impulse purchasing - a qualitative exploration of the phenomenon.pdf

Background

Most studies have concentrated on impulsebuying and other forms of unplanned pur-chases in a retail context even though suchbehaviour is also likely to occur in the newshopping arenas of direct marketing (televi-sion shopping channels, catalogues, tele-marketing and the WWW). Interestingly,Cobb and Hoyer (1986) have reported anunderlying upward trend in unplannedpurchasing and Welles (1986) reports mostshoppers at least occasionally buy onimpulse. The increased tendency to shop insupermarkets and hyperstores may partlyexplain the upward trend. Shopping is mucheasier with products highly visible and storeenvironments acting as prompt lists, allow-ing customers to defer decision-makinguntil they are in-store (Bowlbey, 1997;Stern, 1962). This and the increase in one-stop shopping mean there is less need forshoppers to plan their excursions so meticu-lously. However, it is not clear how theincrease in direct marketing, and catalogueshopping in particular, may have affectedunplanned and impulse shopping. The easewith which goods can be returned mightencourage impulse purchasing or possiblyremove some of the excitement of a pur-chase – less risk!

Dittmar et al. (1996) observe that in moredeveloped countries the consumption ofproducts is a modern or post-modern meansof acquiring and expressing a sense of self-identity. Shopping has become “a majorleisure and lifestyle activity”. This mayexplain the increase in “unplanned, non-necessity purchases”.

Marketers need to understand such con-sumer behaviour in order to formulate appro-priate marketing strategy, allocate marketingbudget below-the-line and design effectivemarketing tactics. Interestingly, Narasimhanet al. (1996), for instance, did not find a statis-tically significant relationship between the“promotional elasticity” of a product categoryand impulse buying – on the basis of whichthe authors conclude that price-related pro-motions might not always be the answer tohigh impulse categories.

Finally, both retailers and direct mar-keters need to know how best to attract asignificant share of unplanned and impulsepurchases.

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Qualitative Market Research: An International JournalVolume 1 · Number 2 · 1998 · pp. 99–114© MCB University Press · ISSN 1352-2752

Impulse purchasing: aqualitative explorationof the phenomenon

Geoff Bayley andClive Nancarrow

The authorsGeoff Bayley is Research Director at RDS Open Mind,London, UK.Clive Nancarrow is Principal Lecturer at Bristol BusinessSchool, the University of the West of England, Bristol, UK.

AbstractThis paper reviews the literature on unplanned purchasingand impulse purchasing in particular. Various definitionsand explanations of the phenomena are examined.Because impulse purchasing may often be deemed sociallyundesirable, it is argued that a qualitative researchapproach is particularly appropriate in order to gainmaximum insight. A study employing enabling techniques(including self-scripts, laddering and pyramiding) demon-strated that interviewees were remarkably consistent intheir descriptions of the impulse purchase experience.There were, however, variations of the behaviour whichmight form the basis of a classification scheme. Moststudies have only focused on retail impulse buying. Thisstudy explored the subject across both retail and directbuying contexts.

Definitions and models

The literature reveals a number of attempts todefine the phenomena of unplanned andimpulse purchasing. We briefly review keydefinitions and descriptions of the impulsebuying and attempt to distinguish it fromother forms of unplanned purchases. In doingso we discuss the emotional and perceived“irrational” nature of impulse buying. We alsoexamine impulsiveness as a trait, factors thatmay intervene in its expression and models toexplain the phenomenon.

Levels of planning and intentEngel and Blackwell (1982) define an impulsepurchase as “a buying action undertakenwithout a problem previously having beenconsciously recognised or a buying intentionformed prior to entering the store”. Philippsand Bradshaw (1993) do not distinguishbetween unplanned and impulse purchases,but make the important point that consumerresearch also needs to focus on point-of-saleinteraction with the shopper – an oftenneglected area:

…intent to purchase is far from fixed and cancontinue to be modified right up to the point ofpurchase.

Cobb and Hoyer (1986) use the classificationscheme shown in Table I which demonstratesthat an impulse purchase occurs when therewas neither intent to buy a specific brand noreven from the category prior to entering thestore.

Kollat and Willett (1967) proposed atypology of pre-purchase planning (also basedon degree of planning or intent before enter-ing a store):• product and brand decided;• product category decided;• product class decided;• a general need recognised;• general need not recognised.

