IMOV-EMENT •FEBRUARY 1969 e"

Vol. 5 No.1

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I have lived in the monster and I know its entrailsand mine is the sling of David. -- •.Jose Mar~i

in this issue:

s.l. statewilmington

red guard

THE MOVEM ENT PRESS55 COLTON STREETSAN FRANCISCO, CA.94103

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Striking prisoners in LecumberriPrison have called for supportactions on the part of studentsthroughout the world.

MORE ON MEXICO, ·PAGE 14:

National struggle Council (formerlythe National strike Council) led themarch of 25,000 students. As theybegan to move out from the campusthe infamous General HernandezToledo, who directed the Oct. 2massacre at Tlatelolco, advancedhis troops toward the march.

The students dispersed and brokeinto groups of 1,000 to 1,500 and'began to stage spontaneousdemonstrations along the entirelength of the Avenida Insurgentes.About 3,000 students were arrested.

Struggle,Brother Ivor Woodward

SDSI would like 50 copies a week (sic)

of your great rag. It will close thisplace faster so get on it Brothers andSisters and get it to me.

With this issue the MOVEMENT is four years old.

The Dec. 13 demonstration startedat the University of Mexico campussouth of Mexico City and wasintended to end at El Casco desanto Tomas after completing aneight-mile route through heavilypopulated districts of the city.

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BULLETIN

What breathes, what sings, what lives when friendship dies?Not love, not freedom, but the grasp of hate,Not peace, not joy, while good men hesitate,Not truth still smothered in the shroud of lies.Who has a fri~nd that he can call his ownMust lift a hammer to the walls of stone.

His crime was friendship so he walks in stone,His honor bright amid the drabs and greys,His measured step ticks off the circled days,From year to bitter year he walks alone.The friendless ones, the bondstocks and their kine,Stand virtue on its head, call crooked straight;To handcuff right, to guard their silver-plate,They torture justice to a warped design.

At least 100 Mexican students,arrested in massive demonstrationsduring the summer and fall inMexico City, have gone on a hungerstrike at Lecumberri Prison. Thestrike was called as a responseto the arrests of thousands whodemonstrated their support for thestudents on Dect13.

MEXICO.

WELcOME ItOME

Sam SwingJanuary, 1955

. It never should have happened in the first place, his imprisonment. Its takenmuch too long to happen, his release. But he's out. With us. And that's good.

After 18 years in Federal Prison, Morton Sobell was released on January 14th.A U.S. Court of Appeals ruled that the 7 and 1/2 months he was in prison between'conviction and sentencing unable to make bail should be counted as time served.With time off for good behavior he was released.

dltionilj~, electronics, etc fields.It has a population of 16,000 students

with 192 of them being black.This school was established in 1947

to serve the people. In 1969 it's goingto do just that for the first time inits 21 year racist history.

Early on Dec. 12, thousands ofgranaderos (heavily-armed riot

~lice) closed off the avenuesleading to the university. The

To: Struggle Department;

5wurrteLots of shit has been happening here

at the left armpit of American educa­tion. We blew the first convocation theschool ever had. It was a good tacticas the convocation was called by theadministration- faculty - and student lead­ership to air some problems that hadbeen brought to iight by the agitationalwork of the SDS chapter. We took overthe stage, with bullhorny and all ~drapped to an openmouthed (couldn't hap­pen here) audience for 45 minutes be­fore they closed us down.

Afterward there were no classesscheduled for the rest of the day and wehad a REAL convocation on the com­mons; the BSU made their .5 pointprogram known at that time. Even theVice-President of the school said that·You would have to be a fool not tobelieve de-facto-segregation existedhere". The next day an athletic buildingwith $21,000 worth of equipment wasburned down, and during the day therewas no electricity or water. Man theadministration was ordering truckloadsof tranquilizers and hiding in their'offices.

Last week we broke all their reg­ulations on literature distribution andpolitical activity and they were so con­fused they didn't know what to do andwere praying that Christmas vacationwould hurry up.

SDS, BSU and HEP are planning apretty lively program for the rest ofthe year.

The school is very important becauseit is the only J.C. in L.A. that has notbeen "liberated". It trains all the re­placements and builds new parts for theaero-space industry that surrounds it.It is primarily a vocational factorywith most of the curriculum being dir­ected in the key-punch-IBM, air con-

130,000). Yet the author goes on tocriticize the H.S. students for not org­anizing a mass base yet. All I can sayis that that's pretty fucking massive,and when NY-SDS begins to come any­where near that percentage of its con­stituency for ITS actions, then they canstart putting other people down.

Another earlier example (which theauthor neglected to mention) was whenSDS decided to call a H.S. conferenceto start its H.S. organizing in NYC theyrefused at first to let H.S. Mob bringits literature to the H.S. conference,and then, in a period of intense es­caltion of the war and the draft (whichwas bothering every male H.S. studentin the city) proposed at this conferencethat the students organize against theREGENTS EXAMS--something of inter­est only to the minority of college boundstudents! A lot of kids joined H.S. Mobafter that. How many joined NY-SDS?VERY few, if any!

A later classic example occured lastsummer when one of the Union leadersshowed a Columbia SDS leader a pro­posed leaflet for the Union. He wastold that the leaflet was too • anti­authoritarian"! Too anti-authoritarian,when H.S. students can't even take apiss without written permission!

The .problem is basically two fold-­bad politics and arrogance. If SDS reallyconsiders itself the vanguard of the stu­dent movement, attitudes like Mr. Freud­enber~ must be dealt with hard. Pre­summing, of course, that the N. Y. H. S.students haven't seen his article andtaken care of it themsel ves•..

Linda Morse

AI·rII«tit 5c11oot,Dear Friends,

One of the major problems the newleft faces is a kind of political ar­rogance beautifully expressed in thearticle ·What Revolting High Schools"by Nick Freudenberg in the Decemberissue of the MOVEMENT.

This • more revolutionary than thou"arrogance doesn't bother me when itcomes from the Trots or PL, becausethose groups are, in the long run, ir­relevant. However you often hear thiskind of bullshit from people in SDS,and this is part of what's fucked upthe movement for the last few yearsand kept a lot of us out of SDS.

I worked in NYC for three years forthe Student Mobilization Committee (thenational student anti-war coalition) andthe Parade Committee (the local co­alition). In the course of our anti-warorgan.iz1ng a lot of high school stu­dents came around the office and even­tually formed their own organization todo the same work--H.S. Student Mob.The high point of their efforts was theApril 26 student Strike during whicha fantastic 200,000 (2/3) of the NYChigh school students' stayed' out. THEYplanned it, and THEY pulled it off-­not us college or community people.

The split in SMC had been developingfor several months previously, and cameto a head right after the strike. All ofthe independents involved with SMC-­both H.S. and college--were dissatisfiedwith SMC'.s single issue orientation, andwhen we ~ouldn't change it, we left.During that period we were all tryingto articulate the kinds of organizationsthat would best suit our needs, and thatsummer the H.S. students changed H.S.Mob into the H.S. Union. We gave themwhatever help that THEY asked forwhen we could from political rap ses­sions to convincing the NY FREE PRESSto subsidize a citywide H.S. undergroundpaper. However had we dared try andsay that WE organized them, or tellthem what to do, they would have kickedus in the ass--and rightfully so. Whatthey did, they did themselves, com­pletely.

Now I read in the MOVEMENT anarticle which implies that SDS organizedthe Union, that it has been the guidingpolitical light for it 10 these manymonths, and which for the future, hasthe sheer audacity to state that • Now,as ever before, our primary task mustbe to organize strong radical groupsin every high school in New York andto MOLD these groups into a politicalforce that can change the shape ofthings to come."

"We", Mr. Freudenberg? "Mold", Mr.Freudenberg?? May I ask who the fuckare you to try and tell them how toorganize, or to manipulate them intoYOUR idea of a "conscious politicalforce" (with the assumption that theyaren't already, of course).

See, we've been through numerousdebates in the new left on how to organizevarious groups. One of the most basicthings that have come out of those de­bates is that you DON'T go into a groupand TELL them what they ought tobe doing. If you have certain skillsyou can HELP such a group do itsOWN organizing--and your end resultshould be to make yourself obsolete.

Some of those" certain skills" includea little humility and a halfway correctanalysis of where the group is at-­neither of which come through in thearticle or in real life in the NY-SDS­H.S. Union situation.

For example, the article mentions theApril 26 strike of 200,000, and laterthe fall school strike of 42% (about

THE MOVEMENT is published monthly by THE MOVEMENT PRESS~ 55 Colton Street, San Francisco,California 94103 -- (415) 626-4577 -- subscriptions $2.00 per year

Joesph A. Blum, Editor

Staff: Arlene Eisen Bergman, assistant editor; Terence Cannon; Karen Jo Koonan; Renee Blum; LincolnBergman; Peri Gilbert; Jerry Densch; Jack Gerson; Karen Ross; Mark Hardesty; ~;

Chicago Staff: Les Coleman; Janet DeZutter; Joe Horton; Hilda Ignatin; Noel Ignatin; Mike James; PeterKuttner. Room 204, 162 N. Clinton, Chicago, Illinois 60606, 312 641-0138

Los Angles Staff: Bob Niemann; Bill Vandercook. 1657 Feder_al Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90025.(213) 478-9509

POW: Jeff Segal

PAGE 2 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969

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Here is a poster drawn by FrankCieciorka after learning that the Oak­land Seven had been indicted for con­spiracy by an Alam':!da County Grandjury for leading and organizing stopThe Draft Week at the Oakland InductionCenter last October.

The government is after them becausethey were leaders. Leaders withouttitles. Not a single person has ever fol­lowed \,hem because "it's my job." If youfollowed them to the Oakland InductionCenter in October 1967, it was becausethey radiated something beautifUl, noother reason.

It was during Stop the Draft Week thatI first saw the "V" sign. Before then,the movement was just trying to be moraland look good for the history books; buton October 20, 1967, when every sparecop in the Bay Area was in the cordonaround the Oakland Induction Center,when downtown Oakland was a" liberatedarea" (we wrote "You CAN Fight CityHall" in big spray-paint letters right or.the steps of City Hall), when constructionworkers aJ1d office clerks found them­selves accidentally behind our harri­cades and were not so unfriendly - sud­denly tnousands of people flashed on theidea that we might actually WIN thisthing, might actually kick out all the jamsand live in freedom, so' they flashed the"V" for Victory sign, something they hadnever dared to do before.

Before stop the Draft Week we wereofficially designated as a • bunch ofkooks"; after that week we became the"anarchist threat" we are today. By

granting us official belligerent status,the government has unintentionallypushed a lot of neutrals in our direction.Now Fortune magazine says that 40%of college students identify with the New­Left; 4% would have been more like ita couple of years ago.

I remember Terry Cannon, in the dis­mal summer of 1967, chairing intermin­able meetings .in the Mission District

.church that then gave office space to TheMovement newspaper. He wanted to see anew kind of demonstration: one in whichthere would be an actual, though token,attempt to stop the draft. (He did not,as I remember, suggest bUilding barri­cades. At that time. the only use of theword" barricades" was as a taunt by smugpacifists who assured us so kn'owinglythat barricades were out of date andGandhi pacifism was the modern thing.)

It was all very hazy then. The theorywas down fine but the tactics were up inthe air. It was to be a symbolic act, ademonstration. We would attempt to stopthe busloads of inductees from reachingthe Induction Center, knowing full wellthat we could succeed only in delayingthe induction process for a few hours atbest. We would NOT be trying to get our­sel ves put in jail. We would be trying tostop the draft, and though we wouldclearly lose, our willingness to put upsome kind of a fight would enable us tomake contact with ordinary workingclass youth who considered sit-downdemonstrators to be kooks with martyrcomplexes. The purpose of the action,put another way, was to demonstrate that

"if you need conscription to have anarmy, then you'll need an army to haveconscription."

But the tactics were hazy: and I, lack­ing Terry's confidence that tactics wouldcall themselves into being, dropped out ofthe meetings. A couple of months laterI was startled to see Frank Ciec1orka'sred and black posters on telephone poles:PEOPLE GET READY. BY OUR DECREETHERE WILL BE A DRAFT HOLIDAY.THE OAKLAND INDUCTION CENTERWILL BE CLOSED OCTOBER 16-21. Noone believed that; but of course every­one had to go see.

At 4 a. m. on October 17, buses startedleaving the\ Berkeley campus for theOakland Induction Center. It was such a'children's crusade, we felt like suchfools, we sang self-satirical songs anddidn't even know we were on our wayinto a new age until the chartered busstopped and the driver gave us a veryfriendly parting wave and we stood terri­fied in the dark sJreets.

A few hours later the blood was now­ing, all of it ours. Some had, by renex,sat down - and the police had waded intothem swinging clubs with all their might.Later that morning the first barricadeswere built, quite spontaneously and anon­ymously. The District Attorney willnever be able to indict the man or wo­man who first hauled a park bench, jl.lstas he was never able to find the one whofirst sat down around the police car inSproul Plaza in October, 1964, the found­ing act of the Free Speech Movement.

Three days later we were all old hands

at street fighting. Someone had heardthat vaseline was good protection againstMace, so dozens of jars were bought.,(A sympathetic druggist knocked off thesales tax.) Demonstrators bought up allthe'spare construction helmets in down­town hardware stores - and,got a cordialreception from the clerks. Someone gotthe idea that painting the streets wouldbe fun, and someone else brought ninetycans of spray paint down for everyoneelse to play with.

I've racked my brains and I can't thinkof a legal defense for the Oakland Seven.Surely it's illegal to block an InductionCenter, so it must be illegal to conspireto do so. And according to the legal defi­nition of conspiracy, they must have con­spired. But they don't belong in jail, sothe law must be wrong. If you or I wereon the jury, we'd skip the legalities andvote to acquit. Charles Garry, the lawyerwho defended Huey Newton, now has thejob of getting some people like you orme onto the jury, or, failing that, of get­ting some straight jurors to think ourway. If anyone can do it, he's the man.He doesn't talk about the" complex con­stitutional issues" or the" intricate legalquestions" of the case. He says, • ByGod, these kids don't deserve to go tojail, they deserve t" ;:,ct medals!" Hebelieves it, and he may make the jurybelieve it too.

Marvin GarsonSAN FHANCISCO EXPRESS TIMES

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 3

THE NATION'S FIRST STATEFolloWIng the assasination of Martin Luthe,r

King, Jr. last April, the black community ofWilmington, Delaware expressed its bitternessand grief in what is by now the traditional way:like their brothers in cities throughout Ame.rica,black Wilmingtonians took to the streets.

INDIGENOUS GROUP ATTACKED

would be the argu,uent that the Guardwas needed; the more the Guard wasneeded, the longer it would stay; thelonger it stayed, the longer the policewould be free to work at the destructionof indigenous black leadership.

On June 6, 1968, 27 young blacks,none older than 17, were at a party ina private home. Police entered with­out a search warrant and arrested every­one present for disorderly conduct. Theapartment was searched for alcohol andmarijuana, but nothing was found. Atpolice headquarters, the girls were forc­ed to strip in front of male officers,After being placed in cells, they begansinging "We Shall Overcome". An officertold them to shut up, and when they per­sisted, they were maced. Several werehospitalized. The case against them wasdismissed in court, the police involvedwere never disciplined, and not a wordappeared in the press,

FEBRUARY 1969

• • •

More serious are the incidents in­vol ving leaders of the Wilmington YouthEmergency Action Council (WYEAC),WYEAC was formed in the summer of1966 after the death of a local gangleader. It was originally a loose co­alition of "gang" youth supported bylocal church- related agencies. DuringWilmington's first rebellion (July 28 &29, 1967), WYEAC "proved" its worthby spending three days and nights inthe streets cooling things off,

In July 1967 WYEAC received its firstfederal funds for a ten week summerproject. The goals were to" change therelationship between the official estab­lishment of Wilmington and the youthwho believe that Wilmington does notcare for them and in, turn don't givea damn for Wilmington". For the fol.lOWing year WYEAC was to operate on a$289,625 budget of which $100,000 camefrom federal OEO funds, $22,854 fromWilmington churches and private agen­cies, and $166,771 to be raised by theGreater Wilmington Development Coun­cil (GWDC), from individuals, founda­tions" and corporaqons. The budget forthe coming 'y.ear"was to h3:ve. i~cluQ,~d~3)b8,q.Q!ur.9,~ OE.o..~nd~. N4PrOOO~ fr.0l»GVI c..;' , ." ' : . ,', ,

On August 25 th~ ponce were in north­east Wilmington on a supposed tip-off.They heard several shots fired andsaw several patrol cars, state policecars, and National Guard- jeeps con­verging on a van belonging to WYEAC,The police found seven persons in thehome of Mrs. Lois Brown.and arrestedthem for unlawful entry. The lour menwere prominent in WYEAC, The sevenclaim they were being fired at andhad fled for cover. There were 10bullet holes in the van, but it is amystery who fired them. Mrs. Brownstated that she would not have objectedto the entry of these persons into herhome had she known of the shooting.Nevertheless, the seven were found guiltyand are now on bail while their caseis being appealed.

FEEDING WHITE FEAROn Labor Day week-end another in­

cident occurred which was crucial inthe inflation of the white fear psychosisand the continuance of the Guard's pre­sence. Cherry Island marsh is a de­serted area near the city border. Localpeople go there occasionally to shootrats on the dump piles. On August30, 6 black youths--all WYEAC mem­bers-- were arrested while shooting atCherry Island, The six were wearingbuttons, available from any psychedelicshop saying, "I am already drafted inthe Black Liberation Army." Immediatelytheir activities were depicted as "prac­ticing guerilla warfare tactics" , and thebelief spread that there really was aBlack Liberation Army in Wilmington.Within the next few days, raids weremade on the homes of the six and onWYEAC offices. The raids netted 2,000rounds of shotgun shells, 1.350 roundsof .22 calibre cartridges, an 18 inchmachete, a shotgun, and a starter pistol.That is hardly the weaponry of a Lib­eration Army. The pistol was the onlyweapon found in the WYEAC offices;everything else was found in the homesof the six. Bail was set at $48,000 on10 charges of illegal possession of fire­arms, discharging of firearms, andpos-

, session of marijuana.On October 30, a further incident in­

volving WYEAC occurred. Robert Bar­ber, one of those arrested at Cherry

The police have taken advantage ofthe Guard's presence to decimate theyoung grass roots leadership of theghetto. The harrassment of militantblack leaders had been going on inWilmington for some time. In one notablecase in February 1968, three youngblacks were charged with assault andbattery on a police officer, resistingarrest, and disorderly conduct. Theywere acquitted on 7 of the 10 chargesand the city chose not to prosecutethem on the other three charges because- -as the City Solicitor admitted in opencourt--one of the policemen involvedgave false testimony, The policeman isstill on the payroll.

