSA) which endeavoured to introduce effective
monitoring and assistance to the staff of local authorities so as to fulfil their duties to the best
of their abilities. However, the Act was not introduced until a decade later due to major
opposition from centralised government bureaucrats as they believed the act would weaken
the power of government institutions at the centre by transferring staff from the centre to
local level and additionally making the distribution of resources less concentrated (Aryeetey
and McKay 2007; Koranteng and Larbi 2008). Despite this opposition, with the support of
donors and the backing of the three fundamental measures introduced between 1992 and
1993 the LGSA was finally enacted in 2003 (Koranteng and Larbi 2008).
33
Although consultative processes were advantageous to the policy making terrain, a number of
obstacles were still apparent within the institutions in conducting such procedures. In an
effort to eradicate these obstacles the Rawlings government pushed for a number of reforms
in 1996. The national policy press and the cabinet process reforms were introduced as part of
the National Institutional Renewal Programme (NIRP) (Ayee 2002, p.191). The introduction
of these reforms sought to mark a major change in the initial stages of policy formulation
whilst also targeting implementation practices and resource distribution.
3.8 The role of local government, decentralisation and capacity building
In order to achieve local accountability it is paramount that local leaders are elected by their
own local electorate; successful decentralisation is the determining factor of such an
outcome. Decentralisation contributes to Ghana’s socio economic growth as well as its ability
to meet goals politically. At a symposium in 2009 on ‘the conflicting gains of
decentralisation’ and the urgency of ‘implementing decentralised policies’ Professor Gyima -
Boadi refered to the fact that despite the required allocation of certain financial control to
local authorities often it is short-lived, due to the inability of these local authorities to
effectively manage the responsibilities awarded to them (Antwi-Boasiako 2010). This remark
is a clear indication of the distinct lack of capacity building experience within Ghana and
within local government circles more specifically. As a result of this disadvantage in capacity
building the GOG is reluctant to distribute power to its subordinates; DA’s and DIC’s and
other local authorities. In addition to the GOG’s reluctance to broaden participation and
distribute power, ‘power sharing’ as a concept is wholly unfamiliar to the government
(Antwi-Boasiako 2010, p.168).
On analysing decentralisation the author of ‘Administrative Decentralisation for Developing
Countries’ J.M. Cohen states that defining decentralisation in terms of political models does
not adequately explain its function. He provides a more comprehensive definition in
describing it as, ‘a community having legally specified sovereignty over identified public
sector tasks’ (pp 19-20). At present, the executive is responsible for the appointment of
regional and district officials, thus depriving local members from exerting any influence on
the process of electing a local official.
34
3.8.1 The role of partisanship in politics
In conjunction with these disparities between the centralised elite and the local citizenry
Professor Gyimah-Boadi looks to the emergence of partisan politics and its concurrent impact
on the appointment of officials being dependent on their political activity. The Local
Government Act (1988) states that 30 per cent of the government appointments of officials to
district and regional assemblies are required to be technocrats and experts however in reality
this is not the case and the assemblies are largely dominated by political activists with
partisan affiliations (Antwi-Boasakio 2010, pp 168-169). As a result of an increase in both
power and wealth, politicians and their partisan supporters alike assume elitist positions and
formulate close ties with the private sector. Consequently this further isolates the great
majority of the citizenry from contributing to decision making and activities of political daily
life. In addition to this, growing partisanship in Ghana is evidenced in the definitive spilt
along NDC and NPP party lines. An interesting element of partisan politics which can further
ferment this split along party lines is the role of traditional authorities in Ghana. USAID’s
2011 report describes the role of powerful Chiefs within Ghana as ‘transparently partisan’
(2011, p.8). The report also refers to Chiefs exceeding the parameters of their legally
mandated role in endeavouring to involve their communities in partisan politics. It has been
suggested that often Chiefs assume such responsibilities in areas with a distinct lack of state
capacity (USAID 2011).
In assessing Ghana’s efforts to decentralize government one must look to the responsiveness
of the local governments and the impact of local accountability in achieving successful public
policy implementation. On reviewing the literature surrounding decentralisation a proposal
for a constitutional amendment to strengthen the power of local government through the
election of local officials by the local citizenry is a reoccurring theme throughout (Ayee
2008; Cohen 1999; Crawford 2008). Such an amendment would make the officials instantly
more accountable and responsive to the needs of the relevant local community. It is evident
that Ghana has to undergo a number of improvements before it can deem itself an effective
participatory democracy, thus proving the proposed hypothesis in chapter 1 that political
interferences or inefficiencies can militate against the successful implementation of public
policy and furthermore this can impede the effectiveness of the bottom-up approach. Antwi-
Boasiako suggests that a ‘mature democracy’ exists when ‘a people can govern themselves’
and evidently the people at grassroots level play a central role in electing the legislative and
executive personnel of their local community (Antwi-Boasiako 2010, p.174). As Ghana made
35
the transition to democracy in 1992 it cannot be described as a ‘mature’ democracy as its
fundamental principles are being established, it cannot draw on a democratic historical legacy
of its own for guidance. Therefore, many theorists are in agreement that today the GOG is
largely characterized by ‘a centralized top-down system’, which inhibits the growth of local
government (Antwi-Boasiako 2010, p. 175).