The last type, (5), when it culminates in apurchase, may be regarded as a pure impulsepurchase. Given that a need is not recogniseduntil in-store, the act may still be rational, but

the unexpectedness of the environment offer-ing a solution to an unconscious or unarticu-lated need or want may induce a shock ofsorts that disturbs the shopper’s emotionalstate of equilibrium for a while. The fourthcategory (a general need recognised) couldmean a shopper has not decided on a productcategory nor brand, but relies on the shoppingenvironment to provide stimulation. Forexample, shopping for a gift or for somethingdifferent to wear might fall into this category,and so is not truly impulsive in nature.

Characteristics of an impulse purchaseRook (1987) describes impulse buying asexhibiting a number of characteristics:• the feeling of an overwhelming force from

the product;• an intense feeling of having to buy the

product immediately;• ignoring of any negative consequences

from the purchase;• feelings of excitement, even euphoria;• the conflict between control and indul-

gence.

This description suggests emotion overpower-ing a more cautious and considered approachto a purchase. Rook and Fisher (1995) note“Impulsive behaviour has a long history ofbeing associated with immaturity, primi-tivism, foolishness, defects of the will, lowerintelligence, and even social deviance andcriminality”. In Freudian psychoanalyticaltheory this might be explained in terms of theinfluence of the Id and primary thoughtprocesses – reflecting the “devil” in us!

Primary process thinking is typical of dreaming,fantasy, and infantile life in which the laws oftime and space and the distinction betweenopposites do not apply: the distinction betweenpast, present and future no longer holds anddifferent events may occur simultaneously andin the same place; one symbol may represent anumber of different objects, or has severaldifferent and even contradictory meanings(Bateman and Holmes, 1995).

Bateman and Holmes’ description of theprimary process seems to have some reso-nance with Rook’s list of characteristics.

In the field of consumption, Rook andFisher argue impulsive behaviour is some-times associated with “being bad” and “withnegative consequences”. These reactionscould be rooted in the morality of frugality inthe Protestant ethic of western cultures and itsincreasing conflict with post-modernist

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Impulse purchasing: a qualitative exploration of the phenomenon

Geoff Bayley and Clive Nancarrow

Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal

Volume 1 · Number 2 · 1998 · 99–114

Table I Cobb and Hoyer (1986) classification scheme to demonstrate impulsepurchasing

Intent to buy the categoryYes No

Intent to buy Yes Planner –the brand No Partial planner Impulse purchaser

capitalism with its inducements to consume.The net effect may be a confused and guilt-ridden consumer.

Cobb and Hoyer (1986) raise the spectre of“social desirability bias” in impulse purchaseresearch. Mick (1996) discusses the nature ofthe potential bias (socially desirable respond-ing – SDR) and how this might confoundresearch on impulsive behaviour. He notes thebehaviour is often seen to be negative and sohe coins the phrase a “dark side variable”.Given the history of associating impulsivenesswith various forms of human weakness (Rookand Fisher, 1995), it is no surprise that somemarket research respondents may be reluctantto divulge fully on the subject. Indirect ques-tioning and projective techniques in qualita-tive research may be one way of gettingbeneath social posturing.

Rook and Fisher point out that someimpulsive purchases can be motivated bygenerosity. Examples they give are buying agift for a sick friend or suddenly deciding topick up the tab for a meal. In such instancesthe acts may be normatively positive and leavethe shopper feeling good (angelic rather thandevilish!). Again, respondents in a researchsituation may be reticent (modest) about suchbehaviour and qualitative research techniquesmight be more productive.

Irrational or rational act?Some market researchers have tended toregard “impulse” as synonymous with“unplanned” while psychologists and econo-mists have focused on the “irrational” aspectsof pure impulse purchasing (Dittmar et al.,1996). For instance, economists argue that atthe time of purchase the value of the impulsebuy outweighs its perceived cost, but thisswitches post-purchase with consequentfeelings of regret. Psycho-analysts mightexplain the self-indulgent behaviour as drivenby a primitive and unreasoned instinct orforce. Other authors, however, have arguedthat an impulse purchase is not necessarilyirrational. Malter (1996) argues that whileimpulse buying appears to be highly irrationalbehaviour – “spontaneous and seeminglychoiceless”, it can be seen to be “rational” bythe consumer (and the cognitive psycholo-gist!). In his exposition of “embodied cogni-tion” he offers the following description of animpulse purchase:

…the usual and natural mode of processing isautomatic, in which the current conceptualiza-tion is dominated by the external environment

(especially by the target object). At the moment,projectable properties from the environmentmesh perfectly with patterns of action frommemory, producing an extremely coherent (i.e.seemingly “rational”) conceptualization, strongpositive affect for the product and captivation.