The April rebellion provided a rat­ionale for handling the harassment prob­lem in a different way. With the NationalGuard patrolling the streets, any org­anizing effort on the part of blackscould be termed' a violation of law andorder. Indeed, the logic of the situationencouraged the police to use their powersof arrest indisr:riminate1y: the morearrests they made, the more convincing

POLICE DO DIRTY WORK

the Emergency Riot Act is' still ineffect, but persons have been arrestedand charged under its provisions sincethe Mayor's announcement.

Since spring the situation has changedvery little. Troops--somewhat less than50 men in radio-equipped jeeps- -stillpatrol the city's black community everynight, only now they ride with Del­aware State Troopers (since the Guarddoes not have the power to arrest).Ostensibly the Guardsmen are presentfor the purpose of riot prevention, andtheir only task is to disperse assemblieswhich could be the focus for larger,more hostile, gatherin{;s. From the pointof view of the ghetto resident however,it all adds up to a white occupation army.The Wilmington police force has fewerthan 10 Negroes; the National Guard is97% white.

THE MOVEMENT

In the face of such action at thestate level, Mayor Babiarz formally end­ed the emergency on May 1. To sup­port his action, the Mayor withdrewcity police from their joint patrolswith the Guardsmen. Governor Terrystill refused to remove the Guard. Thelegal basis for his action is unclearand has never been challenged in thecourts, It is also unclear whether or not

ten years in prison without any chanceof parole for the first three years,Persons 16 years of age or over areto be considered adults and treated ac­cordingly. But one need not destroyproperty to be considered guilty underthis act. ~lerely URGIr-;G someone todestroy property, even if that persondoes nothing, makes one liable for thefull penalty!

~layor Babiarz lifted a city-wide cur­few and declared the situation undercontrol on Easter' Sunday, April 14.But the Governor refused to withdrawthe Guard troops, saying he had "in­telligence reports· forecasting violencethe next day. There was none.

On April 29, Douglas Henry, Jr., ablack man accused of burglary was shotand killed in the custody of the policeby an inexperienced clerk-typist in theGuard. r-;o charges were filed against theGuardsman, but the state legislaturepassed a bill absolving the Delaware~ational Guard from any cfvil or crim­inal action resulting from deeds per­formed in the line of duty while understate mobilization orders.

TROOPS OCCUpy CITY

MASS ARRESTS

Compared to what happened in othercities, the outbreak was mild. There wereno deaths and no major injuries. Propertydamag~ .vas estimated at less than$250,000. T;1e reaction to the ctistur­bances on the part of elected officials,however, was anything "ut mild. "

On ~larch 29, almost a week beforethe King murder, Delaware GovernorCharles Terry said he had "police in­telligence reports· of expected disordersand placed Guard units on alert in Wil­mington and Dover. On ApriL 9, themorning after the first post-assasina­tion uprisings in Wilmington, Terryresponded to ~layor John Babiarz' callfor 500 Guardsmen by mobilizing, forthe first time in Delaware history, theentire 4,000 man strength ofthe DelawareArmy and Air r-;ational Guard. ~lore than3,500 armed men responded.

Between April 8 and 13, more than370 persons were arrested, including67 juveniles, and 157 persons werejailed. ~layor Babiarz put the total num­ber of arrests as high as 714. Mostof these arrests were for curfew viola­tions, but many were arrested under anEmergency Riot Act passed' August 4,1967, following Delaware's first blackrebellion,

This Emergency Act had been votedby both houses of the statf' legislatureand signed by the governor in a singleday. According to this law, those ar­rested for damaging property during adeclared emergency may be punishedby not less than three nor more than.', ----:l.. _

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THE NATION'S FIRST POLICE STATE

I

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The above article was sent to us byPeople Against Racism, New York Chap­ter, P. O. Box 432, Washington BridgeStation, New York, N,Y. 10033 and theNational Emergency Committee AgainstRepression in Wilmington, 1237 VineStreet, Philadelphia, Pa. 19107. Forfurther information and donations to aidthe struggle please contact them.

'suggested they stick to their pastoral'duties and stop preaching "what is nextto revolution". In conjunction with theblack United Council, the White Coali­tion has been pressing three basic de­mands which may be summarized as1) removal of the National Guard; 2)release of black political prisoners; and3) severance of du Pont control overcommunity affairs. Governor-elect Rus­sell W. Peterson, for many years a duPont executive, has refused to addresshimself to these demands. He has re­peatedly insisted that he will disclosehis intentions with respect to the Guardonly after his inauguration on January21. There are indications that he willeventually remove the Guard, if onlyto save money and disassociate him­self from his predecessor whose stylehas been blunt and bossy. But if theGuard leaves without the larger issueshaving been raised, the experiment inmilitary repression will have succeeGed.

To prevent this happening, a demon­stration has been called in Wilmingtonfor January 21--the day the new gov­ernor is to be inaugurated in Dover.The demonstration will take place inWil1:nington' s. Rodney Square, which isdominated on one side by the MunicipalBuilding and on the other side by duPont headquarters. That is where thecurrent struggle must be focused. Thedemonstration is sponsored by two nat­ional organizations, People Against Rac­ism and Communications Network, whohave been working in Wilmington andare in contact with both the White Co­alition and the United Council.- Hopefully this demonstration willstrengthen the position of those in Del­aware who believe that the use of mil­itary force in respolase to human prob­lems is not acceptable. It can also helpto assure that what has happened inWilmington will not be ignored else­where as demonstrators return to' thestruggle against repression in their owncommunities. Wilmington may representonly the first example of what the parti­sans of law and order have in mind forall of us. For the problems of Wil­mington, there are no outsiders•.•

\ .new technical college. Its efforts ineducation have been nil. Atwo year studyof racial imbalance in Wilmington's pUb­lic schools is still on the draWingboards. In housing it has recently de­veloped plans for predominantly mod­erate income housing in northeasternWilmington which the present black res­idents of the area could not afford.GWDC's major ghetto effort has beenthe Neighborhood Improvement Associa­tion, which sponsors sweep-up cam­paigns and block beautification programsto gild the ghetto.

James Sills, executive director of theAssociation of Greater Wilmington Nei­ghborhood Centers and recently electeda member ofthe City Council, has pointedout:

In our Wilmington community, GWDC,with its expanding social consciousness,does not genuinely represent a largenumber of Wilmington business firms,contrary to the impression of some.Moreover, those that are represented,such as du Pont, Hercules and Atlas,have exhibited no real inclination touse the influence and power of theireconomic institutions to attack the" gutissues" of our times.••The concern formaking profit is at the heart of thequestion of social responsibUity ofthe

business community. Fearful of havingits profit-making patterns adverselyaffected, the business community, bothlocally and nationally, has made only asuperficial investment in certain" ex­periinental and demonstration projects"... The American business world hasachieved success and bigness to a largeextent from the flagrant exploitation ofthe.wack man, firstthroaghslaveryand

,uently through economic bond­age. The notion that America had a­chieved economic power only through"rugged individualism" ignores themany historical sins that have beenperpetrated upon black Citizens, Ameri­can Indians, and poor whites.For those who look to the large corpor­

ations to save our cities, then Wilmingtonshould be an object lesson. Despite thepretenses of the Urban Coalition and thetheology of urban uplift espoused byNixon's ghetto guru Daniel P. Moynihan,continued paternalism and economic de­pendency cannot solve the problems ofAmerica's black community. Corporateimperialism for America's poor, likeimperialism everywhere, leads to mil­itary solutions.

WHITE SUPPORT FOR GHETTO

A group of white Wilmingtonians hasrecently formed an organization known asthe White Coalition for Justice WithoutRepres~ion, in response to the pres­ence of the Guard. Their efforts to mob­ilize public opinion against the Guardhave been hampered by the apathy ofpersons like the white storekeeper whosaid, "Why get upset? It's only a fewsoldiers." On the other hand, influentialcitizens who have spoken out have beenmet with remarkable hostility from thepower structure: when some sixty cler­'gymen issued a statement calling for re­moval of the Guard, Governor Terrydenounced them in a vitriolic attack which

THE MOVEMENT

THEIR STRATEGY IN THE GHETTO

DUPONT'S RULEIn Wilmington, corporate interests can

be summed up in a single word: duPont.The du Pont family represents the largestprivate concentration of wealth in thecountry, with a fortune worth upwardsof 7.5 billion dollars. Both of W1lming­ton's newspapers and its main radio sta­tion are owned by the du Ponts and thecity skyline is dominated by the du Pontbuilding, the Nemours building, the Del­aware Trust Company, the Farmer'sBank building, and the W1lmingtonTrust Company, all either owned or con­trolled by the du Ponts. Two of the fourcity high schools were built by privatedu Pont, money and named for members'of the family. Of the 250,000 people inNew Castle County, 30,000 are employeddirectly by the du Pont Company. Theother major employers in town are Her­cules Powder Company and Atlas Chem­ical Company, both du Pont spin-oUsresulting from government anti-trustlitigation earlier in the century. BothChrysler and General Motors (which thedu Pont Company used to control dir­ectly) have assembly plants in W1lming-'ton.

With such a large concentration ofwealth and power in the hands of asingle family, there are no independ­ent political forces in Wilmington. Cen­turies of paternalistic largesse havecreated a psychology of dependency foreveryone: "they" will take care ofthings.others hesitate to speak out or workon independent projects for fear ofconflict with du Pont's all wise and allknowing plans.

GWDC's over-all planning strategy forthe city puts heavy stress on attractingnew industry, building bigger and bettershopping centers, constructing a superhighway which will allow people easieraccess to the suburbs, and creating a

own investigators and on witnesses (like'Mrs. Herlihy) sympathetic to the localDemocratic Party which was hostile toWYEAC, McClellan's group simply putthe weight of the federal governmentbehind the local efforts of suppression.

The only feeble voice raised in op­postion to the efforts and aims of theMcClellan investigation was that of GW­DC.lt support Ad WY EAC pUblicly whileprivately cooperating in police investi­gation of the organization, and despiteits public posture, rescinded its ownWYEAC funding.

GWDC represents an eight-year-oldeffort by Wilmington's monied intereststo solve community problems. While itallies itself with the black communityon some issues, it does so only in wayswhich are compatible with the corporateinterests of those who finance it. Itdoes not so much seek eCunomic in­dependence or political maturity forWilmington's blacks, as that they shouldbecome better employees and more cap­able consumers: poverty is unacceptablenot so much because it is inhuman orcauses suffering, as becausejt involvesdecreased purchasing power and incre-ased potential for social disruption.

FEBRUARY 1969

Island, was picked up by the FBI onsuspicion of being a deserter from theU.S. Army. The two FBI agents wereattacked by Barber's friends and Barberwas freed. A police dragnet led to thearrest of thirteen persons. lt was nocoincidence that among the first personsarrested were three WYEAC staff mem­bers, and three of the Cherry Islandsix. The police had carefully scrut­inized WYEAC payroll records for theirlist of suspects. Clearly, the intent wasnot so much to find out who beat the FBIagents as to secure the incarcerationof certain blacks known to be politicallyactive.

JAILINGS CONTINUEAt present it is unknown exactly how

many bl::..cks have been arrested in W1l­mington or how many are stU! in jail.A cursory review of newspaper articlesindicates at least 130 names whosearrests for such charges as "disorderlyconduct", "breach of the peace", "re­sisting arrest", "failure to move on",and so forth, could have representedpolitical harrassment. Many have beenarrested a number of times. The courtrecords are poor and noby in the clerk'soffice knows for sure the number re­maining in ja1l! There are at least 30- - there could be many more.

On August 21, George Johnson of theCommunity Action Program wrote toMaceo Hubbard, Chief of the JusticeDepartment" s Civil Rights Division,Eastern Region, complaining of policeharrassment and documenting eightcases of police brutality•. Johnson's re­port was apparently ignored. Indeed thearrests over the summer completelydiscredited WYEAC's program and des­troyed the WYEAC leadership. When theprogram first began to get governmentalfunds, Mrs. Thomas Herlihy, Jr., re­signed from Wilmington's anti- povertyagency because she was opposed to thestreet-gang types that WYEAC repre­sented. Her husband, Judge ThomasHerlihy, Jr., successfully vindicated hiswife's position as the municipal judgewho presided over the bail hearings,arraignments and trials of the personsarrested in the WYEAC van incident, theCherry Island incident, and the FBIassault.

These cases created in the whitecommunity an image of WYEAC as agroup of cynical street toughs who usedpublic monies to finance armed insur­rection. Although WYEAC has claimeda membership of over 2,000 and deniedinvolvement with any so-called" BlackLiberation Army", the repeated har­rassment and arrest of its leadershiphas led many to believe the projecta complete failure. On October 1, 1968,OEO stated that it would not renew itsgrants to the organization.

McCLELLAN COMMITTEEEven though federal monies had al­

ready been cut off, the McClellan Com­mittee nevertheless scheduled hearingson WYEAC for October 8 to ll. Theyheard no members of the group nor didthey contact anyone who had been a mem­ber. Relying solely on reports of their

10LUTION IN THE REVOLUTION IN

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MOVEMENT: What was the theme ofthese posters?CHRIS: The main is~ue, the real issue,was the right to rebel--to rebel againstthe bureaucracy and their flunkies, theYoung Com munists.MOVEMENT: What happened after youhad your first contact with the struggleat the University?

CHRIS: We were convinced that thewoman who had written the first posterwas right, and that there was a cons­piracy among the bureaucrats in theChinese government to not serve thepeople. We came back to our schoolwondering ~bout "the connection betweenour bureacrats and those.

About five of us cornered the vice­principal. We challenged his report. Hebecame very arrogant and treated uslike a bunch of young punks. The more

THE RIGHT TO REBEL

MOVEMENT: How did you find out hewasn't telling the truth?CHRIS: About a week' after his report,the national newspapers reprinted the bigcharacter poster word for word, withno editorial comment. It took us aboutan hour to snap. We figured this womanwasn't such a reactionary afterall. Wehad been bullshitted to and we bettergo find out for ourselves.

In no time the whole school was emptyand everyone went to the University.The bureaucracy tried to stop us byspreading rumors that the fact that theposter was published didn't mean any­thing, and that the PEOPLE'S DAILYwasn't the offical organ of the CentralCommittee. We knew they were lying.

That was the first time we realizedthat there was any split between ourown bureacracy and the Central Com­mittee. We had faith in the CentralCommittee, so our bureaucrats discred­ited themselves. Also, the vice-prin­cipal's report never said what the postercontained. When we read it, it madea lot of points that we agreed with.MOVEMENT: What was the scene atPek­ing University?CHRIS: Wild. Thousands of people andthousands upon thousands of big char­acter posters. Ordinary people, not juststudents. There were rallies, peoplestanding around just talking to eachother, people reading the posters, puttingthem up, people selling popsicles. It'sa big campus and every wall in theUniversity was covered at least 3 or4 times with posters; Inside too. We'djust go around reading them. Someposters were put up by individuals,others by groups.

CHRIS: It all started with the eruptionat Peking University. We're only a fewhundred yards away. We used to gothere all the time, but once the fire­works started, the bureaucrats at ourschool told us we couldn't go there.They sent a representative to go andcheck out the situation. The Universitywas torn by faction fights over whetheror not the head of the University wasany good.

The representative, our vice principal,came back and gave this big report. Thehead of the philosophy department atPeking University was in the Party. Sheand a few other teachers and students putup this big character poster attackingthe head of the University. He was theParty Secretary too. She lined him upwith the reactionary playwrights andeditors and attacked his policy on workin the countryside and showed how theeducational system fit right into thescheme. He was trying to blunt people' 05

'"minds and create a social basis for aneventual takeover.

But we didn't know what this postersaid at all. The people who put it upgot shoved around some. It was prettyhairy for a while. Interesting though-theynever tore down the poster, even thougheveryone called it counter-revolution­ary. People just put up other big char­acter posters attacking' her poster.

So our vice principal went there anddid his investigation. He gave us -a longreport about how bad this woman was,saying her father was a capitalist and shewas out to get class revenge.MOVEMENT: What was the reaction?Did people believe the vice- principal?CHRIS: Most of the kids did. We tookhis word for it. He was more respectedthan the principal. One of the better­liked bureaucrats. He dug sports and wasa Korean War vet. He used to tell usbattle stories. The principal never cameout of her office to see us.

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LABOR AND BUREAUCRATS

MOVEMENT: Were there other issuesthat bothered students at your schoolbefore the cultural revolution?CHRIS: The question of physical labor.It was a tokenistic thing, like two weeksout of the year. They usuajly went tosome commune at harvest time. The ideawas to have contact with the laboringpeople. That didn't happen. Sometimes itwas patronizing. Usually there weremore students at the place than peasants,with all the students in one field. Tofind a peasant was a novelty. In the univ­ersities it was a little better, with sixmonths out of every two years spent inthe countryside.

But the education we got didn't evenbegin to relate to the rest of society,and most of the guys I knew got most oftheir education outside of school. Itseemed like there was a polarization...the whole push of society was towardmaking the country more revolutionarywhile the educational system was goingagainst that.