3.9 The role of parliament
The role of parliament in Ghana is limited to dealing with structural and situational issues.
Parliament is dependent on the Executive as it is responsible for granting the necessary
resources to it which in turn undermines its ability to oversee actions, thus its main role is as
a deliberative one. Parliament was at a disadvantage in the immediate years after gaining
independence and many argue it is still compromised due to its small library and lack of
research assistants; the absence of these basic resources means parliament is unable to
undertake sufficient research on bills and therefore is unable to partake in crucial debates
(Ayee 2002, pp 183-184). Parliament is presented with legislation and is expected to
approve/disapprove the relevant frameworks presented to them however parliament has no
role in the formulation of these frameworks (Whitfield 2005, pp 647-648). As Ghana does not
have a long history of consultative process’ and due to a lack of sufficient resources to
contribute to a public discussion before a bill is passed Members of Parliament (MPs) are
encouraged to analyse the needs of the proposed audience which the bill will affect. Often
this advice falls on deaf ears as MPs are more concerned with wealth accumulation and this
the nature of the bill becomes ambiguous (Ayee 20002, p. 184). Thus it is appropriate for one
to conclude that Parliament’s ability to address the needs of the poor is majorly hindered by
its limited role in policy making.
With the increasing role of NGOs in Civil Society they have far extended their role which
had previously consisted of delivering basic services to the poor whereas now NGOs had a
significant influence in the policy making terrain. Competition between Parliament and
various Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) regarding the distribution of resources was a
central feature of the struggle to establish an effective local authority in Ghana most
poignantly throughout the decade 1993-2003 (Koranteng and Larbi 2008, pp 214-215).
CSO’s argued that due to their presence on the ground they are instantly more accountable to
the needs of the citizenry. Parliament’s strictly representative and deliberative position has
been further enforced as a result of the more responsive nature of CSOs to the needs of policy
36
recipients in rural communities in particular. Donors have criticised the role of parliament
claiming that parliament’s agenda is not pro-poor enough and that its main objective is to
devise as many methods as possible to sustain wealth creation for the government (Whitfield
2005, p.658). Nonetheless one must acknowledge the achievements of Parliament to date
particularly in relation to the sixteen committees which comprise parliament as they did
indeed influence public policies. In reference to the actions of the committee for education,
the Ghana Education Service Bill, the Local Government Bill and the Ghana Education Trust
Bill were successfully passed all of which would prove fundamental to the successful
introduction of the Ghana School Feeding Policy, 2005.Additionally the change of
government to President John Atta Mills under the NDC party did not impede on the
successes of the public policy initiative already underway, specifically the GSFP (SIGN
2011).
3.10 Central features of poverty reduction in relation to public expenditure
How Public Spending is distributed determines the success of every Poverty Reduction
Strategy. On examining empirical research which has been undertaken on poverty in Ghana
as a whole the most dominant explanations of poverty which tend to occur in each
explanation the following: ‘a limited access to infrastructure and to basic utilities and
services’ which are essential components to successful poverty reduction (Oduro 2001). On
analysing poverty in Ghana one must look at the urban-rural divide and inter-regional
disparities. Rural Poverty accounts for approximately 90% of the national poverty rate for
Ghana. This high percentage of poverty is as a result of two fundamental features; the
absence of effectively functioning rural markets and a dire need to improve the rural poor’s
access to markets (Oduro 2001).
Abena Oduro a contributor to the workshop on ‘Macro-Economy, Stability, Growth and
Poverty Reduction’ in conjunction with ISSER and CEPA provides a detailed outline of the
suggested measures on how best to successfully reduce poverty and ensure equal and
balanced use of public expenditure. From the outset of a project, i.e. the product design
stage, the entire expenditure spanning the life of the project must be calculated. Take for
instance the Ghana School Building initiative; between the years of 2001-2005 fifty new
schools were constructed throughout Ghana. Despite this there is a distinct decline in pupil
performance which can be attributed to a lack of teachers within these schools. Thus during
the product design stage there was an insufficient amount of funding allocated to the
37
employment of teachers. It is essential that the cost of teachers, books, maintenance of the
school and teaching/learning aids are taken into consideration in order to ensure effective
implementation (Aryeetey and Mc Kay 2007).
Oduro outlines the necessary steps to avoid the omission of such crucial considerations at the
product design stage. The first step calls for a greater availability of necessary data regarding
public expenditure. The authorities at both state and district level should use this data to their
advantage when attempting to administer adequate amounts of funding (Oduro 2007, pp 5-6;
Aryeetey and McKay 2007). One most consider the role of bureaucrats in relation to this
availability of information. During Rawlings time in office (1992-2000) Ghana was at a
disadvantage in regard to employing senior civil servants due largely to poor rate of pay. In
other African countries senior civil servants are highly regarded and have a great deal of
influence in resource allocation and development planning. In the absence of experienced
policy analysts Ghana was at a further disadvantage because data for policy analysis was
unavailable. Therefore in this type of circumstance policy analysts were left with no
alternative but to depend on ‘guesses, institutions, ideological preferences, or hunches...’
