in defense of realisttic intl economics- free trade
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In Defense of Realistic International
Economics: Free Trade
Francis W Rushing
The effective teaching of economics requires a framework in which the
concepts and the analysis are presented. Since Adam Smith, economists have
developed theories and tests of their application in the real world. These
theories provide the intellectual pegs upon which analysis of contemporary
problems can hang. Although they are theories, they are not synonymous
with universal truths. Therefore, theory is in a constant state of evolution.
The relationships that most theories establish are subject to constant tests
by reality, and from these tests the embryos of policy emerge. The policies
are not exclusively economic phenomena but, in a contemporary society, re-
flect political realities and social and cultural factors, as well as the natural
endowments of the country and its human and capital resources. Therefore,
there seems to be a need, if not a requirement, that some analytical frame-
work be adopted so that policy issues can be developed, analyzed, and
adapted to achieve the objectives established by the policy makers. John
C ulb ertso n's A Realistic Internatio nal Ec on om ics has focused primarily
on the problems of tra di t io na l international economics without provid-
ing a new framework to replace it. His criticisms of free trade and laissez-
faire economics reflect an American economist's perspectives on the reali-
ties of the 1980s. However, those realities alone are not an adequate data set
for establishing a theory of international economics for the next century,
the period for which we are now educating our youth.
ANOTHER VIEW OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS
Let me address only a few of the problems I have with Professor Culbert-
son's presentation.
National Sovereignty and the General Welfare
A great deal of the paper focuses on the problems associated with unre-
stricted movement of goods and money across national boundaries. The un-
restricted movement that may be advocated by free-trade theory presuma-
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of its pe op le. Additional consequences of free trade are the loss of domes
tic jobs and the reduction of the real income of the American worker. Fre
trade , under this analysis, cou ld do damage that would outweigh any ben
efits it could confer in technical production efficiency. This critique, in m
opinion, although containing some basis of truth, is an overstatement o
reality.
Economic interdependence does require loss of some sovereignty. Onl
economic autarky internalizes all decisions and insulates one country from
external economic influences. The reason nations permit and support trad
is that it broadens economic choices and, in so doing, makes a nation bette
off. What price would the U .S . economy pay to be energy independent
The oil embargoes of the 1970s forced hardships on Americans, and yet eco
nomics sets in process adjustments to those events. The 1980s have seen a
plunge in oil prices that required different adjustments. All nation-state
seek to serve national objectives that, to varying degrees, seek to maximiz
the general well-being of their populations. Free trade encourages the estab
lishment of a framework in which choices can be made and in which oppor
tunity costs can be assessed in both domestic and international markets. In
this economic environment, it is believed that U.S. citizens, both producer
and consumers, can seek their objectives within the political/economic envi
ronment that the government has created. Observing international speciali
zation, one could conclude that the world's output of goods and service
has been expanded over time and that those nations most involved in inter
national economic interaction have been some of the primary beneficiaries
Specialization may result in the diminution of economic activity in an in
dustry in one country. However, the decline of one industry does not re
strict the establishment and expansion of another. While some jobs in some
industries may be lost to free trad e, the expansion of production and impor
tation of lower-priced (and, in some cases, better-quality) goods, enhances
the real incomes of other citizens. So any analysis of the benefits and costs
of free trade has to attempt to measure the net benefits (or losses) that such
a policy produces. Nations, therefore, are measuring the extent to which
they will give up some political and economic sovereignty in exchange for
economic benefits through foreign trade.
International W age ifferentials
Professor Culbertson's concern that cheap foreign labor in overpopulated
nations will displace higher-paid laborers in the United States has substantial
evidence to support his observation. This analysis seems most appropriately ap-
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must play a role. Such factors might be the expansion of an infrastructure
within Korea and Japan, as reflected in heavy expenditures on education and in
the development of institutions and organizations that effectively fuse together
economic, social, and cultural attributes of the society.
If one refiects on the future, one might be struck with the prospect that
labor, as an input into the production process, will become less and less a
critical factor. We may be seeing this in the emergence of the use of robots
and computer-directed production processes. We may find in the twenty-
first century that the economic activity that has migrated to low-wage na-
tions in the last two decades will refiect the narrowing of wage differences
among nations and the increased importance of capital intensity and close-
ness to markets as determinants of the location of production.
I, for one, do not find it uncomfortable that economic activity expands
more rapidly in some nations (developing) than others (developed), nor do I
believe that one can extrapolate such a performance over long periods of
time. National economies within the context of the world economy may enjoy
for some period the benefits of unique circumstances. However, long-term
growth and performance will rely on such factors as human and physical cap-
ital, institutional relationships within a country and among countries, pro-
ductivity, adaptability, research and development, organizational efficiency,
economic incentives, and time perspective.
Professor Culbertson's view of international trade seems to imply that
foreign low-wage countries can penetrate more affiuent high-wage econo-
mies by providing cheaper goods. Lower prices should enhance demand for
both domestic- and foreign-produced goods. However, all foreign goods
are
ot
cheaper. For instance, Japanese firms established themselves in the
U . S . market by exporting lower-priced goods. This is no longer true. Amer-
icans buy Japanese goods not because their prices are lower but because, in
the minds of consumers, they are better products as measured by quality per
dollar. Thus the question is not only. Why Japanese products? but also.
Why not American products? In what ways would the American consumer
benefit from restricting or eliminating foreign goods? The issues are much
more complex than ch ea p foreign la bo r.