The schools were run by bureaucrats.We never got a say in it. And one of thethings that got people moving was thatthe bureaucracy lied to us, especiallyin the last couple of months before thecultural revolution in our school. Therewas a struggle going on in the leadershipof Chinese society and we weren't beinginformed of what was going on.MOVEMENT: Give us an example.CHRIS: We wanted to have public de­nunciations of some playrights and news­paper editors who were being criticizedfor reactionary writings. The adminis­tration of the school didn't want us toget involved in that. They loaded us downwith homework so we wouldn't be able toget involved.MOVEMENT: How did the cultural rev­olution finally start at your school?

criticism session which really wasn't.It was more like a masochistic tripon the part of the people who weretrying to be admitted. This is really thefirst thing that started turning me off.I said, wait a minute. Because the peoplewho were getting in didn't seem to m~

the most advanced people in the classby any means. They were uSJlally thebest students and the most dogmaticand they knew more theory insofar ashaving read more Mao, Marx or Engels.

But the rebels in the class, who Ithought were applying Mao in a muchmore dialectical way and who were moreinterested in serving the people bytrying to make the educational systembetter for the people--they almost nevergot in. There were a few guys in theYoung Communists who were good heads,some beautiful people. But a lot of themwere bastards. Their work style wascompletely wrong. They didn't try tohelp the so-called screw ups; they justput them down.

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Chris Milton is an 18 year old Americanwho spent three years in China.

Our interview with him cannot by any meansbe taken to represent a broad picture of theissues and struggles of the Chinese culturalrevolution or of the entire spectrum of RedGuard and rebel movements.

It is a slice of his experience at his highschool during the cultural revolution. The highschool was in Peking, and adjoined PekingUniversity where much of the struggle began,but it should be remembered that a variety ofevents were taking place, including strugglesin the countryside that began much earlier,~truggles within factories, and struggles withinthe Communist Party.

We were struck by the intricacy of even thesmall part of the cultural revolution Chrisdescribes and some over-simplification no doubtoccurs in seeking to familiarize an American

. audience with the events•... This is the way Chris saw it:THE MOVEMENT: You were a student - MOVEMENT: Revisionist?in a Chinese high school? ~ CHRIS: They were most like AmericanCHRIS MILTON: Yeh, ninth grade. First ,q. schools, the most bourgeois, the mostI studied Chinese for a year, then was in ~ hung up in petty academic things andschool from the fall of 1965 to the spring ~ the farthest removed from practical ~of 1966. Then the cultural revolution 1it Chinese life. Another thing besides ex- nbroke out. I spent two semesters working (j) ams that bothered us was joining the ~and studying in the cultural revolution. ~ Young Communists. _then I came back to the States. Most ;:{: MOVEMENT: What was the procedure? ~

of the kids in my class were about 14. ~ CHRIS: You had to be sponsored by tMOVEMENT: The Red Guards said that I another Young Communist who raised Jthe educational system was screwed up... , your name. I'm not sure who had veto ~CHRIS: Very. ~ power, I think the head of our political :nMOVEMENT: What were some of the lJi~ department, our philosophy teacher. c:criticisms and did people perceive them ~ MOVEMENT: In other words, the stu- 11'&before the cultural revolution started? - dents had no voice. ~CHRIS: Yeh, it was growing. We usedto ljJ CHRIS: They did. When a name came up Ftfjhave a lot of rap sessions, sitting around nil" usually the class would agree. But there 1tafter class. In the process these bullshit ¥1 was one chick in our class who we vetoed. >'Rsessions sorta evolved into study groups IJ;1J We said she could not be a Young Com- ::t:where we were studying Mao' 05 works ~ munist. mand trying to apply them to our school ~ MOVEMENT: Why not? f::situation. One of the things that hit us 7;:. CHRIS: Too many hang-ups. We didn't iwas the exams which were coming up ~ feel she served the people at all. She L..­for the 9th and 12th grade kids. The >f& was much too hung up In getting grades 'whole system of examinations, where you ;:{: and we didn't think she was the most Btook them, how well you did on them I advanced person in the class. We vetoed :<$:determined whether you got Into a bad .:>?: her for about a month, but she got In ~high school or a ~ high school. .e anyway because the teacher wanted herMOVEMENT: What do you mean by good Cj} In. She was sorta the teachers pet. I5i..high school? ff6Ic MOVEMENT: Has the procedure changed >1<-

CHRIS: Academically good. Schools with ~ since then? .;prestige and good facilities and teachers. ~ CHRIS: Oh yeh. I don't know If the YOURg c2>Through exams the working class and ::1 Communists are back together again. The ~

peasant kids were being weeded out of ! Red Guards sorta took over. Before the ~these so-called good schools. Its funny * cultural revolution every night the Young 1;because these schools were the most 8 Communists would take a few people (j)

revisionist schools. fl aside. They'd have a criticlsm- self- <;:

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PAGE 6 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY -1969

THE R'EVOLUTiON IN THE REVOI~l.

THE MOVEMENT

MOVEMENT; Didn't all this travel dis­rupt things?CHRIS; The original idea was to keepsome students in Peking to keep up thestruggle there and send other groupsout to exchange experience. But every­body wanted to go and everybody left.I stayed a little longer and helpedset up depots for people, supplyingblankets and food for everyone comingin. The population of Peking is 5 mil­lion. 3 and 1/2 m11lion more came.

MASS MOVEMENT

PAGE 7

MOVEMENT; Why did the Central Com­mittee allow these things to go on un­controlled?CHRIS; They were prepared to trust themasses, even though they made mistakes.If you got millions of people moving youknow damn well that somebody is gonnafuck up sometime. The issue was to tryto politicize people through their ownexperience. Allow people to experiment.This was especially important for theyouth. So they messed up the economyto some extent...Butin two weeks the vastmajority of the Red Guards learned moreabout socialist economy than they wouldhave in 20 years in the classroom.That experience was more important thanthe dislocation in the economy which gotput back together again relatively easilyanyway.

The main issue was that the youthcould directly experiment with the rev­olution- -it wasn't just something theywere reading about in books or listeningto old men talk about the Long March.Revolution can't be programmed intopeople, it's gotta be validly proven bytheir own experience.MOVEM-ENT: What happened with all theRed Guards who came from outsidePeking?CHRIS; Just as the people from myhigh school went to Peking Universityto find out what was happening, peoplein other cities had that same yearningto come to Peking. They had heardabout all these groovy people out inthe streets, making revolution, followingChairman Mao, you got a ri[llt to rebel.

So they came. Our school had 1800regular students. All of a sudden, therewere 7000 more from Tientsin, livingall over the place. We figured we couldspread the revolution by going outsideof Peking. The Central Committee de­cided that it was a good idea for us totravel. They figured that the educationalsystem can only be changed by the stu­dents themsieves. And that studentscan't make the educational system servethe people unless they know who they'reserving. The Central Committee nevergave any orders. Most of the time theywrote editorials which, in effect, sup­ported some action that some part ofthemasses had already done. The CentralCommittee summed up some experience,concentrated it and gave it back to themasses. This was the type of leader­ship that the revolutionary wing of theCentral Committee gave.

CONTINUED ON PAGE 19-::::...~ ..

own mistakes. So there was a split,between those who only considered back­grounds and those who wanted to considermore. About this time, everyone decidedthat it wa~ time to promote revolutionaryaction. So they took to the streets.For about two weeks they went aroundsmashing what they considered to becapitalist hangovers. They messed up theeconomy.MOVEMENT: What do you mean?CHRIS; Like they would go into a storeand see a glass that didn't have a rev­olutionary slogan or design. They woulddecide that it was a bourgeois glassand take it off the market ur break it.They did this in all the stores.> Then people began writing big char­acter posters on the main business streetsaying, "We dig the reVOlution, but youguys are wrong. We support you, butyou gotta stop busting things up". Thiskind of violence stopped after a coupleof weeks, but for the next six months theWestern press talked about violence inPeking. There were a few people beaten.The Red Guards were trying to changea life style of a lot of punks in Peking.The dudes with the conks, tight pants,you know, there were some. They hadlittle hustles. Of course, nothing on thescale of this country. These hustlerswere like enemies of the Red Guards,aIJathetic towards the revolution.

THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE

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I\,~CHRIS: The Red' Guards began to lookfor allies because all of them wereminorities in their own schools. So theybegan to make all1ances with the rebelsin the factories which had already sprungup. They also worked with the variousred guard movements in the junior highschools.MOVEMENT; What role did the top Partyleadership play?CHRIS; When Chou en lai came to Pek­ing University, he proved by his ownexample that the work teams were wrong.For 4 or 5 days he talked and debatedwith everyone. He didn't just come inand say "you' re wrong~ like the workteams did. Everything was discussedon an equal level. He reiterated the rightto rebel and that if something is wrongits the duty of the people to point it out.People learned that criticism and self­criticism sessions shouldn't be ego trips--if they were wrong they should justtry to change. After this, the Red Guardsgrew a lot.

MOVEMENT; Once the Red Guards grewhow did they operate? .CHRIS: The work teams were removed

o and the Red Guards set up Revolutionary~j Committees which became the adminis­"'1 trative bodies of the schools. They ranz: the schools.il They made some mistakes. They di­'~' vided the masses into left, right and"'1 center very mechanically, according to:::r class background. Almost everyone atII~\ my school was considered right becausel}!t they came from exploiter backgrounds.~ They became the objects of« big str.uggleW meetings". The revolutionary commit­~\ tees became quite fascist. Theywouldn't:i;jr listen to anyone who had an exploiter~ background.1m In fact, they became like another~ work team. They wouldn't allow people'-' tn Ml'nmf' active and learn from their

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MOVEMENT; What was the role of theRed Guards?CHRIS: At first, most of the Red Guardsin my school were from cadre back­grounds. One of the big arguments to­wards the end of the cultural revolutionwas an evaluation of the first RedGuards. I think they played 'a good rolesince they rebelled against the workteams and made the point that it wasthe duty of proletarian revolutionaries

C' to rebel. But the problem was that theirIJ~ class line was way ~ff. Many ofthem were'J' rebelling just because they were per­i'\! sonally angry that the.work teams put;~ them down. They figured it was an insult,:71, since they were from revolutionary back­iii, grounds.?: MOVEMENT; How did the Red Guards/)'[J relate tn the rest of society? __ __

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his arm to the cafeteria with a thousandpeople follOWing him shouting "Traitor"and "Capitalist Pig". But he kept onputting them up. He sent ultimatums tothe work teams saying that some day thepeople would kick them out. He went ona hunger strike. He'd stand out tcereand debate with huge numbers of people.Everyone was convinced he was an ab­solute fool. They pushed him aroundsome, but he never got beaten up realbad. .MOVEMENT; What turned the tide inhis favor.CHRIS: At this time the Red Guards

,~; were being formed in all the other1i1 schools. The Red Guards were organized-!:r first against the work teams. Chou en lai~ and Chiang Ching (Mao's wife) and some

others went to Peking University todiscuss- the role of the work teams. Alot of people went to this de~te andsure enough the rebel at Chinois Univ­ersity was proved right. He became themain rebel. BeautifUl cat, 19 years old.Stone Rebel.

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CHRIS: Things started happening. Forexample, at Chinois University (25,000students), after they went out after theirbureaucrats, work teams were sent out.The head of the work team was LiuShao Chi's wife. One student and fourof his friends put up a big characterposter attacking the work team the daythey arrived. This student said the workteam had no right to come in and leadthe student movement. He cited Maothat if you don't investigate, you have noright to speak. He told the work teamto get lost.

They turned the whole thrust of thecultural revolution against this guy. Theysaid he was counter-revolutionary, try­ing to stir up trouble against the Partyetc. They got his four friends to signconfessions that they had been duped byhim.

He stood his ground. He wrote PQsterafter postet:. He went with the'11 under

THE REBEL

MOVEMENT: All this time you were onyour own?CHRIS: Yes, but after three days, theCentral Committee sent out work teamsto lend official support to us. They'dsay, "We support your militant actions.We think your revolutionary spirit isfine. ~ Then for the next two days they'dgo about telling us how we screwed up."We were young and didn't have their40 years of revolutionary experience~.

They tried to organize our spontaneousrevolt. They took over the committeesand put the Young Communists back incharge. They criticized us for throwingrocks at the vice- principal and forshutting down the teachers' cafeteria.(We figured faculty had no right to eatseparately. If they were going to makedecisions responsive to the people inthe school, then they should know usand live with us.)

These work teams were the mastercoopters and changed the whole driftof the revolt, After a while thingswent back to normal.MOVEMENT; If everyone accepted thework teams, how did the cultural rev­olution ever get off the ground?

FEB~U1\RY J~!>~<L_ J.

THE WORK TEAMS

questions we asked him, the more hetried to evade. People started to gather;Within less than an hour we had 1000people. Everyone was asking questions,yell1ng, call1ng him names. Then webegan to get some answers. He triedto pass the buck to the principal. Thequestions started to broaden to his­torical things, the Young Communists,teachers who had been transferred, etc.We insisted that he get the principal.

Everyone started asking the principalthe same questions. She tried to blamethe vice-principal. Back and forth. Theycompletely discredited each other. Thenthey got hip and the vice- principal madea • self-criticism". He said he waswrong on three counts; "One is myclass stand; one is that I wasn't applyingthe principles of Chairman Mao's thoughtand number three... blah de blah blah".But he still insisted that his decisionsweren't his alone. ·We're communistsand make collective decisions. I'm notalone, there's the Party Committee(about 5 or 6 people).~

So, Zap. We told him to shut up rightthere and go and get the rest of theParty Committee. Then the whole thingstarted again. They were all fightingeach other. The impression we got wasthat these Party people were scaredshitless. Some people in the audiencewho had been messed around made veryemotional statements like, "What kindof feeling is this for a class brother?~

etc.MOVEMENT: Did any kind of action comeout of this session?CHRIS: Yeah. On the spot we decidedthat the main reason these party peoplewere so off base was because theydidn't follow Mao's thought; that theywere ,divorced from the working peopleand divorced from the students they weresupposed to be leading.

So we set up work details for them.The next morning each was ordered toreport to some person in the crowdwho we trusted to get work assignments... cleaning bathrooms, sweeping the yardetc.

That night there were big characterposters all over the place. We set upcommittees to investigate changes inthe educational system and to get in­formation on what was happening in otherschools. This went on for about threedays.

by Thorne DreyerLiberation News Service. AUSTIN, TEX. - A movement legal conference heldat a dude ranch near here from December 12 to 14could be the model for a new and creative approachto movement legal services.

The conference drew such prominent legal strat­egists as WUliam Kunstler and Harriet Van Tasselof the Law Center for Constitutional Rights, CharlesGarry, defense attorney for Huey Newton, and Bern­adine Dohrn, formerly with the National LawyersGuild and now interorganizational secretary of SDS.

Nearly 200 people attended, more than half ofthem Texas lawyers. There was also a large numberof actiV1sts--from SDS, SNCC and the Oleo StrutGI coffee house--and a group of law professorsand students.

Though it was racked with internal factional dis­putes among movement people, most participants con­sidered the conference a definite success. The mosttangible result is a statewide legal defense structure.The conference named a staff of four--a law student,a movement lawyer, an Austin SNCC worker and astaff member of the Oleo Strut--to make the neworganization a reality.

According to Harvey stone, editor of the RAG (anAustin underground paper) and one of the organizersof the meeting, the conference had five goals: to counterrepression of the movement by getting lawyers tohandle political cases: to develop creative and ag-

gressive legal strategies for the movement; to discussthe neeo for political defense of dissidents, as in theHuey Newton case; to establish communication withlawyers which might lead to their radicalization;and to set up an organizational structure to imple­ment these goals.

The lawyers came to the conference ready to act.Many of them had little or no previous contact withradicals, but most felt the need for establishing a de;­fense network. Some did not accept all the assump­tions of the conference, but they were eager tocommunicate, to learn what the radicals meant by"political" defense, to find out how they could help.

Cam Cunningham, a movement lawyer and now astaff member of the new organization, commented,"The radicals were very surprised at how receptivethe lawyers were. They expected the lawyers to runwhen confronted with radical ideas--but the lawyersstayed and committed themselves".

The lawyers submitted themselves to long andgrueling sessions: panel discussions, large meetings,caucuses. Two Newsreel films shown the first nightsparked spirited discussion on movement life styles.

Though the ritzy guest ranch surroundings wereincongruous, the secluded location kept people fromwandering off after sessions, and led to some im­portant interpersonal exchanges. A bUSy bar andcommunal bunkrooms aided this process. In themovement bunkhouse, with Huey Newton posters onthe walls and the Roll1ng St~nes on the stereo,liberal lawyers, high on bourbon, rapped about theirlives.

The lawyers caucus met the second night of theconference and told the movement people, "Makeyour organization. We are available".

For a while it looked like no organization wouldgrow out of the conference. The movement peoplewere embroiled in a bitter debate. A few organizersassociated with the national and regional structureof SDS opposed the way the conference was put to­gether and argued against the proposed organization.

Margie Haile, SDS regional organizer, said that theconference was organized in an exclusionary wayand was oriented towards "bourgeois student self­preservation". She argued that it was civii libertarian,and did not offer a class analysis of the court system.There was some discussion about seeking funds fromsources such as the Ford Foundation. Margie opposedthis as extremely dangerous.

The organizers of the conference and many of themovement people present felt that these charges hadno basis. They considered them to be part of an at­tempt to sabotage the meeting. They argued thatfoundation funding might be considered if the move­ment could be convinced there were absolutely nostrings. They pointed out that conference publicitywas political, not "civil libertarian", and that themovement's best legal strategists had been invited.

Martin Wiginton, a former liberal Texas lawyernow working full time with SDS, called this the most

intense conference he had ever attended. Most move­ment people there felt the same way. Though some­what upset by the internal dissension, they wereimpressed with the high level of political discussionand with the positive reactions of the lawyers.

Greg Calvert, new left theorist and former nationalsecretary of SDS, was one of the organizers of theevent. He discussed the reasons he thought the con­ference was crucial.