(Rothchild and Curry 1978, cited in Ayee 2002). Therefore the success of public policy
initiatives was in this instance wholly dependent on the viewpoint of bureaucrats. As well as
the absence of policy analysts this apparent deficiency in the government’s ability signifies a
lack of capacity building. In conjunction with a wider distribution of data a second aspect
which must be adhered to is prioritization. This needs a greater deal of attention specifically
in the area of limited resources; the in-depth assessment of the needs of the recipients/projects
must undergo a complete analysis. This analysis will allow authorities to distribute funding
according to the level of poverty within the area and assess the degree of urgency of each
situation and allocate funding accordingly. A third element which is crucial to the success of
any public policy initiative is an understanding of the opinions and needs of the proposed
recipients. Often this is an area where the effectiveness of public policy initiatives instigated
by state authorities or even local elites can falter (Oduro 2001).
3.11 Risks encountered
In an attempt to abide by the distinct push for decentralisation the DA’s attempt to encourage
a greater participation of the intended participants. However situations have occurred where
the local elite’s interests are not in line with the needs of the poor and thus it is here that
discrepancies become apparent. Therefore to ensure the needs of the poor are best
38
represented, it is essential that a form of monitoring system is put in place to prevent such
divergences taking place from the previously defined intentions. Although the DA’s
endeavour to meet the needs of the poor and respond accordingly, often these efforts are
seriously inhibited by a distinct lack of human and financial resources (Ayee 2002). It is also
crucial that policy makers at state level maintain a close relationship with the needs of the
poor as they change over time. Thus the degree to which state authorities keep themselves
informed of the evolution of the needs of the poor is heavily dependent on the success of
poverty reduction strategies. In reiterating the importance of a form of regulatory system
within which the allocation of funding can be closely monitored is of utmost importance in
order to achieve successful policy making. Additionally these types of monitoring systems
are necessary to ensure that actions are in line with the measures outlined in formulating
poverty reducing initiatives (Oduro 2001, pp 6-8; Aryeetey and Mc Kay 2007, pp 162-163).
3.12 Conclusion
On completing the transition to democracy in 1992, Ghana has overcome a number of
legislative obstacles over the past two decades. However a more poignant development is the
Government of Ghana’s ability to sustain and further enrich the relationship with CSO’s and
other external actors which have embodied themselves in the process of public policy
process. Ghana has had a number of successes in both socio-economic and political arenas
since gaining democratic status; however one must note the extent to which Ghana’s budget
remains to be heavily dependent on aid inflows. The sustainability and success of public
policy initiatives within Ghana, particularly those in accordance with the MDGs is reliant on
gaining sufficient budgetary assistance from external donors. This dependency on external
financial assistance and guidance will be analysed in relation to the GSFP. Furthermore,
analysis of this policy will address the role of local government and examine the impact a
centralised form of governance has had on the programme since its inception in 2005.
39
CHAPTER 4-ANALYSIS OF HOUSE-SURVEY RESULTS
4 Introduction
The following chapter will proceed to analyse the data retrieved from the household-surveys.
The surveys focused on three areas in particular namely; the performance of the GSFP, the
levels of satisfaction and an investigation into who controls the process of implementation. In
presenting data in a series of tables and charts this chapter will endeavour to provide
explanations for the relevant findings.
4.1 Performance of the GSFP
A total of 50 household-surveys were conducted in the area surrounding the village of
Ntranoa, in Komenda, Edina Eguafo Abream (KEEA) municipal Assembly in Ghana. This
area of the survey will address the respondent’s opinion on the performance of the GSFP. In
respect to the performance of the GSFP, 92% of respondents agreed that the programme has
helped to increase school enrolment as shown in Table 5. Therefore there is significant
evidence to conclude that the GSFP is in fact in keeping with the short term goals of the
programme and it is successful in increasing school enrolment levels. These findings are
clearly displayed in Figure 6 below. This is further reinforced by President Mahama of Ghana
in his State of Nation Address on January 4th 2013. He reaffirms the successes of the
programmes performance to date and assures the communities that with the GSFP benefiting
approximately one million children throughout Ghana’s 170 districts: as he noted ‘other pro-
poor interventions like the capitation grant and the school-feeding program have been
expanded to cover many more children’. He also states, ‘Today more than one million
children are being fed one meal a day at school’
(http://www.ghana.gov.gh/index.php/information/speeches/18924).