Malter argues that it takes effort to draw backfrom the situation (“consciously suppress thecontribution of the environment and effortful-ly constructing counter-arguments”).

Thompson et al. (1990) argue that whileimpulse buying is an emotional rather thanrational experience, this should not be read assuggesting it is irrational. The need for analyt-ical evaluation “is obviated because the prod-uct’s rightness is experienced directly”. Onthis basis the act is reasonable rather thanirrational, which seems to have some reso-nance with Malter’s theory. A case of thecognitive or emotional fit between shopperand product being good, but not always aneasy relationship to articulate. Thompson etal. apply an existential-phenomenologicalapproach to the study of impulse buying andas one might expect, the existentialist analysisinvolves the concept of freedom:

… impulse buying may be viewed as an act offreedom occurring within a restricted situation.Typically experienced by participants as givingcontrol to the captivating product, impulsebuying allows them to adhere to their desiresrather than to external constraints. In this sense,the act of impulse buying is a means of notbeing controlled by certain life-world expectations (Thompson et al., 1990).

Paulhus (1984) notes the unconscious capaci-ty for humans to see themselves in a positivelight – for instance, the tendency not to regretpast decisions. This potential rewriting of apast script may, therefore, lead shoppers toperceive the decision as rational in retrospect.The literature on post-purchase dissonanceand psychoanalytical defence mechanismswould seem relevant to this line of thinking.

Impulse as a traitRook and Fisher (1995) define the buyingimpulsiveness trait as “a consumer’s tendencyto buy spontaneously, unreflectively, immedi-ately and kinetically”. These authors’ careful-ly developed measure of impulsiveness isbased on a self-description battery of ninescales (see Appendix). An important point tonote is that the scale is designed to measure ageneral trait – and is not linked to any specificcategories. The researchers argue that thosewith a high score on this scale are more likely

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to “experience spontaneous buying stimuli;their shopping lists are more ‘open’ andreceptive to sudden buying ideas. Also theirthinking is likely to be unreflective, promptedby physical proximity to a desired product,dominated by emotional attraction to it, andabsorbed by the promise of immediate gratifi-cation.” Other researchers (for instanceNarasimhan et al., 1996) have locked theirmeasure of impulsive purchasing onto specificproduct categories.

Statement 1: I often buy this product on a whimwhen I pass by it in the store.Statement 2: I typically like to buy this productwhen the urge strikes me.

These researchers define impulse for theirrespondents (“on a whim”/“when the urgestrikes me”) but interestingly do not use theword “impulse” in the statements. This raisesthe question of whether these researcherswere concerned with the possible ambiguityof the term or the potential research biasassociated with a dark side variable.

Rook and Fisher note that circumstancesmay intervene and prevent an impulse beingacted on. For instance, a lack of time or finan-cial resources may inhibit an impulse pur-chase. The portability of the product, locationof the shop, transport and weather may alsobe factors. Phillips and Bradshaw (1993)discuss the physical and psychological influ-ences in a shop and the need to study con-sumers in this environment to help developstrategies and tactics that cater for the impulsepurchaser. In addition, those accompanyingthe shopper, or those who are absent butimportant in the shopper’s life, inhibit orencourage the behaviour – “normative evalua-tions”.

The influence of others – present and“absent” Rook and Fisher (1995) argue that “norma-tive evaluations” can influence whether or notan impulse purchase takes place and twostudies they carried out seemed to supportthis hypothesis. They distinguish their norma-tive evaluations model from Fishbein’sextended model by arguing that Fishbein’s“subjective norm” is mediated throughbehavioural intention, while their “normativeevaluation” refers specifically to situationswhere intent is not relevant. It is a “normativeevaluation” quite specifically relating toimpulsive behaviour and therefore will also beinfluenced by the visibility of this behaviour.

Interestingly, their model seems to suggestthat less public shopping (catalogue, WWW,by direct mail, telemarketing) and the associ-ated anonymity may encourage impulsepurchasing.