"Our strategy and tactics are so disastrous nowthat the movement is threatening itself with destruc­tion. We must take on the question of the law andpolitical strategy. We must consider the legal im­plications of our actions and develop a creativelegal strategy."

Calvert discussed the need for lawyers to have apositive way to relate to the movement. "Lawyersshould not just be a service Wing, but should be acreative part of a multi-front political movement,helping to devise aggressive legal strategy."

At the final session of the conference, black andGI organizers put lawyers on the spot by asking fordefinite commitments to aid activists now in trOUble.Lawyers from Houston and Dallas agreed to helpSNCC organizers Lee Otis Johnson, Ernest McMillanand Matthew Johnson, all recently convicted on chargesstemming from their movement work. Lawyers alsovolunteered to aid Pvt. Bruce Peterson, editor of .Ft. Hood's underground paper, the Fatigue Press,and to take aggressive legal action in support ofLarry Caroline, University of Texas professor whosecontract has been terminated as a result of hispolitical activities.

These commitments assured that the conferencewould produce more than a paper organization. Thestaff wUl be working for the next two months toraise money and tie the group together. A centralcommittee--composed of representatives of SDS,SNCC, the Oleo strut and the Southwest RegionalDraft Counseling Association--wUl make politicaldecisions for the organization until the next state­wide meeting.

The most significant thing about this conferenceis that it happened. For the first time, movementactivists and lawyers have gotten together and createda statewide mechanism for legal defense. They havebegun to discuss aggressive legal strategy at a timewhen repression is growing and are attempting to findcreative and political waY9for lawyers to be involvedin he movement.

The organization, working under the name MovementLegal Services, can be contacted at 3507 Banton,Austin, Texas 78722.

rexas Backs 011 Iro. TE/l/lfJ/lIIM &. /lEFfJ/lMby Arlene Eisen Bergman

Sa.n Mateo Junior College is perched on abarren hill in a County that has the second

. highest per capita income in the State ofCalifornia. It is the home of Shirley Templeand the Bing Crosby family. 'rhe sterile, totallyuniform architecture provides the setting forthe vocational training of middle and upperincome kids who couldn't make it academicallyat places like Stanford.

ColleehouseEvery once in awhile, the legal wheels

turn and a little justice oozes out, evenin Texas. On Dec. 27, the Bell CountyGrand Jury returned a No-BUl on theindictment of Josh Gould for possessionof marijuana stemming from a pollti­cally-1Dspired arrest Aug. 23.

Josh is manager of the Oleo Strut, acoffeehouse in Kileen, Texas which ca­ters to GIs from Ft. Hood. He had beenfacing a possible sentence of two yearsto life.

The threat was real: in September,Lee otis Johnson, SNCC organizer inHouston, was sentenced to 30 yearsfor allegedly giving a joint to an agent.However, in Josh's case, even Texascouldn't throw him in the slam. Afterhe was bound over to the Bell GrandJury in a hearing September 5- wherethe cops fell allover contradictingeach other's ::.tories of the arrest- theGrand Jury met four times before con­sidering the case.

His arrest came on Aug. 23 just beforeJosh was to leave for Chicago to workwith the Mobe in establishing contact withtroops sent from Fort Hood for possible~onvention riot duty. He was held for 18days on ~50,000 ball which was reducedto $15,000 and finally to $2,500.

Since Josh's arrest, other GI organ­Izers at Ft. Hood have come under thelegal gun. Sp/4 John Bertelsen was ar­rested for possession at the end of Sep­tember, but beat his General Court Mar­tial because the Army hadn't botheredto follow its own procedures. .

Gypsy Petersen, the founder of Fat­Igue Press, wasn't so lucky; busted by~iv1lian cops after the Army failed inthree attempts to plant on him, he was'turned over to the Brass, who rail­roaded him through a Court Martial.He was sentenced to eight years atnard labor and Dishonorable Discharge.

In the face of repression like this,'3NCC, SDS and Oleo strut called a con­~erence of lawyers to plan legal de­'ense. 75 lawyers attended, which islmazing for Texas; SDS, however, man­1ged to snatch defeat from the jaws of/ictory by hassling over whether the.awyers should be allowed to play more

ProseeutloDthan a service role and whether it was• good politics" to accept foundation mo­ney to set up a legal organization withfull time staff attorneys.

After SDS managed to turn off most ofthe . lawyers present, SNCC and OleoStrut managed to set up the possibilityof an organization and some actual legaldefense. Every SNCC organizer in Tex­as is currently on $10,000 ball for somesort pf heavy felony offense, and theArmy's got a court martial list a milelong.

Legal defense in Texas couldn't comeat a more opportune time. The Ft. Hood43, who seemed at first to be beatingthe rap, are getting the royal shaft, side­ways. Two of the six who· got the firstGeneral Courts-Martial in October wereback in the stockade within ten days oftheir trials, for being 5 minutes late toa formation! One of them, Pvt. GuySmith, had spent 55 days in pretrialconfinement prior to his first Court­Martial.

All of the 43 men who were acquittedhave received special harassment from cr.:their officers and N.COs. Those who re- Wceived time in the stockade have received ~very special treatment indeed. cr.:

Even in the face of this, the Movement [2continues inside the Army. The Army 0::has started a pol~cy of discharging a man ~

when he returns from Nam, due to the wheh that's been raised on stateside 0by Nam vets. . &5

At Gray Army Air base, all the Nam t5vets were transferred to other units Zafter the Mickey Mouse Club broke up ~the 55th Aviation Battalion. The Club ~

was a group of 15 Nalll. vets who broke Zso many rules that' they forced a con- ~gressional investigation of the base. TheArmy broke up the unit rather than facethe possibility of bad publicity. Twoweeks later, a new group, composed en­tirely of guys just out of school, was ~

'beginning active organizing on the base. ~

The Nam vets are primarily anti-war, IIIthen anti- military, the new guys are just <Jthe opposite; either way, the effect is 8the same and the Army still has a" prot>-. 2lem in the ranks."

The Board of -Trustees doesn't evenmake a pretense of providing a liberaleducation. They are proud of the factthat less than '5% of their 8000 daystudents and 11 ,000 evening studentsgo on to fOUI: year colleges. They arepr6Ud that their biggest grants aregiven to them by industry with the pur­pose of training prospective personnel.United and American airlines finance theAviation Department. The Police Depart­ment has a big Police Science thingthere, and other industries, like Littonand Lockheed, practically support thecollege.

When I taught at the college in theSpring of 1967, the place was like apolitical tomb. A very mild Viet Namteach-in drew about 50 people. All theblack and third world students could fitat a single table in the College cafeteria.I heard that in 1964 some students weresuspended for ten days for attemptingto sell bumper stickers for an openhousing proposition. In 1965, Aaron Man­ganiello (today the Minister of Educationof the Brown Berets and importantleader in the current struggle) wassuspended for selling peace buttons andScheers' pamphlet, "How the US GotInvolved in Vietnam".

All course curriculum was pre-estab­lished under the pretense that coursehad to be transferrable to four-yearcolleges. My supervisor was amazedat my refusal to give multiple choiceexams and insisted that I take attendancein every class- -" just in case a pro­bation officer wanted to see the recordof one of my students" •

INTRUSIONThen a College Readiness Program

began to disturb the imposed tranquilityat the college. The program began mod­estly as an attempt by two individualsto provide financial aid and tutoring tominority students who were havingtrouble in school.

The program mushroomed fantastic­ally. The first semester there were 36black students. The second year it wasup to about 70. This is the third yearand the first time recruitment has goneto minorities other than blacks. Theprogram now has about 650 students.Most of the money came from fundraising on the part of the -program it­self, but the college did supply somefunds.

The program was quite successfUl,and developed into a center for radicalactivity. The program counselors soonrealized that tutoring was not enough.They started to develop the concept thatyou had to take care of the entirestudent, in everything he did. The pro­gram organized car pools, hunts forhousing, baby-sitting etc.

The program became a radicalizinginstitution. The values and frameworkof the program came from the move­ment. It offered minority students asupportive environment predicated onradical values, rather than an environ­ment which absorbed them into the whiteculture. There was no particular auth­ority. Decisions 'vere made by the com-

CONTiNUED ON PAGE 19

PAGE 8 THE FEBRUARY 1969'1" t:1.:1 i 'Ii ~!1_ i~, ,f 1\'~ t r~ },

S.F. STATE

c

by Martin Nicolaus

No previous American university struggle hasbeen as long, violent and bitter as the strike nowbeing fought at San Francisco State College.None has sent shock waves through so much ofthe society, or created as deep a polarization.Only in American colonies and dependenciesabroad, or in the history of American laborbefore the present generation of students wasborn, are there equals to this conflict. At S. F.State, history has not merely moved, it hasleaped.

Although it is chronologically the suc­cessor to the great confrontation atColumbia in the spring of 1968, and tothe smaller-scale crisis over EldridgeCleaver at Berkeley in the fall of thesame year, the S. F. state strike hasfew clear lines of continuity with theovert concerns of these or previousstudent movements of the 1960' s. The1964 Berkeley Free Speech Movement'spreoccupations seem almost a gentle­men's disagreement in comparison; freespeech and the right to organize havenot been issues here, although they havebeen brutally denied in the process.Direct ties between the university and thewar corporations, the central overt issueat Columbia, are absent in significantproportions at State. The Cleaver crisisis a precendent only formally, in thatboth he and George Murray at S.F. Stateare on the central committee oHhe BlackPanther Party, and both were denied theright to teach. But Eldridge Cleaver wasinvolved in teaching elite whites, whereasthe struggle at State is about workingclass blacks. Except among white strikesupporters, whose sense of political id­entity remains shadowy, there is littlespecific identification or sense of con­tinuity, other than sympathy, with thishistory. Something different is happeninghere which requires some backgroundby way of introduction.

·CHANNELS

The so-called public higher educationsystem in California is united only atthe top in the state government. Below,it runs in three separate channels. High­est is the university system, which ac­cepts the top-ranking 12 per cent of highschool graduates, has sole power to grantPhD's and train for the professions,gives a more costly education, and costsmore to attend. Berkeley is part of thatsystem. Cheaper is the state collegesystem, where the conflict is now. Thecolleges accept the top- ranked one-thirdof high school graduates, do not givehigher than the M.A., spend less perstudent. The two - year junior collegesare the bottom track.

Half of the students in the universitysystem corne from homes where familyincome is over $12,000. In the collegesystem, half come from over $10,000.

That's only a $2,000 difference, butit divides, for example, the unionizedworker in a skilled trade (and his sonor daughter) from his shop supervisor.Added to the difference between what thestate spends at each place for facilities,equipment and staff. plus the differencein prestige, it amounts to a different un­iverse.

The university system prepares forcareers, the college system trains forjobs. The university graduate may be­come a professor, an executive, anofficial, a specialist. State colleges turnout teachers, accountants, functionaries,technicians.

Many of the jobs the state college'system trains for are unionized, or be­coming organized. Although the statisticsdo not show a predominance of studentsfrom industrial working-class familiesat the college, labor's attitude toward thecollege system is more proprietary.These are the schouls--not so much theupper-channel universities--where sta­ble, unionized working families want tosend their kids. And where they have abetter--though still s11m--chance of be­ing admitted, and of 'being able to affordit.

LACK OF CONTINUITY

The difference between the channelsof the system accounts for part of thelack of continuity between S. F. Stateissues and the issues of previous studentmovements. Most of these have been atupper-channel universities or at evenmore e11te small private liberal artscolleges. The different backgrounds,contexts and destinations of the studentscreate a different political emphasis.

Free speech, for example, is a moreprimary concern for people from back­grounds, and headed for careers, inoccupations where "free" speaking, writ- .ing and thinking is essential to the job:college teaching, decision-making in in­dustry or government, research, an­alysis and publication of various kinds.Especially at the upper levels. Moststate college students, by contrast, areheaded for jobs where their opinionsmay never be asked for, and where theability to reach independent conclusionson the basis of a free exchange ofideas w1ll get them fired. Free speech,

~

in that sense, becomes almost a lUX­ury. This reflects back into politicalconcerns on camllus.

Separation of the university from warcorporations is not an issue. The corp­orations need to take over expensive andsophisticated laboratories, the most sif­ted selection of researchers. These existin the upper-channel graduate schools,not in the state colleges. Starved forresearch funds, the state colleges wouldalso be in less of a position to argueif the corporations did corne in, butthey don't. They don't want to sponsorresearch, they want to buy it. Themost direct military link at S.F Stateis Air Force ROTC. State SDS wona referendum to kick ROTC off campusin the spring, but the faculty refusedto go along with this decision. Gettingstudents to stop going in is anothermatter. AFROTC is a low-casualty easycop-out from Vietnam duty. Not thesame politics applies as in kicking IDAout of Columbia or Stanford.

The channels make a difference alsoin protests about the whole range ofeducational-process issues clustered a­round the "university as factory" an­alysis. Upper-channel universities tendto breed expectations based on the liberalarts college model. The introductionof industrial methods into educationcreates shock there. Much protest en­ergy goes into retaining or resurrect­ing features of the pre-industrial model.This happened also at State, and createdtwo liberal-arts-type oases, "experi­mental college" and "programs", fromwhich much movement energy radiates.(See MOVEMENT, December, 1968). Butthe majority remain in the factory, knowthat it is a factory (even the trusteesrefer to it as "plant") and have thefactory mentality. Protesting against theindustrial revolution in education is adifferent (and easier) kind of politicsthan relating to it, finding the con­tradictions in it, moving on them.

This is one set of reasons why theState strike is a political jump: differentchannels.

NON-WHITE LEADERSHIP

Unprecedented also is the fact of non­white leadership, or rather, white non­leadership. prganized under the name

Third World Liberation Front, a coalitionof black, Chicano (Mexican-American),Latin-American, Filipino, Chinese andJapanese student groups has held unques­tioned political, moral and tacticallead­ership throughout the long strike pro­cess. Initiated and dominated by theBlack Students Union, the TWLF's totalcampus base is less than ten per cent.Yet four thousand students (two-thirdsof the full time student body) at one pointmarched in support of the strike, andeighty percent of students have honoredthe strike by staying out of class. Blackshave led student movements at Negrocolleges, black s have led whites in blackterrltory (SNCC in Mississippi), butnever before have blacks and brownsand yellows so definitely led whites onthe whites' own turf.

Personal charisma does not accountfor much of this impact. Several ofthe leadership can employ some of thestock charismatic traits and manner­isms, and can be extremely articulatespeakers, but spellbinding oratory hasnot played a great role in their self­presentation to whites. There is noone figure who stands out as guidinggenius or star. Nor have charismaand flamboyance, even genuine, savedseveral other BSU-initiated strikes atother California state colleges from self­isolation and decline. Black magnetismplayed a role at State in BSU's earlierrelations to the white movement, butas an individual quality it retreated intothe background as the strike progressed.

In the course oHhe struggle the leader­~hip eut back on jiving until it operatedactually below the average level ofexaggeration in politics. This has paidoff in the absence of a credibility gap.It also kept the fight off the rhetoricalescalator. After a day of aggressivetactics, the leadership remained freeto switch to peaceful picketing the nextday without risking loss of its reputa­tion for militancy. This ability to changetactics, as Todd Gitlin noted, has beenone of the geniuses of the strike.- The TWLF also rotates its leaders,even when this means a slight loss inshort-run effectiveness. Different lead­ers do show different degrees of talentin handling different types of tasks, butno one man has been allowed to gettucntionally stereo-typed, for example.

~-----~~------~-- - - - - ---- --- ...

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENT PAGE 9

as a press spokesman, rally leader,white liaison, etc. TWLF will have tospeak for itself whether this has beena matter of deliberate policy or whetherit just "worked 'out" that way. Eitherway, it has meant fewer leaders goingon ego- trips of their own, developingprivate constituencies, getting cast asstar by -the media, etc. The mediaimage, as a result, has been one of depth,unanimity and seriousness; even the TVpeople have ~arned to say "a leader"instead of "The Leader" . The on- campuseffect of rotation has been to build morerespect for the group as a whole, andto cut down on hero worship and allthe infantilism that goes with it. Onemajor benefit, in addition, has been themovement's political invulnerability toarrests. Several leaders have been bust­ed two and three times, but the groupas a whole never noticeably skipped abeat because of it; single-leader move­ments have been known to stagger underlesser repression,

The style, tactics and organization ofthe TWLF will have to be the newstandard for the movement. These qual­ities however, will not be duplicatableif the politics out of which the style,tactics and organization grew are notalso studied and applied, And thesepolitics cannot be copied in every sit­uation, 'as other BStJ's have alreadyfound out.

In smalier cities, or in cities wherejob-racism is rock-hard, the black (andbrown and yellow) communities have asharply colonial social profile: a massof shantytowns with a few palaces stick-

ing out. The majority of the people liveat a level equal to down-and-out whites,way below the average level of the whiteworking class. A few entrepreneurs,professionals and stooges live high onthe sweat of their own people and/oron white favors. The narrow band ofthese "black bourgeois" are the onlyones who have a hope of sending theirchildren to college. Once in college,these blacks a) cannot raise demandsrelevant to their people, because theentire college context is absurdly outof reach to the masses; and b) even ifthey raised the demands they couldn'tmobilize the community muscle to backthem up. Lacking a broad footing theywould have to overcompensate with hol­low talking.

A city like San Francisco and the BayArea, by contrast, --because an ex­panding economy and slightly more en­lightened unionism have softened job­racism relatively--has a black com­munit~' with a less lopsided profile.Inbetween the ,down-and-out blacks whohave a choice between temporary menialshitwork, welfare and crime, at thebottom, and the relatively prosperousblack professionals, businessmen, offi­cl'ils, etc., at the top, there is a layerof (again: relatively) stable, steady­working, unionized industrial and lowerrhite collar workers. Neither the bottom,

nor the middle, nor the top of thisblack community has parity or equalitywith its white counterparts. But theblack middle se'gment '(i.e, the blackworking class) is far enough advancedwhere a state coilege education for itschildren becomes more than an impos­sible dream, The black workers see noreason why, if their white union matescan put some of their kids into college,they cannot do the same. Given thegreater insecurity of the black workingclass relative to the white, a collegeeducation becomes, if anything, evenmore highly necessary as insurance.Cons'equently it not only makes senseto raise black demands in the collegecontext, it also becomes possible tomobilize the community muscle to backthem up. Since the black working classhas not been exactly docile in recentyears (the majoirty of Detroit "rioters"were workers), it isn't necessary totalkquite so loud; the stick is big.