40
TABLE 5: THE PERFORMANCE OF THE GSFP
q1.5.The GSFP has helped to increase school enrolment
Frequency Percent Valid
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Valid
Strongly
Disagree 2 4.0 4.0 4.0
Disagree 2 4.0 4.0 8.0
Agree 37 74.0 74.0 82.0
Strongly agree 9 18.0 18.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
Figure 6 The GSFP has helped to increase school enrolment
Figure 6: Further analysis of the performance of the GSFP can be seen in a crosstabulation
examination in table 2 below, which indicates that there is a consensus between the responses
of male and female that the GSFP has indeed helped to increase school enrolment as 24 males
and 22 females out of a total of 50 surveyed agreed that the programme has been successful
in this regard (See table 6 below).
41
TABLE 6: GENDER RESPONSES OF THE PERFORMANCE OF GSFP
As field data has revealed in a cross-tabulation analysis with respect to the level of education
of each of the respondents, it is evident that the majority of respondents who were in
agreement came from two main levels of education; those attending Junior High School were
17 out of a total 50 and those at University level with a total of 13 respectively. The students
attending Junior High school would have been the first recipients of the GSFP after its
introduction in 2005 and therefore have witnessed first-hand its impact on the levels of school
enrolment.
4.2 Attendance and Retention of School pupils
In addition to these findings on increasing school enrolment regarding the performance of the
GSFP, 82% of the respondents agreed that the GSFP programme has aided the increase in
levels of attendance and retention of school pupils as shown in Table 7. This evidence
suggests that the community of Ntranoa believe the GSFP is performing well in terms of
aiding attendance levels and retaining these levels in the area. Only 12% of the respondents
disagreed with the statement. This implies that the large majority of the community’s
respondents are satisfied with the performance of the programme with respect to attendance
and retention of school pupils.
Table 5 above and table 7 below correspond directly with the research question posed in
chapter one which questioned the extent to which the GSFP has helped to increase school
enrolment and retain school attendance. The data presented in the tables is a clear affirmation
of the positive results of the programme in relation to an increase in levels of enrolment and
in retaining school attendance.
42
TABLE 7: ATTENDANCE AND RETENTION OF SCHOOLS PUPILS
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Disagree 6 12.0 12.2 12.2
Neither agree nor disagree 2 4.0 4.1 16.3
Agree 26 52.0 53.1 69.4
Strongly agree 15 30.0 30.6 100.0
Total 49 98.0 100.0
Missing System 1 2.0
Total 50 100.0
4.3 Levels of local food production
One of the short term goals of the GSFP was to increase domestic food production. The
results of the surveys are interesting as the respondents were divided equally with a total of
46% disagreeing with the proposed statement, while the same percentage 46% of the
respondents agree that the GSFP had indeed increased domestic food production in the
Ntranoa area as shown in table 8. The findings of those who disagree with the statement that
GSFP has helped to increase domestic food production is further reinforced by a comment
made by one of the respondents from the survey noting that: ‘the food stuffs should be
purchased from the local community members as planned in the policy’ (C05). This
statement suggests that there is an urgent need to address this issue with respect to
encouraging local food production within the communities. If this is done, it will help to
facilitate local economic development.
TABLE 8: VIEWS ABOUT THE IMPACT OF GSFP WITH RESPECT TO DOMETIC FOOD PRODUCTION
q1.7.GSFP has helped to increase domestic food production in our local communities
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly Disagree 6 12.0 12.0 12.0
Disagree 17 34.0 34.0 46.0
Neither agree nor disagree 4 8.0 8.0 54.0
Agree 18 36.0 36.0 90.0
Strongly agree 5 10.0 10.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
43
4.4 The GSFP has helped to increase food security and reduce hunger
In line with the MDGs, a long term goal of the GSFP aimed to increase food security and
reduce hunger (ECASARD/SNV, Ghana 2009). The findings in table 6 below indicate that a
small majority of respondents 52 % do not believe the GSFP has helped reduce hunger and
malnutrition. The evidence of this particular element of the research suggests that aims of
achieving food security in line with the main objectives of the MDGs are not being achieved.
In addition, two of the respondents commented during the survey that: ‘the food should be
served along with water, they should provide food [which is] rich with a balanced diet’
(C23), ‘they should prepare better food that contains nutrients’ (C22). However, 44% of the
respondents believed that the programme is in fact helping to reduce rural hunger and
malnutrition. The findings seem to suggest that, more work needs to be done, to ensure that
the nutritional requirements of the beneficiaries of the GSFP are met. Therefore there is room
for improvement as shown Table 9.
TABLE 9 VIEWS ABOUT HOW GSFP HAS HELPED TO DEAL WITH RURAL HUNGER AND MALNUTRITION
q1.8.The GSFP has helped to reduce rural hunger and malnutrition
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly Disagree 5 10.0 10.0 10.0
Disagree 21 42.0 42.0 52.0
Neither agree nor disagree 2 4.0 4.0 56.0
Agree 19 38.0 38.0 94.0
Strongly agree 3 6.0 6.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
From the above research it is evident that the general response from the fifty respondents
surveyed is a positive one and the great majority of respondents were in agreement that the
GSFP is performing successfully especially in relation to an increase in enrolment and
helping increase attendance and retention of school pupils.