Prices and Competition
I n foreign trad e, the price system and competition work perversely, ac-
cording to Professor Culbertson. To economists, prices are valid if they per-
mit choices to be made among alternatives. Therefore, both consumers' and
producers' goods produced in developing economies refiect the cost structure
in the nation of origin. If it is true that not all costs—direct, indirect, and so-
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developing coun try m ay be considerably less than in a developed cou ntry suc
as the United States. Prices, therefore, may still accurately reflect relativ
costs. How could the United States force prices of goods produced in othe
nations to reflect U.S. values such as aversion to pollution? Should this be
function of some Foreign Go ods Prices Equalization B oa rd ?
Market prices do reflect costs within the market system. Prices can and d
also reflect state subsidies for export, production subsidies, and so forth. Th
latter price interference is much more troublesome within international eco
nomics and trade policy than is Professor Culbertson's concern over the ab
sence of ext erna lities in the structure of prices.
Th e real concern in contem porary international trade is not the per ve rse
prices and dog-eat-dog perverse competition, as described by Professo
Culbertson, but rather the increasing interference in the international produc
tion and distribution of goods by nation-states seeking to protect and pro
mote their individual interest. Free trade and its benefits (and costs) seem
worthy point of departure for building an environment to facilitate economic
intercourse. What has happened, and at an increasing pace in recent years, i
that nations are putting up tariff and nontariff barriers that have a detri
mental effect on the trading environment and, over the long run, on the well
being of each nation.
CONCLUSION
Professor Culbertson's realistic international economics would seem to
freeze the economies of the world in the status quo. Growth would result only
from developments within a country. Markets of the higher-paid worker na
tions must be closed to protect the past gains. Only dire necessity would force
trade, and it would be bilateral trade, as opposed to multilateral trade. Eco
nomic history seems to provide evidence that international trade promote
growfth and economic well-being. Although the benefits to trade have no
been shared equally among the trading partners, each has, over the long run
become be tter off. Industrialized natio ns trad e with oth er industrialized n a
tions, or, to say it differently, the rich are the best customers. It would seem
that in international economics all parties have potential benefits as nation
grow and increase in per capita income.
The reader, by this time, will not be surprised to leam that I am an advo-
cate of traditional neoclassical international economics as an important poin
of departure for preparing a student for the contemporary world economy
Free trade theory isn't flawless, nor does it weave all the institutional charac-
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within an economy, and among economies? Are there real costs to returning
to barter economics and/or expanding countertrade?
Professor Culbertson's process of making internat ional economics more
realistic falls short in one important way. If free trade and comparative ad-
vantage are to be aba nd on ed for lack of relevance, wh at is the subs titute
framework? What new analytical constructs will supersede the old laissez
faire? Can it be so loose a construct as government protection and interven-
tion? What guides these decisions, and whose preference functions dom-
inate? What are the long-run consequences should this guide to behavior be
adopted? The key issue in international trade is. How do you establish rules
of conduct that will facili tate, not discourage, international trade? The rules
of the game should be recognized and adopted by all the players. There
would still be roo m for ha nd ic ap pi ng some developing countries in order
to recognize their unique problems. Exceptions to the rule (as in English
grammar) become rules themselves and are understood by those within the
system.
I believe Professor Culbertson has made one significant point: No longer
can we as economists rely solely on David Ricardo and comparative advan-
tage. Reality is reflected in MITI, OPEC, IMF, subsidies, tariffs, and so
forth. Institutions and polit ical factors help shape economic decisions and
environments. These realit ies can supplement and be integrated into tradi-
t ional economics. American students should be introduced to internat ional
economics early in their education. The importance of foreign trade has
grown rapidly and will continue to do so. The theory of trade should find its
place among the primary concepts taught and, l ike supply and demand,
should be demonstrated in the realit ies of the world. Students should learn
that trade causes disruptions and that i t also has benefits. There are eco-
nomic costs to the dynamics of growth, both domest ic and internat ional ,
but the costs of stagnation are even greater.
A Framework for Teaching the Basic Concepts 2d edition, outlines the
principal concepts in international economics. I believe its treatment of ab-
solute and comparat ive advantage, barriers to t rade, exchange rates and the
balance of payments, and international aspects of growth and stabili ty is
adequate, if by necessity, brief These are the mainstream core concepts that
should be taught in introductory courses in economics. Some classroom dis-
cussion of current institutions and practices in international trade should
supplem ent these con cep ts. W e, as teachers, need to introduce more rea l-
ism into our internat ional economics presentat ions. Eco nom ic theory and
sterile international trade accounts cannnot be expected to stimulate young
m inds. After al l , econom ics is jo bs , incom e, consum ption, and econom ic
well-being. Therefore, discussions in international economics must be made
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international trade topics necessitates that students at the precollege and
college levels be exposed to some international trade theory and practice.
REFERENCES
Co hen, R. B . , R. W . Ferguson, a nd M . F. Oppenh eimer. 1986.
Non tariff barriers to high
technology trade Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Heertje, A., F. W. Rushing, and F. Skidmore. 1983. Economics New York: Dryden Press.
Rushing, F. W. 1985. High tech trade—are we losing the war?
Business
Ju ly /Aug. /Sep t . ) :
36-42.
Rush ing, F. W ., and C. G. Brow n, edito rs. 1986. National policies for developing high
technology industries: International comparisons
Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Samuelson, P. A. , and W. D. Nordhaus. 1985. Economics 12th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Co.
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