DEMANDS -

The ten demands first raised by theBSU (5 analogous demands were lateradded by the other groups in the TWLFto make up the 15 now being fought for)reflect the social and political structure_of the black community' in a hlghlyintelligent and strategic way. As a littleanaiysis shOWS, they were definitely notpUlled out of a hat or done in an after­noon's bullsession. First,' the defenseof Black Panther Party member GeorgeMurray, the brother who was suspendedfor calling. on black students to bring

guns to campus to protect themselvesagainst police attacks (there had beenTac Squad raids in which BSU peoplewere viciously worked over on campus)speaks straight to the bottom layer ofblack people for whom the police are adaily menace, and where the Panthersuntil very recently concentrated most oftheir organizing work. Although the Pan­thers have not played a foreground rolein the State strike, their support liesprominently in reserve and swings theyoung black militants,

Second, and more to the meat of thematter, the demand for admission ofall minority students who apply to thecollege, regardless of their qualifica­tions. On firs,t sight this seems like animpossible and senseless demand stuckin as a deliberate provocation. Not so.The high schools, not to speak of theprimary schools, where the majority ofminoflty people'get whatever preparationfor college they're going to get are rotten.So rotten that when they graduate thecollege considers them unqualified. Thecondition of the high schools has longscandalized black working-class com­munity leadership, and the links betweenthe hig'h schools and the low rate ofcollege admissions are clear. This de­mand speliks to that grievance. Maybemore than any of the other demands,it addressef itself to the solid core of

the black community and its needs. Notethat this is not a demand for admissionof more blacks under existing standardsof qualification; this would only open thedoor to more kids from affluent blackfamilies who could afford to send themto private schools, or who can afford tolive in the better white districts. Itis specifically a demand for the admis­sion of non-affluent blacks: i.e. it hasa class content in addition to a colorcontent. -

I CULTURAL DISTINCTNESS

Third (in this overview of the 15demands), the demand for a separateDEGREE-GRANTING department ofBlack Studies speaks to the segment ofthe black upper levels--and other levels--who have made a break with theassimilationist and integrationist phil­osophy of the civil rights movementand moved toward cultural distinctnessin one or another form. With this de­mand, the BSU are following in the foot­steps of the asassinated Malcolm X.Integrationist Negro leaders ,have longsupported black history and black cul­ture COURSES (S,F, State has suchcourses already), but elevation of thesecourses to departmental status withthe B.A. at the end--thus assertion ofblack distinctiveness as a legitimateSUbject of educational specialization-­is heresy to the integrationists, TheNAACP has gone so far as to threatento file suit against any attempt to setup such a program,

With the exception of that venerable

....Q)l:lDQ)~...cbi>.::~cd..~Q)

body, however, the remainder of theblack community leadership all the wayright to CORE and the Urban Leaguehas pUblicly backed the strike. Afterthe second day of war under Hayakawa,a day remembered as Bloody Tuesday,more than a dozen of the black com­munity's most prominent spokesmen ap­peared on the campus speaker's plat­form at the noon rally, to vow itssupport. There were individual defec­tions subsequently, but no open break.While the demanded B, A. in Black Studiesmay not please the integrationists, thedemand for increased admissions com­pels their support. The older generationmay not care for George Murray'sstyle, but his support among the youngcompels that they follow. The BSU andTWLF's unshaken insistence that thedemands are inseparable (not negotiable)welds the black community together asit tears the white power structure apart.

,POLITICAL PREPARATION

There has, in short, been very thoroughpolitical preparation in the formulationof these demands. They are, above all,not merely demands made by a club ofstudents in the name of a group ofstudents. With a campus base of lessthan ten per cent, that would have beenmasturbation. As BSU and TWLF leader's

have repeatedly said, "the demands area matter of survival FOR OUR COM­MUNITIES". (Not: for US). And: "Wecalled the strike because of our needsas a PEOPLE, not just our needs atthe college". (See interview in the MOVE­MENT, December, 1968). The secret,if it is a secret, of the strike's successlies in this stance by the leadership:think as a people. The "genius" of thestrike flows from that principle. Style,tactics and organization were molded tothe political requirements oHhis specificstruggle. Because it was clear about thetune it wanted toproduce, the leadershiphas been able to do what Mao called·playing the piano", i.e. to touch nowone, now another key in 'the scale oftactics, instead of corning down with theelbows, or harping on one key all thetime.

:FACULTY STRIKEWhile the student leadership seems

to have closed the gap that opened with ­the assassination of Malcolm X, thefaculty strike has looked like a revivalof the spirit of the labor movement ofthe Depression days.

There has, in effect, been a GreatDepression in California higher educa­tion for the past decade. In anticipationof swelling college enrollments as thepost-war baby boom advanced throughhigh school, the legislature in 1960adopted a Master Plan which estab­lished the three-channel higher educa­tion system that now exists. In additionto these qualitative aspects, the MasterPlan contains a simple Malthusian solu­tion to the quantitative problem of stu­dent numbers versus state funds. In orderto prevent the supply of educated man­power rising too far above projectedcorporate reqUirements at the relevantlevels ofthe occupation pyramid, the Plancalled for a twenty-five per cent, rela­tive reduction in enrollment at four­year institutions by 1970. That is, therewere to be no cutbacks in absolutenumbers of college students, but a re­duction in the percentage of college­eligible young people who were to beadmitted to four year institutions. Thisplan has been In the process of beingaccomplished. By raising entrance stan­dards, fees and other hidden barriers,higher education has been elevated intoa more distant privilege than was thecase in the immediate postwar decade,No doubt one of the reasons for de­clining black admissiOns to the systemlies in this general cutback; the prin­ciple of "last hired, first fired" trans­lates in education as "last admitted;first expelled".

ECONOMY SQUEEZES

The cutback has been accompanied bya general budget asphyxiation throughoutthe system, but partiCUlarly in the statecollege channel, where the greatest rel­ative reduction fn student enrollmentswas planned. Along with students, pro­fessors and teaching assistants havesuffered the classic burdens of • econ­om y" squeezes and cost reduction drivesin industry: job insecurity~ lack of dueprocess, stagnant pay levels, risingwork loads, lagging fringe benefits. Inthe face of this creeping impoverish­ment, the AFT local at S,F, State, theoldest in the system (organized the yearof the Master Plan) has been talkingstatewide strike for more than a year.The issue on which the entire unionwas to go out at some time during1969 was a demand in reduction of workload from twelve to nine teaching hours.

Twelve teaching hours means a workweek of about 50 hours, and leaves notime for ongoing independent research.Regardless of how lack of researchhurts the teacher's reputation, it alsohurts students. Aheavy work load meansthe teacher is running to stay evenwith the textbooks, Most textbooks arereactionary. To develop a radical criti­que of the text, or to throw it away,takes time. Overworked teachers makepoor radical educators.

The outbreak of the student strikein November accelerated the faculty'spolitical development. During presidentRobert Smith's tenure, which ended Nov­ember 30, the faculty spent many daysin continuous all-faculty meetings, look­ing for ways into or out of the crisis.In the process of these extraordinarysessions, many of the traditional divi­sions within the faculty (rank, depart­ments, specialities, age, sex, etc.)whichordinarily help to keep the body as awhole too internally ripped up to move,partially broke down under the influenceof the formal one-to -one equality ofparliamentary procedure. As studentswatched the proceedings on closed-cir­cuit TV, many fine resolutions werepassed, which revealed a rising levelof political self- consciousness amongmany faculty. Being the expressions ofa debating society, however, these re­mained entirely without political lev­erage. The experience of its own im-

potence drove I

recognition of thlaction, and wo:which many had ilabor movement.akawa drove oth!because of the4lty legality in'ment, and becatpr,oach to univerlTuesday, AFT n011 the rise, th,and voted to I

from the city's ,Later characterjattempt to «hitc]turn of the studemore a desperatlrun over by stuhand and by Hay:

. inery'on the othe

STUDENT-FAC

Nevertheless, I

been open to alJuntil driven inhChristmas reces:assembled flockstrators to try tthe..! AFT's posilholes. They diddents a precond!their own wages/but only conditiarrests or suslstrike, saying I

afterwards. Secl• satisfaction of sther preconditiolclearly who wasisfaction" had be,nesses, and the ilmen to state cldo if the trustewith the union 1declared the stuto mistrust betstudent strikers.

Contrary to io1city labor councltion to the AFTthe campus re-opto a walkout bysomesome maintenalJother than Team,pickets. Thus tha changed climathe huge picket lilthe campus the j

the relative protlof legitimate 13'police brutalizedpaddy wagons 11the other hand,now carne in pratical leadership.tains assisted podard picket disciPno obstruction,important, the ~

perimeter picketiling the police batand demonstratiollabor sanction ~

tactics, and a Istudent moveme~

support) between lbrown-yellow leadand followers ofthe other. Alreac7 in tactical diverhave widened SE

trustees obtainedstraining the AF1drove the faCUltymacy in which stualong. After an eto debate this leg:ened them withcharges, more thaed back to the pof the court ordeForever!"

Non-AFT facul;support to the :department chairlsubmit faculty areports to Hayalclassroom attend:cant measure of ecment. In the fac,tion, and with tthe system (plus, ners) poised to wHayakawa has no'good his threat t<JA sympathy strikCollege is gaining

Before the AF"Le. before the reIhad been reduce(30 percent. Sincefigure has droppeper cent. The lJentry has not beenbut on other AFThigh schools, onattitude. Previous]a hot issue, a raalso become a ~

issue.By contrast to

more than a dec:to draw on, andresurrected a piecidefiance, the whit

PAGE 10 THE MOVEMENT

mce drove many more faculty intoognition of the need for more drasticlon, and wore· down the antipathych many had traditionally felt for the)r movement. Smith's successor Hay­wa drove others into opposition, bothause of the total disregard of fac­, legality involved in his appoint­lt, and because of his military ap­ach to university problems. On Bloody!sday, AFT membership having beenthe rise, the local held a meeting

voted to request strike sanctionm the city's AFL-CIO labor council.er characterized by Hayakwa as an!mpt to "hitchhike" onto the momen­I of the student strike, the move wasre a desperate leap to keep from being

over by student power on the oned and by Hayakawa's punitive mach­ry'on the other.

UDENT-FACULTY ALLIANCE?

levertheless, the faculty's moves have,n open to ambiguous interpretationU driven into a corner. During the ,:istmas recess, as S.F. Mayor Alioto:embled flocks of mediators andarbi­tors to try to cool the scene out,,J AFT's position sprang two loop­es. They did make amnesty for stu­lts a precondition for negotiation of ,ir own wages/hours/tenure demands,

only conditional amnesty (te. no,'ests or suspensions) DURING theike, saying nothing about amnesty.erwards. Secondly, they did makeLtisfaction of student demands" a fur-r precondition, but did not definearly who was to judge whether" sat­action" had been attained. :These soft­,ses, and the inability- of AFT spokes­'n to state clearly what they wouldif the trustees agreed to negotiat,e

:h the union before the TWLF had·:lared the student strike over, ledmistrust between the faculty and

(dent strikers.::;ontrary to informed expectation, they labor council granted official sanc-'n to the AFT strik.e on the Monday! campus re-opened, January 6, leadinga walkout by cafeteria, library and'

meme maintenance workers. Trucksler than Teamster have honored AFT:kets. Thus the college reopened inchanged climate. On the one hand,! huge picket line that nearly ringed! campus the first few days enjoyed! relative protection of the umbrellalegitimate labor. This meant that

lice brutafized strikers mainly injdy wagons, instead of openly. On! other hand,· the striking studentsw came in practice under AFT tac­a:l leadership. Some AFT picket cap­ns assisted police in enforcing stan­rd picket discipline: five-foot spacing,

obstruction, no loud noise. Mostportant, the AFT was committed torimeter picketing and to not challeng­: the police ban on on-campus ralliesd demonstrations. The price paid forlOr sanction was a restriction on:tics, and a potential split in theIdent movement (and in communitypport) between adherents of the black­Dwn- yellow leadership on the one hand,d followers of the AFT-AFL-CIO on! other. Already visible on January.n tactical divergences, the split mightve widened seriously had not theIstees obtained a court order re­:aining the AFT from picketing. 'ThisDve the faculty into the same illegiti­ICy in which students had operated allmg. After an early-morning meetingdebate this legal move, which threat­ed them with arrest and contemptarges, more than 100 AFT'ers march-

back to the picket line in defiancethe court order, singing "Solidarity

rever!"Non-AFT faculty have given furtherpport to the strike. 22 out of 57partment chairmen have refused toomit faculty or student attendanceJorts to Hayakwa on grounds thatlssroom attendance is not a signifi­lt measure of educational accomplish­!nt. In the face of this noncoopera­n, and with the AFT's throughout! system (plus, now, high-school teach­5) poised to walk out in sympathy,yakawa has not been able to make)d his threat to fire faculty strikers.sympathy strike at San Jose Statellege is gaining ground.Before the AFT went out on strike,• before the recess, class attendancej been reduced to between 20 andpercent. Since the AFT strike, this

ure has dropped another five to tenr cent. The main impact of AFTlry, has not been on the campus itself,l on other AFT's, other teachers in~h schools, on labor, and on publicitude. Previously the strike had beenhot issue, -a race issue; it has now;0 become a heavy issue, a class;Uf:L3y contrast to the blacks who hadIre than a decade of black struggledraw on, and to the teachers, who

5urrected a piece of Depression-style[iance, ,the white student movement

ENT

on campus has had to feel its wayforward in unfamiliar political territoryand without a tradition to build on.Here alone, history has limped.

Before the strike, the campus SDSchapter had been in the downward partof a cycle. Still moving'in the ideologicalwake of the movement at upper-channeluniversities, the chapter came down fromits near-victory in getting AFROTC offcampus in the spring into a conditionof stagnation, as was the rest of thestudent movement. Research was doneon business connections of trustees, atalented Agitprop developed, and dis­connected smaller projects took place,but no major issues within the whitesegment seemed to be forthcoming.

Into this vaccum stepped the BSUwith its attacks on institutional racism.

The quantitative aspects of racismat the college are clearly .definable interms of percentages and trends: non­whites are drastically underrepresented,and their percentage on campus hasactually declined sha.rplY over the pastten years.. But the qualitative aspecthas eluded such sharp definition. Rel­atively clear' is the suppression anddistortion of the role and condition of.ethnic minorities throughout history intextbooks and courses. Not so clearis the question of what constitutes racism

", in attitudes and actions, particluarlyamong white students' or nonstudents

who are themselves not exploiters oroppressors. BSU's earlier position thatall whites were inherently racist hadchanged by fall to the' position thatpolitical alliances with the white radicalmovement were desirable and necessary,but the' definition of exactly what con­stituted racist behavior still had largefringes of vagueness.

The energy with which the BSU pur­sued the attack on institutional racismhad both an invigorating and an over­whelming impact on the white movement.On the one hand, the discovery of racismin the institution gave the white movementan entire new area to pour energy into,and attracte1 new groups of people.On the other hand, the whites' insecurityas to the exact specifications 'of racismmeant in practice that blacks had tobe called in to do the defining at everycritical point. First gradually, then rap­idly as the strike action began, thewhite movement became the satellite ofthe nonwhite.. At the outset of the strike, the SDSand SDS/PL leadership won adoption ofthe position that white students wouldput forward no demands. This politicaliine put the white non-leadership in the

peculiar position not only of having noanalysis to articulate, but of being com­mitted to allowing none to be articulated.

The white role was defined as strikesupport. The political motivation forstrike support was opposition to racism.What racism meant in the last analysisonly the black and third world brotherscould define. Hence at meetings of thewhite strike support committee the dis­cussion was of three types. (1) De­nunciations of racism on· the part. ofthe ruling class, the trustees, Hayltkawa,the pigs, etc. Since there was no dis­agreement on the facts, this type ofdiscussion tended to be repetitive andself-advertising. (2) Denunciations ofracism implicit in the political line ad­vocated by other speakers. In the earlystages, students in or around SDS whowere searching for ways to relate strikeIssues to white students who did notalready have a conditioned reflex against"racism" had to prove their innocence'of this charge. Although some new kfckswere taken at the dead campus autonomyhorse and some other mistaken projectsrightly rejected, much that would havebeen useful was also beaten down. These"racism" debates did more to develop!actions than to deepen the movement.Finally, there was (3) speculation ontomorrow's tactics. Having no demands,whites had no say in tactics. This didnot prevent long discussions.

On several occasions the conditionof the support committee became sonondirected or so close to factionalexplosion that BSU/TWLF spokesmenhad to intervene directly to set peopleback on the track. The refusal in prin­ciple to raise white demands was, how­ever , self-imposed. Before the AFTstrike, BSU/TWLF leaders not onlyleft the way open, but urged whites toget going in building amovement aroundtheir own issues. (See intervieW in theMOVEMENT, December, 1968). Thisopportunity was certainly there as duringthe struggle the life situation of whitestudents became thoroughly politicized.Not only every aspect of campus work,including all' relations' with authority,turned out to have a political aspect, butalso the relationships between studentand community came into the forefrontas political issues. Rarely was the timemore appropriate for whites to raise·their own political demands about thepolitical contel).t and direction of theeducational process--about the productof tile education factory and its con­sumers--than in the first two weeks ofHa'yakawas'regime before the AFT madeits move.