4.5 Levels of Satisfaction with the GSFP
On drawing up the strategies for implementing the GSFP it was envisaged that 80% of the
feeding costs of the school children would be spent in the local economy. However, the
surveys carried out indicate that only 32% of the respondents are in agreement and maintain
that they are satisfied with the arrangements of buying locally. A further 28% said they are
44
dissatisfied with the current arrangements whilst the majority of the respondents at 40%
neither agree nor disagree with the arrangement as shown in table 10. This makes this finding
quite interesting with respect to the overall level of satisfaction. It appears that the majority
neither agree nor disagree, perhaps is a reflection of a distinct lack of knowledge within the
community regarding the arrangements made with local farmers. This lack of knowledge may
be interpreted as result of a top-down approach to implementation as discussed in previous
chapters. Other respondents noted a need for the caterers to actively purchase the necessary
food stuffs from the local farmers so as to boost the local economy, ‘......caterers should
patronise food stuffs or items from the local community’ (C06).
TABLE 10
45
FIGURE 7 LEVELS OF SATISFACTION BUYING LOCALLY PRODUCED FOOD STUFFS
The results of this survey outline the high level of dissatisfaction with the quality of the food
being served to the school children at 82%. This undisputable majority is reaffirmed by a
number of comments made by the respondents, ‘….the quality of the food should be
improved’ (C05). In addition to this a number of those surveys made reference to the children
complaints of the food tasting bad, ‘Children complain of food without taste or the food tastes
bad, so they should work on that’ (C03) (See table 11 below).
46
TABLE 11 LEVELS OF SATISFACTION WITH FOOD SERVED TO SCHOOL CHILDREN
The cross-tabulation investigation undertaken in table 12 below demonstrates that the levels
of satisfaction across both genders are consistent as 22 males and 19 females out of a total of
50 respondents were dissatisfied with the quality of the food served to the school children. Of
this
TABLE 12: LEVELS OF SATISFACTION WITH THE QUALITY OF FOOD SERVED TO SCHOOL CHILDREN
The cross-tabulation investigation undertaken in table 13 below a total of 23 students and 9
teachers are dissatisfied with the quality of the food being served. As the students are/have
been the direct recipients of the GSFP they have the most experience in this particular area.
47
TABLE 13: OCCUPATION-RESPONSE TO THE QUALITY OF FOOD BEING SERVED
In addition to the high levels of dissatisfaction with the quality of the food the surveys show
an equally high level of dissatisfaction with the portion size of food served to the school
pupils as 84% of respondents said they were dissatisfied (see table 14). This is reinforced by
comments from some of the respondents in line with the open-ended question: ‘Students
should be given enough food so that they are well fed’ (C35), while another said: ‘in my
opinion, the GSFP should increase the quantity of the food as well as improving the quality
of the food’ (C17). This issue requires attention of the implementers of the policy.
TABLE 14: LEVEL OF SATISFACTION REGARDING THE PORTION OF FOOD BEING SERVED TO SCHOOL PUPILS
Although tables 5 and 7 disclosed that the GSFP is aiding an increase in levels of school
enrolment, attendance and retention which prove to be the successful elements of the
programmes performance. However, there are concerns when it comes to the quality and
portion size of food being served to the school children as majority of the respondents
expressed high levels of dissatisfaction as noted in tables 11 and 14.
Table 15 below clearly shows that the majority, 60% of respondents are satisfied with the
menu chart presented to the school. Therefore it is appropriate to conclude that the levels of
satisfaction falter in regard to the quality and quantity of the food being served however the
type of food being served to the children is considered satisfactory by the majority. However
48
those who claim they are dissatisfied with the menu have provided explanations for their
dissatisfaction, they believe the caterers should undergo the necessary training for working
with such large quantities of food. As noted by one respondents ‘….they should employ
people who have acquired skills in food preparation.’ (C10).
TABLE 15. LEVEL OF SATISFACTION WITH THE MENU CHART
4.6 Implementation process of the GSFP
The majority 58% of respondents agree that the GSFP is controlled principally by the
Municipal Assembly officials. Against this background one would agree that this finding
seems to suggest a top-down approach to implementation (as discussed in Chapter 2) is being
undertaken and in turn suggests that the needs of the recipients of the programme i.e. the
school children are not being appropriately addressed (see table 16 below). There is also a
significant number of the respondents at 38% who ‘neither agree nor disagree’ to the question
in discussion. The evidence to support the findings provides a mean = 3.66 and Standard
deviation =.823. This is perhaps as a result of a lack of knowledge about who exactly is
controlling the GSFP’s implementation which implies that the respondents are uninformed in
regard to the details of the process of implementation again giving further credence to the
previous conclusion that a top-down model dominates. In keeping with the majority of
respondents the following comment made by a teacher who received university level
education clearly outlines the assured opinion of one of the respondents in believing that a
great deal of responsibility and consequently control is concentrated in the hands of the
Municipal Assembly Officials. As noted: ‘the Municipal Assembly Officials should insist on
the purchase of locally produced food crops in the area as most of the parents are farmers’
(C12). The extent to which this teacher allocated such a degree of authority to these officials
demonstrates the inequitable power of the Municipal Assembly Officials within the area of
Ntranoa. The suggestion made by the teacher to encourage more bottom-up action by
49
involving local farmers thus boosting the local economy suggests that this commitment is far
from being fulfilled and that there is room for improvement.