Rook and Fisher note that some buyingsituations are recognised and accepted asencouraging impulsive behaviour and conse-quently there is little negative evaluation byothers of impulsive behaviour in such contextswhere it is the norm – for example – fun fairs,casinos and car boot sales. Lehhtonen andMäenpäa (1997) discuss the different types ofshopping excursions in a mall in the suburbsof Helsinki and the roles they play beyond thesimple acquisition of goods – namely socialbonding, norming of tastes and preferences,and play. In the latter case the shopper goesout with, as an end in itself, a longing to comeacross something that is unexpected or new,desirable and stands out from “a grey andindifferent mass”. In addition, shoppers cantry on new things and styles and fantasise,wrapped in the anonymity of a self-serviceenvironment. These authors touch on shop-ping and consumption as a means of self-building. On a similar theme, Dittmar et al.(1996) developed a social psychologicalmodel.

Social constructionist modelDittmar et al. (1995) argue that some con-sumers impulse buy goods that offer them“material symbols of personal and socialidentity”. Hence, clothes are more likely to beimpulse bought than, say, basic kitchen equip-ment. A propensity to impulse buy will be atits strongest when there is a perceived self-discrepancy between the actual self and theideal self on the most important attributes tothat person. Symbolic consumption or mate-rialism are the compensatory mechanisms theauthors focus on in their paper, though theyacknowledge there are other strategies forrectifying the discrepancy.

Dittmar et al. (1996) also regard “pureimpulse buying” as “ a novelty or escape. Apurchase which breaks the normal buyingpattern”. Interestingly their research alsoindicated that the impact of an impulse pur-chase on a person’s mood was a significantfactor and the notion of some impulse pur-chases being carried out simply to lift mood isa possibility.

This brief review of some of the literaturehas already suggested a number of different

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perspectives on what drives an impulse pur-chase:• immediate gratification – the victory of

basic instincts over reason (Freudian);• a break from the constraints of the world

(existentialist);• self image compensation (social construc-

tionist);• a mood change (cf. Elliot, 1994);• cognitive simplified meshing of require-

ments and solution (“new” cognitive);• irrational/dysfunctional decision-making

(economic man model);

Situational and personal predictors ofimpulse purchasingCobb and Hoyer (1986) noted that not onlyhad researchers experienced problems inoperationalising the concept of impulse pur-chasing but also had not been too successfulin identifying predictors of the phenomenon.Stern (1962) identified nine product-relatedfactors that might be influential:(1) low price;(2) marginal need for the product/brand;(3) mass distribution;(4) self-service;(5) mass advertising;(6) prominent store display;(7) short product life;(8) small size;(9) ease of storage.

This suggests products that are more expen-sive and require more time and effort (highinvolvement purchases) are less likely to bebought on impulse. Kollat and Willett’s(1967) research suggested that impulse purchasing was more likely to occur on alarger grocery trip and a major shop ratherthan an interim top-up. So while considerablefocus had been placed on predicting whichtypes of products led to impulse purchasing,Cobb and Hoyer argued that little attentionhad been paid to the personal characteristicsof the impulse buyer, though they concedethat Kollat and Willet’s research did alsoexamine this aspect of the phenomenon, butwith few statistically significant findings.Cobb and Hoyer carried out a study on 542shoppers who bought either bathroom tissueand/or coffee in-store. Shoppers were given aself-completion questionnaire to determineshopping lifestyle, general shopping behav-iour, personality and demographics. Cobband Hoyer concluded that impulse purchasers

do very little “in-store information process-ing” and value quality almost as much as doplanners. Their investigation was limited bythe sample size of the “impulse purchaser”group.

Methodologies

A number of different research methodologieshave been used to study different aspects ofimpulse buying in particular determining itsincidence as well as the motivational andsituational aspects of the phenomenon.

Measuring the incidence of thephenomenaTwo commonly used methods to measure theincidence of such purchases involve stoppingshoppers at the time of a store visit and check-ing which purchases were planned and whichwere not. One of these methods checks whatshoppers intend to buy before entering a storeand then re-interviews them on exit. Thismethod has been criticised by Pollay (1968)as likely to prompt shoppers to formulatetheir mental shopping list and, perhaps, thencommit to the list. On the other hand, memo-ry failure and a desire to shorten the “before”interview may lead to the list of plannedpurchases being reported only partially,resulting in an over-read of unplanned pur-chases at the “exit” interview. An alternativeprocedure to this “pre-post” design is the“post only” design. Shoppers are interrogatedabout what they bought as they leave a shopand for each item they are asked whether thedecision to buy an item was made before orwhile they were in store. This method maysuffer from respondents over-reporting whatthey regard as a socially desirable (rational)planning behaviour and so might under-readunplanned purchases and impulse. Both thesemethods, as Dittmar et al. (1996) suggest,seem likely to lump together quite differenttypes of purchases in the unplanned category.Table II lists four kinds of purchase that mightbe categorised as totally unplanned, butwhich do not seem to be examples of whatsome authors may have in mind as impulsebuys.