Despite these political problems thewhite strike suppprt committee turnedout doiens of leaflets (some reiteratinganti- racism, some containing last minutenews reports, some protesting policebrutality), made thousands of phone calls,and brought hundreds of students outon early- morning picket lines. Whitemilitants were in the forefront of everyconfrontation and supplied the mass ofbodies in the struggle. At critical mo­ments when no blacks were present,such as in the early morning terrorof Bloody Tuesday, white speakers in­dependently held a rally to inform thecampus and to gather a sufficient crowdto deter further police raids. In everypossible situation of campus, warfarethe white strike supporters proved ableand fearless troops.

Student support, although of a morepassive kind, also came from unexpectedsources, the student government and thestudent daily paper. Both had been underattack, and their autonomy threatened,by trustee moves simultaneous with thestrike. Having a common enemy withblacks, they overcame past friction andswung into sympathy. The experienceof widespread police brutality turnedtheir sympathy into advocacy. Conse­quently, potential strike opposition a-,mong students found itself without. awriteen organ; whereas strikers had the

. STRIKE DAILY (a wall-newspaper put out

by independents close to SDS) and OPENPROCESS, a student-run arts-poetryweekly close to radical faculty, whichran sharp background analysis. Togetherthe strike support committee, the stu­dent paper and the strike papers con­stituted a persistent front of radical,moderate and liberal students againstHayakawa and the police. What wiI!happen when these are replaced by newfaces or withdrawn is another' matter.

The problem of relating the strike towhite people off-campus has been par­particularly complicated by the absenceof some direct white stake in the struggle.To working class whites who are notalready aware of and turned off toracism, the strike does not even offera protection clause that white studentenrollment will not be reduced as a re­sult of increased black enrollment. Howany kind of worker-student relationshipcan be build on this basis has beenhard to see. Apart from "fight racism" ,the only other slogan on the tens ofthousands of leaflets which have been

CONTINUED ON PAGE 19

PAGE 11

'-:~

They have told George they will kill himGeorge is our troubadorThere has never been a revolution without songsWe must make absolutely sure they don't kill him

Todd Gitlin

One of us will soon be killedEveryone will be very sorry Dr. Hayakawawill buy thousands of flowers The funeralwill take the streets and the ashes willfloat in the gutters and the gravediggerswill mourn until they notice the graveis empty and they are falling

IlGeneral SemanticistGeneral Public,Private Horror reporting"IlYour orders are to executeyour orders to the bestof your docility"

3.

4.

2.1. Chant for the Scabbing Student

Stand by stand by standThere are no innocentstand by standno innocent bystandersWhat did you earn in school today?I earned innocenceStand byI am.studying hard becausethey tell me I am a studentWho told you that?There are noAnd if I study hard I will growup side upside the headno innocentto be or not to bethat is the exam questionno cheatingby the by stand bystandersDid they teach you that two and twoand fifty make a million and thattwo things are in shortsupply: dollarsand innocence?

inans hang jury

Woodring broke loose, hurled Pulleyagainst the wall and then grabbed him,one hand on his bicep, the other bend­ing his fingers until they broke andwere dislocated. Pulley was in suchagonizing pain that his screams couldbe heard by the Presidio's 200 pris­oners, many of whom were far fromthe scene.

Woodring resigned from the LA sher­iff s department three years ago to takehis current post. He reportedly wasdrunk when he brutalized Pulley. Sincethe beating took place near a groupof .officers it's clear that the Presido27 are the targets of increased re­pression.

Presido authorities have good reasonto be uptight. The 27 originallY wereanti-army, but not strongly anti-war.Of the 19 being represented by Hallinan,17 were in the stockade for repeatedAWOL (among them Pulley), one fordisobeying an order to go to Vietnam,and one for slugging a Sergeant. Sincethe mutiny charges they have becomeunited and are now strongly against thewar.

The Bunch murder and the sit-inprotesting it also brought on a Wash­ington investigation of the Presidio,which probably will be a whitewash,but nevertheless did not endear the27 with their captors.

Hallinan is trying to get the GIs outon a writ of habeas corpus. He istaking suit to Federal Court, after havingcleared up some bureacratic bUllshit,with both federal and military courtswhich claimed that the case wasn't intheir jurisdiction.

NYRon Pulley, 19, is one of the 27

GIs being charged with mutiny for anon-violent sit-in protesting the mur­der of Richard Bunch by a guard atSan Francisco's Presidio Army BaseStockade (see MOVEMENT, December,1968). Roy is now wearing a cast upto his elbow, an attempt to heal brokenand dislocated fingers and a mangledhand; injuries inflicted by Sgt. Wood­ring, the chief non-commissioned of­ficer at the stockade.

Pulley had been given a morningwork assignment, but refused to work,saying that he was classified P-3, whichexempts him from work duty. He wastold to wait while Woodring went to..,.look at Pulley's file.

Woodring returned and told Pulleythat his records showed that he ceulddo light work and assigned him towash cars. Pulley's attorney. TerryHallinan, said that Pulley's files showthat he is indeed disqualified from allwork.

PUlley decided to work, since dis­obeying orders is a major offense, butas he was leaving an MP began toshove him. Pulley told him there wasno need to shove, whereupon Woodringtold Pulley to corne with him. Wood­ring took him to an empty room andproceeded to shove him, trying to pro­voke a response. Pulley was able tosee another sergeant looking througha slightly opened door and realizedthat he was being set up. J.Ie repeatedlyasked Woodring to leave him· alone,and finally, grabbed Woodring's armin a restraining gesture.

MU

-;...:;=,s;./

Kayo was defendt::d in court by hisfather, Vincent. Under Californialaw it is illegal to physically inter­fere with a cop making an arrest. Cal­ifornia law, however, also says thatit is a felony for police to use -ex­cessive force. Vincent Hallinan set outto prove that Gutierrez had indeed vio­lated this law, and that Kayo's restrain­ing action was therefore justified.

George Chingaris, a State adminis­trator who had called the pigs, tes­tified for the defense, saying that Gut­ierred had indeed been brutal. VincentHallinan then brought out that Brady,the pig that clubbed Kayo, was thesame pig who had falsified evidencebefore the Committee on Bar Examinersin a hearing to determine Kayo's moralfitness to practice law.

Vincent went down the line destroy­ing the prosecution's case. There wereno deals made. He praised the dem­onstrators, comparing their fight withthe struggles of workers fIfty yearsago. There was little doubt but thatKayo would be acquitted until the Judgeinstructed the jury to find him guiltyif he had touched Gutierrez;

Five jurors decided that these in­struction were bullshit and voted foran acquittal. Seven voted for conviction.The jury was composed of nine whitesand three blacks. All the blacks votedfor an aquittal. Considering the factthat the trial took place during the mostintense part of the struggle at S. F.State it seems that some of the whitecommunity may be being reac~ed.

;p ~?~ --,;?'" ..-:-:-:j;..... ---.-------~~~,.A.N~ ....C?I ....."....::::;~

The trial of Terence "Kayo" Halli­nan, San Francisco movement lawyer,'(attorney for the Presidio 27) on acharge of battery on a police officer,ended in a hung jury last week.. Thecharge against Hallinan stemmed fromhis presence as attorney for the As­sociated Students of S. F. State at ademonstration last May. .

There were a series of sit-ins, mill­ins and street demoastrations at S. F.State last spring to demand increasedminority admissions, the rehiring ofa radical third-world faculty member,Juan Martinez, the hiring of minorityfaculty, and the removal of AFROTC.(See, MOVEMENT, July, 1968)

This was the scene of one of thepremier performances by a group ofpigs that has since become San Fran­cisco's notorious Tactical Squad.

On the first night of the demonstra­tions, students who had remained in­side the administration building werebeing led into a paddy wagon when thepigs, for no apparent reason, waded intoa crowd of hundreds of students watch­ing the arrests. At this time a girlname Diane Feeley was clubbed to theground by Pig Norbert Gutierrez. AsGutierrez moved in for the kill, Kayograbbed him by the arm and said some­thing to the effect of, "Hey, man, areyou out of your mind?"

While Hallinan was trying to pacify:Jutierrez, Michael Brady, another pig,clubbed him in the head from behind,smashing Kayo to the ground. Hallinanwas arrested on the spot for batteryon a police officer, a felony.

ha

PAGE i2 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969

•riaeen

<'l~,.1'i.:.-

CRITICISM

Whatever the criticism of Reies, ofhis arrogance, ego-trips, his lack ofPolitics and program, his messianiccomplex - one thing must be understood.When Tijerina acts on his own, withoutthe consensus of his tribe, then he take:3the consequences for those acts, alone.When he acts as a reflection of the con­sensus of the tribe, then he has fullbacking for his decisions, right or wrong.And only U one understands his tribe,can one make jUdgments on his leader­shiP. As long as he works for La Raza,La Raza will protect him. When protec­tion would be withdrawn would be U hewere to choose to work for the Man; tobeeome a vendido.

There 1s rumor and published queryin Anglo radical circles as to whetheror when: the rest of the chicano move­ment will break publicly with Tijerina.There will be no public break as long asReies is working for his people.

As long as a leader remains in thefamily, our disagreements with him re­main family matters. It 1s not our styleto analyze the correctness or incorrect­ness of a leader's politics or programpublicly. We cannot afford to entertainour enemies with our family squabbles.We use what we can and who we can inthis long struggle; and as a tough old mansaid in court last week:

PROSECUTOR: Do" you know ReiesLopez Tijerina?

WITNESS: Yes, sir, he's the presidentof the Alianza,.

PROSECUTOR: For how long is hepresident? For all his life?

WITNESS: We put him there for aslong a time as we need him. +

our somoreros over our eyes. Well.when that Mexican wakes up, watch out!"

To truly understand Tijerina's stand­ing as a leader, one must understand thepeople who make up his supporters.Critics from the right see him as a con­man, duping these ignorant Mexicans.Critics from the left see him mis-lead­ing his people with a traditionalist andessentially non- revolutionary philosophyand politics. More correct is the obser­vation ofa chicano who came to Albuquer­que to _a~~nd the trial: "It's almost likeReies is being used by the people here,instead of his using them. They ve beenfighting all these years and along comesa man and says, 'let's try this way andPll be your leader.' And they say goahead, we'll try anything and use any­thing to hit at the Man and get our landback.·

----:j

~

CATALYSTIt is unden.iable'that Reies has been

thp. catalyst for people here to put theirstruggle into a Southwestern and evenhemispheric perspective. It is equallyunden;jable that the chicano response toevents around the courthouse of TierraAmarilla served notice to the country. Asone Alianza veteran puts it, "Anglosalways see us as Mexicans sleeping with

Tijerina did not 'bring' nationalismto the Southwestern movement ofchicanos. Nationalism exists here andatbest he reflects some of it. Tijerina didnot create a land movement in NewMexico. A fifty to seventy-five year oldmovement ,already existed in each com­munity of villag-es which had ever beenbeseiged by the invaders. He linked uppeople and had them' working state-wideor directed their activities toward Wash­ington or the nation - but even this isnot a completely new approach to thisregion. -

He does not' teach the people theirrights as much,as he ce,rtifies for themwhat they already know. He went to Spainand Mexico to look up old lawsanddocu­ments and corne Uack with the news thatin fact, under international law, the US'had violated its treaty with Mexico. Butpeople here always knew the US waswrong. It didn't matter whether it waswrong according to its own laws or thelaws of La Raza.

TIJERINA, THE NEWCOMERReies Lopez Tijerina is a newcomer

to this state of war existing between themountain men of New Mexico and the USGovernment. People from Tierra Ama­rillo were defending their land "legally".and otherwise in the ear,ly 1900' s· _almost 20 years before Tijerina wasborn. Most of the people belonging to theAlianza are a good 20 to 30 years olderand have more years experience lightingfor the land than does Tijerina.

somehow because there dpapers wererarely needed - but neighbors couldalways verify that the land belonged toso-and-so. 'What did the sheriff meanwhen he came to evict a man whosefamily had worked that land for over200 years? How can one "x· on a docu­ment wipe out so much history?

The invaders made or used their " law",against La _Raza and, because that wasno law at all, the mountain people c1e­fended themselves and their land withguns. They cut fences and burned asmany barns, poisoned as many cattleas they had lost. In order to stay aliveand in order to stay on the lan4, theculture turned inward.. The racism and owression destroyedlittle of the ~rength of the people, be­cause they had a barrier against the in':

'vaders - their language and culture.They also had their knowledge that ac­cording to the law of La Raza. theywereright. No matter what dressed': up,line-talking-lawyer-dude said, no mat­ter what court decisions were handeddown, no matter even the acts of Con­gress (one of which was to take moretIlan a million acres oi the !>est grazingand timber land in northern New Mexicoand ',turn it into Kit Carson NationalForest) they_- La Raza - were right!

THE ANGLOS

Whatever the way, by the turn of thecentury land was slipping out ofthe handsof La Raza like sand through theirfingers. Some tried safeguarding theirclaims legally and hired lawyers, onlyto find out that whether they won or not,the lawyer somehow got a healthy chunkof the land as fee. It became clear thatthe "law· was white man's law (state­hood never carne to New Mexico untilthere were enough anglos In the stateto guarantee control).

There exists within La Raza a deeprespect for the law. Perhaps because inthe race's origin, the laws were con­structed' out of a respect for and a nee4._to organize communality. The lawevolved out of the new breed's feelingfor the land.

Besides a man's knowing in his heartthat the land was his, people had deedsand titles to their land, handed down fromfather to son. Many were lost, true -

, Land hustlers saw New Mexico as easygame. With the corning of the railroadand the need for expanded grazing range,possession of land in New Mexico couldprove lucrative. Some men stole the land

"legally," through demonstrating quit­claim notices (obtained fraudulently fromthe non- English reading Raza) in courtto obtain title, or by posting notice toclaim certain lands in a newspaper thenext state over (the law provided fornewspaper notices of intent to claim) orin the English language newspapers inthe state.

Some were not so subtle and terrorizedvillages or isolated ranchers throughbarn-burning and cattle-poisoning. Somejust got quit-claims by holding a gun ona man's wife or children until he put his"x" on the paper.

The Inalan lOve and reverence for theland became imbued into the" new breed."Today a man from the North will tell you.

"The land is like my mother. Whenthey take the land from us, we are or­phans. When they take my last little bitfrom me, I want to die. I have nothingelse."

Who can understand this feeling for theland? On paper - the Treaty of Guada­lupe Hidalgo, 1848 - the United Statessigned to the effect that it did understandand would protect this feeling towardsthe land. The land titles and customs ofland administration were guaranteed un­der the treaty, as was the language and

4-<~'"

In- June of 1967 there was an incident at the' , .

Courthouse in Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico.Some Alizana members went to that courthouse,planning to make a citizens arrest of the DA.The DA didn't show, but well armed cops did.One cop drew his gun and fired. In the ensuingconfusion, with some people taking coyer inthe courthouse, two cops were shot. Neitherwas seriously wounded~ That was the "up_rising" .

This incident triggered a reign ofterror by the New Mexican authoritieswhich culminated in December with thetrial of Reies Tijerina, presIdent of theAlianza, for kidnapping. During the Juneincident a deputy sheriff and a UPIcorrespondant were alledgedly held fora half hour by Alianzistas in the Court­house before escaping. Despite the factthat Reies did not arrive in TierraAmarilla until AFTER the incident, hewas charged with kidnapping, a capitaloffense. Many other members of theAlianza were arrested on various othercharges.

The Anglo power structure hoped toterrorize La Raza into acceptlngthe theftof their lands. Tijerina, their leader,was the prime target. But the traditionof struggle runs deep. Tijerina with theaid of two lawyers defended himselfand won an acquittal. His trial was justanother incident in the long struggle ofLa Raza.

For complete background on La Raza,Tijerina, the Alizana and the strugglein New Mexico, see the special fourpage supplement by Jim Kennedy, "NewMexico's Land Grant Revolution" inthe August, 1967 MOVEMENT.

Recently there has been considerabledebate within the movement concerningTijerina's ideology, program (or lack ofone), and his personality (ego trips).These SUbjects can only be intelligentlydebated within the context ofthe strugglethat has gone one in the Southwest formany years.

We' are therefore reprinting excerptsfrom an article by Maria Varela anddistrubted 'by LNS-N.Y. that placesTijerina in this context. (editor)

religion ofthis race and of those Indianswho also populated the Southwest. Butas time went on, it was-- clear that aneconomy and culture essentially capital­istic could not co-exist with a communaleconomy and culture.

The New Mexican tribe of La Razais truly distinct from the culture andeven the language of the immigrants andsons of immigrants from Mexico. His­torically, the territory has always beenignored by its respective governmentsbecause of distance and its lack of greatwealth. The Spaniards who carne (withno women) to the mountains in the early16th Century eventually intermarriedwith, the North American tribes of Utes,Apaches, Pueblo, Navajo .•. and differentIndians from the Central American tribesof Mexico.

By the late 17th century and early 18thcentury, the "new breed" was as much,if not more, Indian than Spanish.

4.

;.>

FEBRUARY 1969 THE MOVEMENTt ~'.~ i>fJ,,·,'.l.. ,; • -l';":' ;",",,~~, l -'',.

, PAGE 13io<': l-...,;:J ....