TABLE 16: IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GSFP
q1.13.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by the Municipal Assembly
officials
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly Disagree 1 2.0 2.0 2.0
Disagree 1 2.0 2.0 4.0
Neither agree nor disagree 19 38.0 38.0 42.0
Agree 22 44.0 44.0 86.0
Strongly agree 7 14.0 14.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
FIGURE 8: HISTOGRAM SHOWING THE IMPLEMENATION OF THE GSFP
50
50% of the respondents agreed that the GSFP is mainly controlled by KEEA education
officials. This again lays claim to the above statement that efforts to decentralise governance
in Ghana and support a concerted effort to broaden participation in public policy
implementation are impeded by those at the top maintaining the majority of control. The
process of implementation appears to be controlled by top-downers; there is sufficient
evidence in table 17 to suggest this. The fact that 28% of the respondents neither agree nor
disagree to the question provides us with further cause for concern. The bottom-up model
would be more conducive to meeting the needs of the recipients of the public policy
programme and in keeping with the proposed structure of the programme which was decided
upon when the policy was being formulated. These findings are of grave concern to the future
of the GSFP.
TABLE 17: VIEWS ABOUT THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GSFP AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH OFFICIALS OF
KEEA EDUCATION UNIT
q1.14.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by KEEA education officials
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly Disagree 7 14.0 14.0 14.0
Disagree 4 8.0 8.0 22.0
Neither agree nor disagree 14 28.0 28.0 50.0
Agree 20 40.0 40.0 90.0
Strongly agree 5 10.0 10.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
Table 18 and figure 9 below show that the great majority 62% of the respondents do not
support the statement that the GSFP is controlled by local committee members who show
respect for policy officials. This reaffirms the results of table 17 and table 18 which indicate
that any form of grassroots or bottom-up action is not in place and that the control
predominantly lies in the hands of the Municipal Assembly and KEEA. Again this purports
evidence to suggest that the implementation of the GSFP does have a tendency of being
hijacked by top-downers.
51
Table 18: Views about the control and implementation of the GSFP by local committee
members
q1.15.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by local committee members
who show respect for the policy officials
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly agree 14 28.0 28.0 28.0
Disagree 17 34.0 34.0 62.0
Neither agree nor disagree 13 26.0 26.0 88.0
Agree 6 12.0 12.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
FIGURE 9: PIE CHART SHOWING THE CONTROL AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GSFP BY LOCAL COMMITTEE
MEMBERS
52
Table 19 Gender response in relation to implementation of the GSFP being controlled
by local committee members
q1.2.Gender * q1.15.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by local committee
members who show respect for the policy officials- Crosstabulation investigation
q1.15.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by local
committee members who show respect for the policy officials
Total
Strongly agree Disagree Neither agree
nor disagree
Agree
q1.2.Gender Male 9 8 6 3 26
Female 5 9 7 3 24
Total 14 17 13 6 50
A further cross-tabulation investigation as seen in table 20 below is a clear indication of the
two main groups which disagree with the proposed statement, these two groups are
comprised of respondents who have been educated to Junior High Level and the second
grouping has been educated to University level.
TABLE 20: LEVEL OF EDUCATION OF RESPONSDENTS IN RELATION TO IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GSFP BEING
CONTROLLED BY LOCAL COMMITTEE MEMBERS.
q1.3.Level of education * q1.15.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by local
committee members who show respect for the policy officials- Crosstabulation investigation
q1.15.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled
principally by local committee members who show
respect for the policy officials
Total
Strongly
agree
Disagree Neither
agree nor
disagree
Agree
q1.3.Level of
education
None 0 1 0 0 1
Primary school 1 2 1 1 5
Middle school 1 3 0 0 4
Junior high school 5 5 6 4 20
Senior high school 1 1 1 0 3
Technical/vocational
school 0 0 1 1 2
Polytechnic 1 0 1 0 2
University 5 5 3 0 13
Total 14 17 13 6 50
53
The results of Table 21 below are fundamentally important in conducting an overall analysis
of the effectiveness of the GSFP. The majority 60% of the respondents disagree with the
proposed statement that the implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by the
head-teacher. This again reinforces the responses so far, that those who are on the ground
working to ensure the programme in place is of maximum benefit to the students, have little
control over the implementation of the programme. The evidence provided can be shown
further support by a number of comments made by the respondents. A great deal of the
respondents believed that, as noted: ‘the Parent Teacher Association (PTA) and the School
Management Board should be fully involved. The same applies to the head teacher’ (C11).