The need for a qualitative researchapproachMany authors have adopted positivistresearch approaches to the study of thephenomenon in that they set out to measure

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various aspects of the behaviour and, in someinstances, test hypotheses (Cobb and Hoyer,1986, Dittmar et al., 1996; Rook and Fisher,1995). However, Thompson et al. (1990) didcarry out a small scale phenomenologicalstudy but unfortunately impulse purchasingwas not the main focus of their study. Cobband Hoyer (1986) state that it would be par-ticularly interesting to examine motivationalfactors underlying partial planning versusimpulse purchasing. This would seem to bean argument for qualitative research whichwould be more appropriate to explore whatmotivates and influences impulse buying.

Most studies have selected specific cate-gories of retail products for study – often forvery good reasons. It may be more produc-tive to let the shopper define what they meanby an impulse purchase which might there-fore include direct purchases and so providevaluable insights by comparison and con-trast. Letting the shopper choose the cate-gories may also help the respondent todescribe the salient features of the experi-ence.

Despite considerable research on theimpulse buying, it is clear there is still much tobe resolved. While the level of unplannedand/or impulse purchasing across differentproduct categories has attracted most atten-tion, there has also been some interest inother predictors of the phenomenon. Cobband Hoyer have argued for research into themotivation of the behaviour and given thevarious explanations of what drives the behav-iour, this seemed a useful line of investigation.Many studies have been positivist or quantita-tive in format, atomistic and have ignored theproblem of SDR. A qualitative approach withthe following unique combination of featuresmay yield a different, richer and more mean-ingful perspective:

• impulse purchasing defined by the intervie-wee (many studies define the behaviour forthe respondent);

• a broadening of the focus of the study toinclude direct marketing and so open upthe possibility of greater insight (by com-parison and contrast);

• the focus on benefits, costs, motivationsand emotions associated with the behav-iour;

• attempts to neutralise SDR and encouragefull disclosure;

Given this approach, a holistic impression ofthe phenomenon might be formed and thebasis of a model developed that will be bothuseful to practitioners as well as stimulate newlines of investigation.

Research objectives

The objective in this study was to understandhow respondents perceive and account for“impulse shopping” for themselves. We wereinterested in what styles of shopping andproduct areas they would include under thebanner of “an impulse shop”. We wanted todetermine the range of motives, benefits,rewards, and concerns associated with buyingon impulse. We also wished to explore therational-emotional nature of the phenome-non.

Methodology

We were concerned not to pre-empt the con-tent of the research and we wanted to facili-tate respondents’ ability to be reflective andopen in expressing their feelings and emotionswithout self-censure or inhibition about howothers may perceive them (minimising SDR).

Accompanied shopping, shop exit inter-views, group discussions and depth interviewswere considered and ruled out. The first twotechniques seemed likely to encourage postur-ing and post-rationalisation respectively as itwould be difficult and/or time consuming tobuild up the necessary rapport and trust toovercome such behaviours. Group discussionswith eight or so participants who are strangersto each other might encourage disclosure(Krueger, 1994), though the presence of sixto eight people might still bring about SDR,simply through the presence of one or twoparticipants who may act in a judgmentalmanner. We wished to promote a more private

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Table II Unplanned, non-impulsive purchases

The oversight … not on a mental or written shopping list but needed.Shop display reminds the shopper and activates the need state

The deferred decision … decide to wait until in-store where a moreinformed decision can be made

The shop as prompt … no need to plan, a well oiled routine allowingshops to act as shopping prompt list

The unplanned is demanded … certain categories of products some-times require an unplanned purchase. A shopper does not want tobuy the same as before (for example, clothes, jewellery, gifts)

and secure focus to encourage full disclosureon impulse purchases but depth interviewsseemed inappropriate as they can lack thenecessary level of psychological support forthe respondent to disclose fully.