,~

VANGUARD?QUESTION: How has the movement beenviewed by the institutions, groups orparties of the left?ANSWER: ... at no time has it (the Com­munist Party) been able to propose anappropriate direction for us to take. Ingeneral terms, we do not believe thateither the Communist Party or other so­called parties of the left' are in a pos­iton to organize anyone.QUESTION: Do you believe that the stu­dent movement has limited perspectives?ANSWER: By definition the student move­ment has been limited in its perspectives.We believe that it is a mistake to thinkthat -the students can sustain populardemands in practice or ideology. Thefact that student demands are close tothose of the people does not mean thatthis movement has assimilated other pol­itical or class sectors.QUESTION: Do you believe that the stu­dent movement is the vanguard of apopular movement?ANSWER: It has been shown over and overthat even if a popular movement has itsgenesis in the university, students can­not be the vanguard of the movementbecause of their class differences (withthose who form the popular base). Itmay be saId, however, that studentscan serve or participate in the leader­ship of a popular movement.QUESTION: Do you believe that govern­ment repression has been unsuccessfulwith regard to the brigades?.\NSWER: The regime'S efforts at re­pression have at no time been a truerepresentation of the repressive capaci­ties at its command. The repression be­comes" serious," when there is not onlyintervention on the part of the armybut also the active, armed participationof the Fascist groups of the Government,

Things are going to get rough for students- -who have neither arms nor the nf'('e~sl\ry

QUESTION: What is the function and im­portance of the student brigades?ANSWER: The formation of brigades hasbeen the tactical form the struggle hastaken in the face of aggression. Throughour experience with them we know thatit is possible to continue the struggle ina decided way...Some of the brigadeshave developed such an awareness of thesituation that they themselves are form­ulating their slogans and flyers and theyhave set for themselves a long- rangeprogram. The brigade system has beenso successful that the President acknow­ledged in his «report" that we haveexcellent means of communication withthe people. Thus even though the brigadesarose spontaneously and automatically,they are now functioning under a setdiscipline that became necessary as themovement gathered momentum.

The "politization" that the brigadeshave achieved has been effected by meansof round table discussions, seminars,assemblies and studies they have beencarrying out--a political awareness thathas been in turn transmitted directlyto the public in general. .

The brigades are the backbone that hassustained the movement in practice.QUESTION: Do you believe that the org­anization of a new political party ispossible?'ANSWER: The problem of determiningthe most appropriate form of organizationthat will result from this movement hasalready been discussed by, the COMITESde LUCHA, I believe that the creationof a revolutionaI'y party is beyond thecapacity of this movement even thoughwe in fact lack a truly revolutionary party.But I doubt that a party is the mostappropriate organizational form the move­ment should take in Mexico at this time.In the event of the creation of such aparty, the role of students would haveto be studied. ..

We do not believe that the necessarypolitical work can be sustained by the workof the brigades. This work, even thoughit represents the backbone of the move­ment, clearly reveals the lack of nationaldirection that might formulate more cen­tralized and more effectively directedstrategy for the struggle. The fact thatthe lack of national direction may beseen does not necessarily imply thata political party shOUld be formed. Westudents must seek a unique form oforganization that will allow us to becomemore consistent theoretically, and simul­taneously more consistent in practicalwork.

STUDENT FROM FACULTYOF POll TI CAL

AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

LIMITS OF STUDENT MOVEMENT

QUESTION: How do you think this unitycan be maintained?ANSWER: We believe the goal should bea national student federation or a nationalstudent union or something along thoselines, with characteristics similiar tothose the National Strike Council nowpossesses. It should become what Leninonce called the "catalyst of the rev­olution", a nucleus, or a spark that willstart a fire. The student group has cer­tain basic characteristics that make itthe first sector to react to the socialsituation. It is the sector that has great­est access to information, is the mosteducated, and has the greatest criticalcapacity. It is also the sector of society 1that is least subject to pressures--thatis, in this system workers and peasantsare subject to innumerable pressures andobstacles that hinder their mobilization...

In Mexico, a worker who even attemptsto plant the seed of an organizationthat is independent of the (PRI-controlled)unions is immediately fired from thefactory. A peasant who attempts to gooutside the canons established by the CNC(National Confederation of Peasants) ofthe PRI is immediately ostracized.

Nonetheless, the bourgeois outlook ofMexican students--the class origins ofthe majority of the students--causes thismobilization to be one of sporadic nature;that is, it is one that definitely cannotreach large sectors of the population.The moment has come in which the studentmovement-- by its very nature--linds it­self incapable of moving any farther•.•The student movement has given all thatit had to give; that is, it arrived atthe greatest possible degree of radicalism.But what is necessary is that it moveon to a second stage... to fulfill its rolein showing that the regime in Mexicois not invulnerable, that massive mobi­lizations are possible, that the structureis not hermetic. At this moment thereshould have occurred--and it would haveoccurred in a country where the labormovement was not so controlled--a greatmobilization of support that would havereached the leadership with much moreserious demands. What was lacking here...was organized labor; a class-basedpolitical party, ,a functional mechanismthat would have permitted the wholecurrent of sympathy and support thatdeveloped among the working classes ingeneral to become organic support.'In spite of the distortions of the radio,

the press, etc., everybody in Mexicosupports and sympathizes with the studentmovement. However, this cannot be trans­lated into practical action because inreality they are controlled. For this reasonall the attempts to overcome these org­anizational obstacles have been futileowing t~ the enormous corruption that

I exists..•. Political movements cannot remain

static; they advance and become radi­calized or they retreat. The student move­ment began to move, reached its apogee,and at the moment in which it shouldhave been replaced by something else,there was no suitable organization tocarry this out and now, in terms of org­anization, it is beginning to decline ...Student awareness is not disappearing;it is an irreversible process.

The problem of creating political aware­ness does not rest so much on convincing'people that things are bad, but... that theycould stop being so. They must be con­vinced that mobilization of their ownforces could indeed affect governmentstructures.

CLASS DIVISIONS

QUESTION: In your view, what is theimportance of the type of organizationthat has been imposed on this move­ment--concretely, the brigades and theNational Strike Council?ANSWER: A, base has been establishedthat did not exist in Mexico before. Neverbefore, in any movement, have such agreat number of students been mobilized,and an organizational culture of this naturebeen achieved. For the first time thereis a Council that embraces students fromthe Politechnic Institute, (the agriculturalschool at) Chapingo, and many other·schools. The fact that it has been achieved,that an organ with representatives from128 schools actually functions, is a veryimportant precedent in Mexico...

At this time we have the seeds of anorganization but•.. no political' line. Thiscan be seen in the activity of the NationalStrike Council-- mere practical activityof the moment. It is an organization ofdefensive character, one that respondsaccording to the action of the Govern­ment.

When the present situation is resolved.the organization we now have must be­come an offensive organization; that is,one that develops a long-range politicalorientation.

Since the massacres of October, we dOn'tI hear much about the student movement in

Mexico. Reports that are received are con­tradictory. The movement has been forced togo underground and little reliable informationgets out.

Granma reports that in December morethan 500 students were arrested after try­ing to stage a march to demand the re­lease of students who had been arrestedpreviously. "They held a rally in thesquare in front of the rector's office,where speakers explained the reasons forcalling off the march: to avoid th@ arrestor massacre of the revolutionary studentvanguard. However, the government willnot stop us from going into the streetsin our agitation brigades."

In response to the pre-Olympic mas­sacres in Mexico, two pamphlets havebeen produced. The United states Com­mittee for Justice to Latin American Pol­itical Prisoners has' put out one pam­phlet, mostly on repression. The NorthAmerican Congress on Latin Americahas published a study in two parts. Thefirst part analyzes the movement itself,especially . how it grew in the face ofrepression. The second part outlines U. S.involvement in Mexico and its policiesof repression. (Each pamphlet costs adollar: write to USLA Justice Committee,P.O, Box 2303, New York, N.Y. 10001;or NACLA, P.O, Box 57, Cathedral Parkstation, New York, N. Y. 10025).

Weare reproducing excerpts of in­terviews with three Mexican student lead­ers held in late September, pUblished inthe NACLA pamphlet. Although these in­terviews occurred at an early stage ofthe struggle, the political thinking of thethree leaders hint at future possibilities.

CHILDREN OF

The basic difficulty the Mexican stu­dent movement has faced is the mul­tiplicity of tendencies that has existedin the binary system of education. Onthe one hand there are students fromthe 'bow:geois class (in the university),and on the other, students from the pop­ular groups and the lower middle classwho attend the technical institutes. Thiscleavage, which was very well-defineda: the time of the founding of the Poli­technic Institute in the 1940s, has grad­ually become less sharp--unfortunately,not because the university has becomemore "popular" in its constituency, butbecause the Politechnic Institute has be­come more aristocratic. The PolitechnicInstitue has now become another univ­ersity (it lacks certain faculties suchas Philosophy and Letters to becomea true university).

Fundamentally, the perspectives andconcerns of the students do not differfrom one group to the other. It is thissimilarity that has made student unitypossible at this time... The unity betweenthe • polin and the UNAM is an accom­plishedfact that wlll not disappear.

STUDENT FROM FACULTYOF SCIENCES (UNAM)

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PAGE. 14 l THE MOVEMENT l ~ .1 .... .J. FEBRUARY. 1969_

training in how to use them. Within theuniversity itself, the brigades would notonly be ineffectual but it would be ir­responsible on the part of the leadershipof the movement to be forced to con­front repressive forces that would beundoubtedly implacable. When this hap­pens, it will be necessary to definethe struggle in terms of two alternatives:either we take up arms or we opt for a..• cessation of all activity which wouldnot only permit students to return tothe university but would also allow the

development of other possibilities forfuture democratic movements.QUESTION: If students are not the van­guard of the popular movement, how canthey take up arms?ANSWEI\: We are convinced that stu­dents have no possibility for victoryin terms of an armed struggle, owingto their class origins; but we are con­vinced that we have great political capa­cities. With regard to the question ofarming students, we believe that it ispointless to raise it. What we believepossible is that students, in additionto political ability, have the capacityto take control of the streets and takingcontrol, of the streets does not meantaking up arms.

QUESTION: Don't you believe that theimportance of the movement resides inthe exemplary action the student canshow the people?ANSWER: Of course; in almost all strug:.gles students have been an example forthe people; however, this does not meanwe are responsible .for the movements.It should be understood, however, thatwe students are no example for the workingclass in the sense that we have any­thing to teach them since the worker,through his own experience, already knowshow to do things. Of course the demon­strations we have held are an example;so is the takeover. of the university,but not the taking of arms.QUESTION: Do you believe that clar.de­stine action would be a more effectiveweapon in case repression is steppedup?ANSWER: We believe that a clandestinemovement ,is necessary at this time fortwo reasons: (1) because it makes itpossible for many ~adrps to be perman­ently active and (2) because it guaranteesthe combativeness in students themselves.However the clandestine movement de­mands many things that are not presentin the university; among them, discipline.If operating underground does not guar­antee the mobilization, it is logical that'not only will the clandestine system ofopposition be sacrificed but the rationalbasis for the movement as well. Clan­destine activity for its own sake is mean­ingless.

i''fW

STUDENT FROM NATIONALPOLITECHNIC INSTITUTE

v

QUESTION: What are the specific diff­erences between the Politechnic Instituteand the National University (UNAM)?ANSWER: There is no difference in org­anization... All the schools have the s.ameorganization, the National Strike Council .But I suppose that there are some tacticaland theOretical differences.

The problem of the University is thatits constituency is much more theoretic­ally oriented than we are. By our veryclass origins--the sons of workers andpeasants- -we live the conditions of hungerand poverty more than do those who livethem only in words. At the Poli we havea large number of students who have noplace to sleep; they live in truly pre­carious, difficult conditions. We also havea very small number of scholarshipsavailable, while at the University thereare persons with greater economic meansand there are more scholarships.

However, the Pol1technical Institute or­iginally created for the poor, has becomemore bourgeois since the last educationalreforms. Whereas before only studentsof scarce means studied here, now almosthalf the student body is composed ofstudents having some resources.

These differences can also be seen inattitudes toward student struggles. stu­dents at the National University even havea special understanding of autonomy. Al­

though theoretically they are unaware of it,we can see by their attitude and behavior

how each student feels autonomous, where­as in the Politechnical Institute the stu­dents have a more gregarious conceptof themselves. For students of the Univ­ersity, contact with workers is a newthing. That's why they;?brag so much aboutthe brigades that go to the people. Wealso have brigades--and very goodones-­but going to the workers does not makea special impression on us because we livein their midst, we share the same con­ditions. -

We are no longer afraid of anything.An assassinated worker, although it deeply

hurts us, does not frighten us. As an:student who 11ves in the slums or tenements can affirm, our children and man:older workers die daily of curable, simpl,illnesses. We lack the means to fighteven these small infirmities we sutfe:owing to the environment, the lack of hy.giene, malnutrition, etc.QUESTION: What about the struggle antits organization?ANSWER: The greatest desire of Mexicalyouth has always'been to become unite(around cammon,- concrete problems. Thllack of organizations that truly represent.ed the 'students at large kept us all dis·oriented. Even those ,groups that havIrepresented government interests amon!students such as the FNET (FederaciO!Nacional de Estudiantes Tecnicos) OWltheir existence to the lack of organizatio!among the students themselves. Yet thEpresent movement has achieved great org.'anization in that the National Strike Counci:alone has 250 members and the wholEnetwork of over 800 brigades has 8, l(

or up to 15 members in each brigade.QUESTION: Do you believe that the studen,force may become a popular force in thEfuture? .:ANWER: Our movement is already pop·ular; this you may see by our demandlin the petition movement. It is trUEthat there is a lot of passivity on the pariof trUly proletarian sectors; but in orde!to overcome this we have created and WEwill continue to create and promote thEwhole system of brigades.QUESTION: What do the students of thEPolytechnical Institute think of the in­tellectuals of Mexico?ANSWER: Intellectuals have always madEtheir demonstrations ouside the socialcontext of the real "people". They haVEnever had the courage--or they have n01wanted to have it--to develop a theory onwhich a protest could be based. The maj­ority of them are a very important partof the whole State apparatus••.Honest,dedicated intellectuals--such as Jose Re­vueltas--who support and bravely partici­pate in a popular movement, are rare.QUESTION: Much has been said to theeffect that the Mexican people greatlydistrust the movement and its leaders.Do you believe that this phenomenon ispresent among the students of the Poli­technic Institute, owing to their veryclass origins?ANSWER: No, in the Poli, the studentbody now believes in its leaders; it hasfaith in the movement, as do the workers.You have been able to see that herein the University (representatives of)many popular sectors have been broughttogether~-taxi drivers, among others.This shows that the distrustful attitudeof workers and peasants is already dis­appearing. It should also t>e pointed outthat the pressure of 'students at largehas been responsible for the emergenceof good, authentic leaders.

'Translated by Jackie Skiles Quayle

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FEBRUARY. .196.9 _-~.__ - THE .MO.'lEMEN,T,

...... _..:. ._L PAG E1'~15.:... .t~ -:1.

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SMOKEY •••••••••••••••••••••••• BEAR OR·· PIG?

A new radical action group emerged in the middleof December in Madison, Wisconsin, with its firstoffensive to .. get the crap out of the enviornment".The DDT Commandoes, action arm of the Conser­vaqon Research and Action Project (CRAP) convergedon the state Capitol, where hearing were being heldconcerning a possible bart on the use ,of DDT in thestate. In Panther fashion, twenty commandoes, armedwith machine water guns full of what they told news­men was DDT, forceably entered the state capitol,after squirting all available flora and fauna. Insidethe Capitol they proceeded to the hearing roomwhere they checked their arms with state guardsand peaceably attended the hearings. This was CRAP'sfirst action.

CRAP was founded in early November by a groupof radical scientists and SDS activists. Interest wasgenerated earlier in the summer when one CRAPorganizer dove into Madison's lake Mendota and cameout green, from head to toe. After a long shower,she set out to find out why. Most Madisoniansalready know that it is due mainly to excess nutrientswashed in from unregulated overfertilization of fieldsin the area. However, she found much more, like thefact that a University of Wisconsin Regent had boughtup important marshland (which acts as a naturalfilter for nutrients) and made it into a housing de­·velopment. More research uncovered more shadydeals, and more of a realization that corporate in­terests had an almost free hand in exploiting theenvjronment for profit, disregarding the ecologicalsystems involved.

REGULATION BY INDUSTRY

Industry has a free hand because the regulatingbureaus of the government are usually staffed frompeople with experience and ties to related industries.Thus we have paper company executives on waterpollution control boards. They define their regulatorycapacities in very specific areas, usually leavingplenty of room for the companies to get by. Forinstance, you'll get quickly slapped with a twentydollar fine for fishing without· a license in LakeMichigan, but the' city of Milwaukee can dump inits sewage and business can pour in wastes, killingmillions of fish without having to worry. The onlygreat lake which isn't a stinking mess is LakeSuperior, and there is little doubt that it will benext.

In Madison, agri- business and chemical concernsare putting up a strong fight for the continued useof DDT, despite conclusive scientific proof that thechemical is completey uncontrolable. Not only doesit kill a wide variety of species other than targetspecies, but it does not decompose for long periodsof time, and it is incredibly mobile. Penguins inthe antarctic thousands of miles away from any­where DDT is used, have been found, to carry sig­nificant levels of DDT, We are powerless to change'this, the decisions lie in the hands of bureaucratsresponsible to business interests.

BECOMING A WASTELAND

How to be a radical conservationIst has'·''tO be' ,~worked out. There is no way to stop,pur o,?,n pqi;;oningand destruction of our enviornmerif through exisHngchannels, just as there is no way to end imperialismthrough the Democratic Party. Every day our chancesof dying of old age get slimmer and slimmer, andevery day, America charges closer towards becoming

,a wasteland. Lefties have hardly talked about this atall. We constantly rap about control over the deCisionsthat affect our lives like the draft, school issues, etc.Dig--it is entirely possible that business, with the helpof the government, can wipe out human life on thisplanet without the help of nuclear war. DDT acts asa hormone, affecting reproduction, and it is present in

all of us in levels that can WORK ACTIVELY.Put that in your anti-capitalist critique and smokeit. It is no longer a question of a few birds and fishdying; when these cats start fooling with the ecologyof the earth, they are fucking around with dangerouskind of shit, for this is the balance of life we aretalking about.