Other respondents, predominantly the students themselves remarked that they should have a
role in the implementation of the GSFP; as one student suggested that ‘there should be a
committee comprising students who will speak and also represent issues on behalf of the
students to the Municipal Assembly Officials’ (C16). This comment shows that those on the
ground do indeed recognize that the Municipal Assembly officials have a major role in the
programme’s implementation. Furthermore, those on the ground feel that the best way to
involve the recipients of the programme in this process is to present their concerns to the
body in control, i.e. the Municipal Assembly Officials. Another comment suggested that the
teachers become more involved in the process of policy implementation, so they can ‘monitor
the quality of food being served’ (C13). Although the teachers are becoming involved would
better represent the needs of the students one must acknowledge the fact that the majority of
control over the process of implementation is with the Municipal Assembly Officials and
education officials at the KEEA. Therefore in keeping with President Mahama’s promise in
the State of Nation Address dated Jan 4th 2013, it is clear that there is room for significant
improvements to made in regard to who is in control of the process of implementation of the
GSFP.
54
Table 21: Views about the control and implementation of the GSFP by Headteacher
q1.16.The implementation of the GSFP is controlled principally by the head teacher
Frequency Per cent Valid Per cent Cumulative Per
cent
Valid
Strongly Disagree 14 28.0 28.0 28.0
Disagree 16 32.0 32.0 60.0
Neither agree nor disagree 9 18.0 18.0 78.0
Agree 11 22.0 22.0 100.0
Total 50 100.0 100.0
FIGURE 10 SHOWING CONTROL OF THE HEAD TEACHER IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GSFP
In relation to the research question posed in chapter one regarding the extent to which the
process of implementation is controlled by the Municipal Assembly officials and the KEEA
education officials the data suggests that the respondents many of whom are or have been
recipients of the GSFP believe that power is centralised within these assemblies. This
concentration of power consequently leaves all other actors such as the school management
board, the teachers, the head teachers and the recipient pupils with no significant role in the
implementation process and consequently has a detrimental effect on the possibility of a
successful bottom-up model from emerging.
55
CHAPTER 5-DISCUSSION OF MAIN FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5. Summary of Chapters
The principal aim of this study is to examine whether the school feeding programme has
helped to improve and retain school attendance or not. In an effort to reach this understanding
the study was divided into five chapters. Chapter one provided a profile of Ghana which was
assisted by an overview of Ghana’s growth as a democracy thus. Chapter one also outlined a
number of research questions and proposed two hypotheses which this final chapter will
endeavour to prove. Since the return of civilian rule the Government of Ghana has exceeded
all expectations in its efforts to achieve a consolidated participatory democracy. Although
Ghana seeks to award the fundamental components of participatory democracy, namely;
responsibility, efficiency and accountability to all citizens it may be argued that there is still
considerable room for improvement at regional and district level (SIGN 2011). Thus
implying that despite Ghana’s proliferation of successes stories in decentralisation there are
also a significant proportion of cases which suggest that Ghanaians at regional and district
level are indeed deprived of the opportunities available to those at the top. Chapter two
provides a review of the literature paying particular attention to the top-down and bottom-up
models and the extent to which the top-down does indeed militate against effective policy
implementation. Consequently, the predominance of a top-down approach impedes the
implementation of an effective bottom-up approach. This analysis was undertaken to the
backdrop of participatory democracy in Ghana.
Chapter three discussed the challenges militating against Ghana’s transition to democracy as
a centralised technocratic form of governance was replaced by a more liberal decentralised
model. It analysed the role of donors and other external actors in the policy making process
and the extent to which Ghana’s policy process is dependent on these external support
networks. Chapter four provided empirical results which brought together useful insights to
the programmes activity and the recipient’s reaction. This enabled me to make some
recommendations about the GSFP and formulate conclusions on these recommendations in
chapter five.
56
5.1 Discussion: the Success of the GSFP to date
It is evident that the GSFP has had a great deal of success in expanding and developing as a
programme from its inception in 2005. The programme was introduced to ten pilot schools in
each region of the country. By the summer of 2006 the programme had been introduced to
200 schools and benefitting 69,000 students (GSFP 2005). The number of beneficiary
students at the inception of the first phase (2007-2010) of the programme was estimated at
413, 498, this increased to 697,496 by the end of 2010. As it stands, the scheme is thought to
be benefitting over 1 million school children (Ghana 2011 AOP). In 2011 the Commission on
Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) included in its annual report on the State
of Human Rights in Ghana a call for the government to extend the GSFP to two million
recipient children by 2012. Although the government did not succeed in expanding the
coverage of the programme to the desired estimate of the CHRAJ the request to the
Government of Ghana is a direct acknowledgement of the success of the programme in terms
of increasing enrolment, retention and attendance of pupils (Modern Ghana 2012).
5.2 Concluding comments
This concluding chapter is divided into four sections. The first section deals with a summary
of the main findings with respect to how the Ghana school feeding programme is performing.