We opted for two innovative research tech-niques, friendship pair interviews and self-scripts, both of which we have used across avariety of projects in recent years. A team ofthree researchers, all experienced in theseapproaches, worked on this project and cross-checking of outcomes and hypotheses acrossthe team served as an important control. Twoof the researchers adopted a grounded orien-tation to the analysis while the thirdresearcher, familiar with the academic litera-ture, used this as a framework for interviewingand analysis. This provided the basis forfruitful discussion and triangulation (Tindall,1994).

Friendship pairsRespondents are recruited as very closefriends. Their familiarity with each other givesthem the confidence to openly explore andchallenge both their own and each other’sbehaviours, motivations, satisfactions andanxieties. The approach allows in-depthprobing of personal feelings to an extent notachievable in groups. Compared to an indi-vidual depth interview, however, the friend-ship pair retains some of the spontaneity andsurprising twists and turns that lead to insightin group discussions. It avoids the self-con-sciousness and concern to give the interviewerthe “right” response that interviewees canexperience in individual depth interviews.

In the sessions we worked for some of thetime with friends’ individual responses,encouraging and pursuing comparisons andcontrasts between them. For part of the inter-views, we explored the concept of “impulsive-ness” outside the specific context of shoppingand more in relation to values and attitudes tolife in general. This “off the subject” explo-ration of personal values can throw freshinsight back on to the topic of specificenquiry, in a way that cannot occur when youconstrain discussion into the area of immedi-ate relevance to the project.

In order to go “off the subject” we adaptedquestioning approaches used by GeorgeKelly, namely “Opposites”, “Laddering” and“Pyramiding” (see Tindall, 1994). These arepowerful in uncovering the personal definitionand value of core and secondary constructs of

a person, or in the case of marketing thepersonal meanings associated with differentbehaviours. To give an illustration from thestarting point of the word “impulsive”:(1) Opposites:

Q. What, for you, is the opposite of impulsive?(This question can be repeatedly askedfor each suggestion given until an agreedopposite is arrived at. Negative prefixes,(unimpulsive) are disallowed).A. (For example) The opposite is pre-dictability.

(2) Laddering:Q. Which do you prefer “impulsive” or“predictable”?We then work on both “poles” separatelyby again asking repeatedly:Q. Why is it important to you to be impulsive?This creates a “ladder” of values, e.g.• make the most of opportunities;• acting resourcefully;• self-respect;• personal pride.

(3) Pyramiding:Q. How would an observer know that youwere being/had been “impulsive”?Repeat for each answer.Q. Specifically what would you be doing, whatphysical behaviours or signs would denote this?An example of an impulse shop pyramidwould be as in Figure 1.

A succession of opposites, ladders and pyra-mids, using dimensions uncovered as newstarting points, serves to open up a fertilerange of ideas around the core concept. Theplayful aspect of the exercises helps to buildrapport, trust and willingness to disclose aswell as to suspend the urge to rationalise.

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‘Impulsive’

Quick

On my own Ignore any distractions

Not thinking aboutthe price

Excited Pupils dilated

Lots ofcarrier bags

Same item indifferent colours

Figure 1 Impulse shop pyramid

Self-scriptsThe self-scripts approach has similarly beenadapted from Kelly’s technique of self-charac-terisations. We have used this on several pro-jects as a pre-task for friendship pairs or groupdiscussions. Additionally, for this project, weused this as an independent source of data.

Self-scripts involve no questions save forthe title of the area for consideration, in thiscase “impulse shopping”. It is a privateprocess, “respondents” are not directlyaccountable to anybody but themselves andthe technique is specifically chosen to min-imise self-censorship.

Respondents are asked to write aboutthemselves in relation to the topic/productarea in the third person, “as if a principalcharacter in a play/film” but, “from the stand-point of somebody who knows them reallywell”.

By writing in the third person, respondentsfree themselves from self-consciousness and adegree of self-censorship. Stepping outside ofthemselves and reflecting on their behaviourand feelings serves to reveal embeddedthoughts and emotions. They are asked to lettheir thoughts flow freely, not to prepare whatthey write and to write as little or as much asthey like.

Respondents enjoy the experience of writ-ing self-scripts, although, “at first it feelsstrange”. Once started, the writing gathers itsown momentum and a level of self-discoverydoes occur. The technique does not requirerespondents to have anything more than basicliteracy and works successfully across thesocial spectrum.