NEW ISSUE FOR THE MOVEMENT

CRAP organizers in Madison see this as a wholenew issue opening up for the movement. Wisconsinhas always been a conservation minded state. Forhalf a century its been an important issue for theliberals--Gaylord Nelson was just reelected to theSenate by going around the state pI edging to savethe • natural resources" of the state. But Nelson,and the rest of the libs have failed. There is nosuch thing as a liberal solution, only liberal failures.Nelson has no plans to attack the companies that dumpthe shit into the enviornment. .

so the folks in CRAP are putting down their leftyjournals and picking up their scientific journals.They aren't forgetting their anti-capitalist critiques,but are boning up on an ecological critique. Thisisn't talk to scientists, but to be able to talk withregular people. One attitude that has had to be com­batted among scientists and laymen is that peopleare not capable of making decisions that affect theenviornment and themselves, like the use of DDT,

-Horseshit. If they can't, it is only ,because there isa massive professional and social conspiracy to keeprelevant data out of their reach. We must bringit to them. It is really explosive stuff, once youget on to it. It is also inexaustable--for every thingthe government conservationists think they havesaved, you can show hundreds of things they havedestroyed in saving it. Their position is lndefensable.A radical solution of the problem of our own poisoningand putrification of our world is the destruction of thebourgeois state. THE ENVIORNMENT BELONGS TOTHE PEOPLE,

by Huntley Barad

FEBRUARY 1969

L. .J L J. ... .J oJ L -"41.J l.

THE MOVEMENT PAGE 17

••

Leviathanc/o Peter Wiley250 Mullen Ave,San Francisco, Ca, 94110te I. 824-8652

For Information:

IF YOl HAVE BEEN'USING A TELEPHOf\ECREDIT CARD, TIE.AD THIS~ ~

••I•I·I•I•I'•I·I.'•1) At some point, about $70,000 •

worth of calls was made on Dow's •card. They were pissed, cancelled •the card, but refused to press .'charges for interstate fraud. •

2) Since April, the telephone Icompany has separate codes in •addition to just the numoer. If you 1don't automatically -give the othercode, they know it's a phony and itape the conversation for identifi-cation purposes. •

3) All of the credit cards com- Imanly used by the movement are •known. Some of them have been out Iof date since 1963. •

A leak inside ITT. told us that Inames were being kept; when the •source read off the names, they were Im')stly movement people. Later a guy •from SNCC was called in for Iquestioning by the FBI, ITT .'detectives, and local cops. He denied 1everything, but they played back •some tapes showing evidence. Dow Iand ITT won't press charges, so the •FBI can't get people just yet. The Iassorted cops pointed out that •national SDS peop.ie are the biggest· .'offenders. ~f use of phony credit •cards contmues, they may press Icharges. Under the new crime bill,it appears that the tapes can be used I·

I as evidence in cou.t. •

~'-'-'-'-'_'_I_'~

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Time to Fight Poster13 point programEducational pamphlets onUrban Renewal and thePress.Send at least $1. 50 toRoom 204, 162 N. ClintonChicago, Illinois 60606

IN HIE FIKST ISSl'E:

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• Thl' Political E~cmomy ofth~ Universily

• Th~ Workin!( Class inAm~rican Soddy

• Corporat~ R~form Stratl'!(iesin th~ (;h~tto

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L~viathan.

COMING FEBRUARY 15

~,

What we want to know is: DO THEOFFICIALS OF LOCAL 1301 MEANBUSINESS, OR ARE THEY JUSTSHUCKIN' AN' JIVIN?

The company has begun a del iberatecampaign of hartilssment andintimidation. For weeks they havebeen handing out maximum penaltiesfor even the smallest human errors in

the piece count. They ignore the factthat 'Jnder the speed-up conditions of

many piece-work operations, mistakesare unavoi dabl e.

The union officials have startf!d to talkabout strike action. For our part, wefully support any mil itant action, ._­incl uding strike action, against -thearrogant behavior of the company.

The aim of their campaign is to breakUs down from working men and women,proud of our history of struggle, into

ghosts and shadows who iump at everyword from the boss.

"0 FlfH'"•

THE SAME POLICY.Give one group (whites) a few miserable crumbs

to make them feel better than the rest. THAT'SCOMPANY POLICY,What's OUR policy'? Is the old union principle

"An injury to one is an injury to all" out of date?The response to the latest leaflet was terrific.

As soon as they saw it the company canceled thesuspensions of six men who were up for a "hearing" .The union officials were to have a friendly Christmascoffee clatch with the company; when they saw theleaflet they called it off.

Right now there are about a hundred men on theday shift (about twenty of whom are white) wearingthe fi st button, out of a total of around a thousand.In some departments all the workers, black andwhite, greet each other with the up- raised fist. Thegreatest potential lies in the 2nd and 3rd shifts,which have a higher proportion of young workers.

'T'he MOVEMENT will be covering this strugglein the IHC shop in coming issues. Hopefully it willprovide some lessons for factory organizing forthe movement. (Editor)

~£T KEAPY,;

Wh(J'~ the redl th,ef?

2. We should prepare our families for a strike, to guarantee solid support at hOlJle. This shouldbe done by a letter to our wives and husbands from the local, explaining the issues and whythe company has forced us to toke strike action. Meetings should be called for our familiesto hear the foe ts.

4. Along with our other demands, we should demand on end to the white monopoly of the skilledtrad~s,pnd higher classification jobs. This is the key to achieving solidarity within theplant and the key to winning outside support. This demand will turn the tables on thecompany. It will toke us off the defensive and put us on the offensive.

IF THEY MEAN BUSINESS, THE TIME TO START PREPARING IS NOW!

3. We should seek support outside of our own ronks, so we will nof have to rely only on theinternational for help. Right now, not after weare on the street, we should begin contactingunions and other groups around the city, asking them to organize to come to our aid.

I. We should prepare ourselves for a strike whiFh may not be an easy one. This means depal tmenlmeetings and leaflets explaining the issues. r We should prepare our spirit by organi2ingsit-downs, slow-downs, walk-outs and other "solidarity actions" - deportment by department,wherever on incident of company harassment tokes place. In case of any reprisal, the wholeplant should be ready to back up each deportment. Stewards should be spending eight hoursa day writing grievances.

FOR EQUAliTY IN EMPLOYMENT THROUGHOUT THE PLANT!

Our symbol at the rightmeans that if we sticktogether like a clenchedfist, we can't be brokenIike the fi ngers of anoutstretched hand.

Solidarity Committee Caucus, Local 1301, UAW

STOP THE COMPANY CAMPAIGN OF HARASSMENT!

labor donated

This lEJaflet was distributed by a group of rank­and-file workers at International Harvester Company'sTractor Works in Chicago. It is the latest in a seriesof leaflets that ha ve been passed out there.

The 90 days in the cartoon refers to a suspensiongiven one man for absent-mindedly walking out witha 29~. role of masking tape.

The 'South African blood money refers to IHCinvestments which were exposed in :;tn earlier leaflet.That leaflet exposed the fact that IHC employsover 1000 ,",orkers in South Africa, two -thirdsAfrican. It pointed out working conditions, socialconditions and wages in South Africa are a worldwide scandal. The leaflet continued:

Now get this--here" they are, in Chicago withtheir "New Start" program, trying to show howconcerned they are with the problem's of blackpeople, and, there they are in South Africa withtheir teeth sunk into the neck of the black people.Did you ever wonder why there are so few black

workers in the skilled trades and higher classifi­cations at Tractor Works? IT'S ALL PART OF

/ /

PAGE 18 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969

'e"O'/,III CONTINUED FROM PAGE 8 'REVOLUTIONmunity. The staff existed at the pleasureof the students.

The program was changing the or­ientation of the college. One of thethings that angered the "President andthe police more than anything else werethe posters they found on the walls ofthe center--posters of Malcolm X,Stokely Carmichael, Marcus Garvey andChe Guevara.

ADMINISTRATION HARASSMENT

: The administration and Trustees begar. 'to harass what many thought was an in-

,

"OCUOUS' liberal program. They rec­gnized the issue clearly: Was the pro­ram going to be controlled by the Trus­ees to continue to raise the "skills"f black people so they could be fednto the system as the other students

at the college; or were the third worldbtudents going to control the program,kllow the program to prOvide radical ed­ucation and build radical leadership?

They started to cut back the program'sfunds. Only 5% of the program's moneycame from the college. Then the Boardof Trustees made a rule that all dona­tions to the program had to be approvedby them. The Board empowered theAdministration to open all mail thatcame into the program and remove allchecks. Those checks, had to be ap­proved by the Board of Trustees, thengo to the Financial Aids Office and beallocated to ALL programs on campus.

The Board decided that all volunteerswho worked for the program first hadto be screened by them. At the end oflast summer the students forced theresignation of one counselor and triedto hire Aaron Manganiello. They notonly refused, but also got a court in­junction to keep Aaron off campus.

Aaron was jailed for violating thisban. He wrote the following about hisexperience: "Jail is the womb of therevolutionary, the essence of the con­tradiction between man and society, thehub from which social change emerges,the manifestation of all social illnesses.In jail you understand how poorly societyis prepared to deal with its problems.Most of 'the time the system won'teven admit the problems exist. It justdumps one problem on top of another.But instead of smothering each other,each one adds fuel to the fire."

Life became a running battle withvarious white administrators and theirsecretaries. Something had to give. InOctober students went on strike for 11demands--new counselors, reorganiza­tion of financial aids office, separatethird world studies division, more thirdworld faculty, the hiring of Aaron andanother third world counselor (Pat SUmi),

,etc.Police broke up a sit-in in the Ad­

ministration building ending the strike.The administration made token conces­sions. Pat was hired and fired a littlelater when they discovered she marchedwith the GI March for Peace. Aaronwas not hired. A division of minoritystudies was agreed on in principle,but no move was made to implementit.Harassm.~nt of the program increased.

Aaron describes the intransigency oftheAdministration this way: "One of thethings that hangs the administration up1s the whole idea of non-negotiable de-

MALCOLM X

POSTERS!

mands, when it's obvious that what wecould do is sit down and write anotherfive demands: we want a swimmingpool in every classroom, we want grassfor our PE classes, and then we couldsay we were ready to negotiate withthem, and throwaway those five extrademands' after the first 15 minutes.But we aren't playing those kinds of~ames; these are our basic needs andwe can't play those kinds of gameswith respect for them. And they don'tunderstand that." .

BLOW-UP

On Friday, December 13, there wasa rally. The demands were presentedagain and there was going to be a marcharound campus. The administration clo­sed the building and sent all officeworkers home. People were pissed off.About 2 or 3 hundred white studentswere wearing bille armbands. Theywereharassing third world 1<ids all ·day. Itwas pretty tense and things exploded.

Every window in at least three build­ings were shattered. About 12 peoplewere hospitalized. The press reportedthat third world people were indiscrim­inately attacking any white student. Thismini- riot was unplanned, but providedthe Administration with the excuse theywanted. They fired Hoover on the pre­tense that he was responsible for theviolence. Hoover was not on campus,but they said he allowed th,? demon­stration to be planned in the program'spffice.

CHECK POINT CHARLIE

San Mateo was transformed from aglorified vocational school to a concen­tration camp. The college on the hillwas invaded by cops. For weeks allentrances but one were closed and eachstudent and faculty member had to provehe had legitimate business on campusbefore he was allowed thru the check­point.· A helicopter inew above to makesure that no one tried sneaking thruanother entrance.

Many were arrested and suspended.A conspiracy investigation is expected.Everyone must show his ID card ondemand. No rallies; meetings. leafletsor collection of bail funds are allowedon campus,

Christmas vacation came and went,and the cops remained on campus. Is­elated acts of terrorism made headlin~'ii.

There seemed to 'be a vacuum in radi­cal political articulation.

COOPTATIONThe radicals were out organized. Some

Of the more moderate members of theBSU negotiated with the Administration.Hoover was given a new post "higheruP". He can name counselors to theReadiness Program, but all his nom­inations must be approved by the Trus­tees. As a result, he is naming peoplewho are relatively unresponsive to com­munity needs. The program remains, butnot under Third World control. It willprobably become just another tutoringprogram.

There is now a split in the leadershipof the struggle between reformists andterrorists. The terrorists articulate noradical political program that couldmobilize support for a continued stru­ggle. Politics are left to the reformistswho play on white guilt, but refuse toput forth political demands that wouldinvolve the whole campus.

There will probably be more indivi­dual terrorism at San Mateo, but itwill be a while before people can org­anize around the political issues as theyhave at San Francisco State....

'T'here was' absolute chaos, but nobodystarved. There were places for every­one to sleep, if not in a school, thenin someone's home. People stayed fortwo or three months.

STUDENTS AND WORKERS

MOVEMENT: What was the relation­ship between s~udents and workers?CHRIS: Red Guards would go into somefactory". Many times they didn't do itso hot. They'd act like outside workteams. They'd go in and with littleinvestigation just say, "Aha, here's abureaucrat". They created a lot of dis­turbances and some workers got prettypissed off. But this wasn't necessarilytypical--it all depended on the-politicallevel of the students involved.MOVEMENT: Did you personally takeone of these trips?CHRIS: Yeah, I was gone for' threemonths. Part of the time we went toa coal mine. We didn't just barge inand attack people. We just talked topeople and after a while we began to makecontact with the rebels in the mine. Theywould come to our dormitory and askus how we did it in Peking and explaintheir own problems. They expected us tostir up some shit. We would get offwork and there'd be 100 or 200 workersoutside our dorm. We were the firststudent group that the workers respectedbecause we didn' t just start telling themwhat to do. We went there and askedif we could work. Gradually they openedup to us. This work style was invaluable.

There were some groups of studentswho did a better job than others. Somewere arrogant, others would go out justfor a good time and there were somewho went out to do a specific task.

THE LONG MARCHMOVEMENT: What kinds of tasks didthey have in mind?CHRIS: We went out because we figuredwe couldn't revolutionize the educationalsystem because we didn't know a god­damned thing about working people.We'd been cooped up in a classroomfor years; how couid we know anything?

So we decided to walk and emulatethe Red Army and learn what it was tosuffer. At the time we decided to walk,most people were taking the train. Wewent out with the idea of having a rec­tification campaign among ourselves anddevelop a collective that could work

s.f. statedistributed to whites off campus hasbeen a subtle variant of the regressivecampus autonomy issue:" police off cam­pus". Thus the faculty, which has playedthe role of opponent and en~my of mostof the previous activity of the studentmovement on campus, has now becomethe only link by which white studentson carr.pus directly relate to working­class whites off campus. A union strike,at least, is something white workerscan relate to. An ism is not so effective.

But all these problems aside, ifthe student strike ends shortly the pol­itical vacuum inside the white movementwill probably not have hampered thestrike's dynamic. At present, the pol­itical momentum generated by TWLF/BSU and by the AFT is sufficientlystrong to keep attendance down neartwenty percent even without massivepicket lines (although these massive lineshave been up almost every day). Thecampus has been shut long enough to

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 7functionally together when we got backto school.

We made a lot of mistakes. Here wewere trying to learn from the workingpeople and we spent 9 or 10 hours aday among ourselves. When we got toa village, we'd be so tired. Even thoughwe might sleep and eat with peasants, •we had no time to find out anything aboutthem. After a month we split into 5differe.nt groups and went in 5 differentdirections. We had no Party 'or adultsupervision.

PARALLelS

MOVEMENT: Do you see much sim­iliarity between this youth movementin China and youth movement in othercountries?CHRIS: Sure, there's some. Everyonestruggles against what they think is un­jUst. But there's got to be a classanalysis. People rebel for different rea­sons. I'm not sure where to draw theline. In Czechoslovakia, for example,I'm sure some people are rebelling inthe right direction. But it seems thatothers are rebelling to try to get backto what the U.S. has, which is justwhat we're, trying to get away from.MOVEMENT: How has your experienceas a Red Gurad affected your action inthe U.S, movement?CHRIS: It has made me quite optimistic.The Chinese are no supermen. If theycan build socialism, we can too. Also,I think Pm more tolerant of peopleafter seeing the rapid changes peoplewent thru during the cultural revolution.You can't say someone is better thananother because he became a revolu­tionary first. And you ca,n't say somerevolutionary is better than someone whoisn't revolutionary. People change. Ilearned just how fast that can happen.MOVEMENT: What's your feeling whenpeople talk about a "cultural revolution"happening in the U.S.?CHRIS: My reaction is, that's groovy.I'm not going to put them down or any­thing. I might point out a few contra­dictions. It has no political level forone thing. 'It's not aimed at power. It'san individual thing which doesn't relate towhat other people who are oppressed aredoing. Talk about liberation on an in­dividual basis (" smoke some dope, geta little high and I'm liberated")- - That'sbullshit.....

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 11break the back of the current semester.The administration h¥ recognized thatthe fail-safe point has been passed;there is no chance now to catch up onwork in time. For this semester thestrike has won. If the trustees and theadministration want the campus open forbusiness next semester, they will have toyield on the 15 demands. Chances arethey will break before long, althoughthey are by no means as politicallytogether as the 'strike .fs, and they maytake a while to come out in the open,as TWLF insists they must. On thebattlefield of political power, the warhas been decided; only the forms of thesettlement remain to be worked out.. As for the white students, it will have

, been "a very educational experience".Whether any lasting gains in the col­lective level of consiousness arise outof that experience depends on the strikesupport committee' s abili~y to engagein criticism and self-criticism.....

ZIP

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FEBRUARY 1969 . THE MOVEMENT PAGE 19

ELEPHANT

_Judy Grahn

one more word

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Then suppose you have an elephantwith million millimeter trunkand his jUngle is the whole green world?

(and drunk

and crazy)the problem.

yoU see

1 hants ~abOut e ep d theY tr J

~ hal' oseS eYatter hO . \{ their ~ out ~on:

~o m .--not -p"1C handts ca.· can

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t ~etcan poo.Y et.on anY. to regr unit"1on

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h 'd been a httle .e a flsh

like an ape orall those passagewayshe needs to feed hin:-self

tied upELEPHANT TURNED UPSIDE DOWNby a flya million fliesOutWei ha tank g t a trunk

a ballka 1lJ.ill'

IOn fl'0uttl-.. Ies. lJInk

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Suppose you have an elephantwith 56 millimeter trunkand say he's

tearing up the jungle(say you think he's drunkor crazy)How're you going to bring that elephant down?. ,

lion can'tbear could but don't want toand the panther's too small for that job.

...'.

PAGE '20 THE MOVEMENT FEBRUARY 1969