The second section provides a synopsis of the main findings regarding the level of
satisfaction with the Ghana school feeding programme. The third section is devoted to the
implementation process of the programme. In chapter four recommendations on how the
GSFP can be more effectively implemented are discussed. The results of the surveys suggest
that since the programme’s inception there has been a phenomenal increase in the number of
recipient school children, the details of which will be discussed in the following paragraph. In
summation of the results it is clear that although the GSFP has proved the hypotheses in
relation to its overall performance of increasing school enrolment, retention and attendance is
remarkable.
With respect to the level of satisfaction the study disclosed that many of the respondents are
not happy about some of the arrangements in terms of promoting local economic
development among others. There are major concerns with respect to the current
arrangements of not buying locally produced foodstuffs. This is obviously against the main
philosophy and the development of the GSFP, which aims to increase domestic food
production in the local communities. The evidence generated in chapter four, also disclosed
57
that there is high level of dissatisfaction, in relation to the quality and portion size of food
being served to the school children in Ntranoa. Again, this is a worrying finding as noted in
chapter one, one of the fundamental aims principles upon which the GSFP is based in line
with the MDGs in aiming to reduce hunger and malnutrition at the grassroots level. This issue
requires the urgent attention of all stakeholders of the policy.
In terms of levels of satisfaction with the quality and the quantity of the food being served
there is also significant room for improvement. More attention needs to be paid to the
preparation of the food, a type of assistance scheme for the caterers educating them on how to
best prepare such large quantities of food whilst maintaining good quality overall is essential.
Also a number of comments in the surveys referred to the major delay in caterers receiving
payment for their work, in the absence of payment caterers understandably do not pay the
same degree of effort and attention into the process as they simply lack the incentive to do so.
Additionally from my own experience, the menu chart of the GSFP should be reconsidered as
from my own experience in the Ghanaian school system a number of children go a whole day
in school without food as the food on offer is not to their tastes and furthermore it is of poor
quality. Therefore in order to eradicate hunger and malnutrition these issues must not be
overlooked.
As far as the implementation of GSFP is concerned, evidence provided suggests that the
process is being controlled principally by the top officials of education unit and officials of
KEEA municipal assembly. The findings of the research suggest that committee members,
the head teacher and parents association despite being at a closer level to the implementation
process appear to be side-lined in the process. This majorly impede any efforts to involve
those at local level in the process implementing public policy as discussed in-depth in chapter
two, thus preventing bottom-up action from taking place. This finding in turn proves one of
the two hypotheses proposed in chapter 1 which stated that local political intervention and
control of the implementation process, regarding KEEA and the Municipal Assembly in the
GSFP has been encumbered by a concentration of control at the top.
The empirical insight gained from this study does suggest that, it is not too late to begin to
examining the implementation of the School feeding programme further and more
importantly within a wider catchment area. As the year 2015 will mark a decade since the
GSFP’s inception in 2005 there is a large amount of scope on which to draw conclusions
from lessons learned. These conclusions will prove fundamental in constructing strategies for
58
improvement to aid the programme’s future development. Thus, the GSFP is indeed worthy
of its accredited status as a laudable strategic programme. It is a programme which espouses
the ideals of an influential pro-poor intervention policy, the success of which is primarily
dependent on the effectiveness of decentralisation at regional and district level.
Furthermore, the evidence presented in the surveys proves that the area, which needs the
most improving, is that of implementation. A system needs to be established which indicates
who exactly is controlling the process of implementation. Although a bottom-up approach is
the preferred option for the recipients of the programme and those working on the ground
such as teachers, caterers, local committee members, parents, the Parent Teacher Association
and the School Management Board this may not be the preferred choice of the Municipal
Assembly or KEEA and even less so for the Government of Ghana. Consequently this means
a loss of power and control over policy implementation. Although the Government of Ghana
is said to be working towards achieving the MDG’s for 2015 of eradicating extreme poverty
and hunger one cannot help but question Ghana’s level of commitment to such a major
endeavour. Particularly as a key strategy to achieving the proposed aims of the MDG’s would
be to follow through fully on plans to decentralise governance and place more responsibility
in local government and local committees. However, despite this one cannot dispute the
estimated figures which suggest that the GSFP is fast expanding in terms of its beneficiaries
as in the central region alone in 2005/2006 the programme was benefitting 7,796 school
pupils by 2010 this figure had grown to 42,409 the programme had multiplied by over six
times in 5 years (GSFP 2011 AOP). Therefore as stated by President Mahama in his recent
state of nation address ‘the investment that is made in our children is beginning to yield
diffidence’ (State of Nation Address-President Mahama, January 2013).
The principal aim of this study is to examine whether the school feeding programme has help
to improve and retain school attendance or not. The evidence provided by this study indeed
helps us to conclude that the school-feeding programme has helped to improve and retain
school attendance at Ntranoa School. These findings are in line with main philosophy of the
GSFP as established in Chapter one of the background information. Evidence of such growth
and expansion is commendable and must be maintained. However, particular attention must
be paid to the arrangements of buying locally produced food stuffs, providing quality food
and increasing the portion of food. There is an urgent need for all stakeholders to review the
implementation of the pro-poor public policy, so that it is not hijacked by the top-downers.
59
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