Sample

A total of eight friendship pairs (one-and-a-half hour interviews) and 46 self-scripts werecompleted for this project during Septem-ber/October 1997 in London, the Midlandsand the North of England.

Demographically, the sample was BC1C2,life-stage based and covered men and womenas shown in Table III.

Sample differencesAcross the self-scripts common tendencies inimpulsive shopping behaviour were moreobservable than differences by variables suchas gender or life stage. Where such differencesdid occur they reinforce previous literature.

Friendship pairs/self-scripts (16)From the sample of 46 self-script respon-dents, 16 were recruited for follow up friend-ship pairs (see Table IV).

Interpretation of the data

The presentation of our interpretation of thequalitative data will, where appropriate, makereference to the earlier literature review.

Impulse purchasing – consumer definedExamples of impulse purchases given byrespondents excluded the followingunplanned purchases: “oversights”, “deferreddecisions”, “the shop as prompt” and “theunplanned is demanded” (see Table II).Though in the latter case where the shopper islooking for “something different”, limits(amount likely to be spent, number of itemsto be purchased, criteria for purchase, e.g.“something (clothing) for the winter”) are setand if the purchase goes “beyond” these thenthe purchase becomes classified as “impulse”.

The accounts given by respondents indi-cate a common set of subjective feelingsaround a typical impulse purchase and manyof these are in line with observations in previ-ous papers (Rook and Fisher, 1996, Dittmaret al., 1996, Thompson et al., 1990):• the “object” becomes “irresistible”; a

“must-have” feeling takes over;• there is an urgency about the decision to

buy; a “once and only” opportunity;• the purchase creates a magnified sense of

self-awareness and excitement, “a buzz”,“feel the adrenalin”;

• the purchase is satisfying at the time andoften raises self-esteem and/or mood (even“naughtiness” is read as “rebellious”,demonstrating “freedom” , a break fromlife’s constraints);

• guilt may tinge the purchase (either at thetime or later) though a number of mecha-nisms can preserve a sense of “rightness”about the deed.

These elements (object fixation > urgency >adrenalin rush > lift to self-esteem/ mood >guilt) are characteristic of impulse buying

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Table III Demographic stages of respondents

Pre-family 10 respondentsFamily, with children under 5 10 respondentsFamily, with children 6-14 10 respondentsFamily, with children 14-20 8 respondentsEmpty nesters 8 respondents

across a range of product categories, from thenecessary to the discretionary. It bestdescribes the experience of physically (retail)shopping for goods.

This process occurs irrespective of materialvalue or product category. Respondentsdescribe experiencing this mix of feelingswhen buying “two for one” grocery items,plastic kitchenware, personal items such asclothes or cosmetics, jewellery, even cars andhouses. The intensity of the accompanyingfeelings can vary across product categories,from the necessary to the discretionary andfrom high to low involvement. Variations inimpulse purchasing within our sample tendedto occur by frequency of buying within per-sonal discretionary areas rather than byimpulsiveness generally. The most significantfeature of the self-scripts is that purchases ofall kinds engender a similar process of captiva-tion with the object and a boost to self-esteemthrough making the purchase.

In the case of mail-order, catalogue pur-chasing and “shopping channels”, the merelyrepresentational contact with the product andthe time lapse between buying and receivingdoes threaten to disrupt the usual process ofthe impulse purchase. (Though the fact youcan return goods so easily does encourage“trial” purchases.) Many “sellers” appear tohave recognised the importance of injecting asense of urgency and “once and for only”opportunity in terms of availability or price tooptimise impulsiveness in these media.

Guilt and rationalityAlongside the enjoyment of the impulse pur-chase, especially where the object purchasedis a “discretionary” one, respondents’ self-scripts indicate a sense of confession andfeelings of guilt. Comments such as “Shedidn’t really need it” or “He’s managed with-out up to now” are common, alongside

judgements that “She ought not to have doneit”. References to regret are most commonlyabout the expenditure; the captivation withthe object usually remains intact.

Such references to guilty feelings need tobe understood at two levels, the personal andthe public. Simultaneously, respondentsderive significant benefit from making thepurchase while upholding a public norm thatthis is “inappropriate” behaviour open toperceived public censure (“normative evalua-tions”, Rook and Fisher, 1995). Whileexpressing varying degrees of “regret” aboutacting on impulse respondents are alwaysquick to excuse themselves. The satisfactionsassociated with the purchase are a greaterinfluence on future behaviour. There is littleindication of any conviction to curtail theirimpulsive shopping.

It is clear that the concept of “impulsebuying” implies a contrast to the perceived“normal” shopping state of mind that is con-trolled and considered, less aroused andurgent. Respondents’ accounts suggest “ratio-nal” describes “normal” shopping and “emo-tional” describes impulse shopping. Impul-siveness is seen to be surrendering to emotioneven where the product is seen to fulfil anecessary function and the purchase achievessome financial advantage. For instance, bulkbuying of food products in supermarkets isdescribed as temporarily losing control interms of actual needs. Respondents describedimpulse buying as a sporadic aberration. Theyalso, however, describe impulse purchasing asa constant and significant part of their shop-ping behaviour and this includes repeateddiscretionary purchases. It is in fact neithersporadic nor an aberration.

This self-selected referral to a rational-emotional dichotomy about impulse purchas-ing is limiting and fails to account for thecomplex experience of shopping. Nevertheless,

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Table IV Friendship pairs

1. Pre-married/partnered No kids Female C1C2 22-28 London

2. Pre-married/partnered No kids Male C1C2 22-28 London

3. Married Kids under 5 Female BC1 25-35 Leeds

4. Married Kids under 5 Female C2 25-35 London

5. Married Kids 6-14 Female C1C2 25-35 Manchester

6. Married Kids 14-20 Female C1C2 30-45 Leeds

7. Married Kids 6-14 Male C1C2 30-45 London

8. Empty nesters – M/F C1 60-65 Manchester

it is significant to shoppers; its simplicitymakes it accessible; “I should behave rational-ly” has become a publicly acknowledgedideal! In contrast, “I got carried away withemotion” has become an excuse, suggestingfailing to live up to expectations. Respon-dents’ explanations of some impulse purchas-es could, of course, be interpreted in terms ofthe interaction, conflict and reconciliation ofthe Id and super-ego and use of defencemechanisms. However, not all impulse pur-chases seem to be driven by self-interest (Iddriven) and so the psycho-analysis modelclearly has shortcomings.

One consequence of this private-publicdichotomy is that respondents have developedbehavioural strategies that serve to rationaliseor suspend feelings of guilt. These also main-tain the prevailing “public” stereotype of thenorm of the rational shopper.• Over-buying: the possibility of taking it (one

of them) back or of buying three and keep-ing two.

• Hidden owning: leave it in the carrier bag/box/hide it in the wardrobe – subjectivelynot bought; which defers the expenditurereckoning.

• Comparative expenditure: competing toconsume resources at the level of yourpartner or peer; “he spends his money onhis bike, down the pub, on his cameraequipment” so it is fair that I spend some onmyself.

• A self gift: a deserved self-indulgence, or areward for other tasks, the weekly shop,caring for children, working long hours!

In our laddering exercises “impulsiveness”was fairly consistently a creative and “liberat-ing” force existing as a foil to “conformity”and “greyness” (some resonance with theexistentialist viewpoint expounded byThompson et al., 1990). It exists as a “safety-valve”, a way of investing in and nurturing asense of an independent and experimentalself, free from obligations to others and givenroles. The elevation of a rational ideal forshopping in the consumer’s mind fails toacknowledge the more general need for“impulsiveness” in our lives.

The continued existence of the “rationalideal” at this removed level, in terms of per-sonal relevance, perhaps suggests:• the rational behaviour-guilt model suited

shopping norms in less consumerist times?It is more central to an age when thrift was

a moral virtue and debt a personal dis-grace;

• its accessibility has enabled it to remainprevalent. The functional/needs fulfilmentmodel of shopping behaviour perhapsprotects us from recognising our social andpsychological dependency on shopping,and we still have an unwillingness to fullyrecognise the latter. Perhaps to do so laysus open to more compulsive behaviour?;

• a fit with physical money transactionsrather than credit ones? As an illustrationof behaviour at odds with this norm, asurvey by the Wall Street Journal publishedin 1997 described Generation X (under35s) credit card debt as averaging £890and the source of much of this was ascribedto “impulse purchasing of holidays, moun-tain bikes and cars”.

While “impulsiveness” engenders guilt, andjudgement primarily at an ideal or ritual level,it does not correspond to respondents’ feel-ings about acting impulsively at the point ofpurchase or lead them to curtail their behav-iour. Before considering the content of theirimpulsive “shopping behaviour”, we need toconsider why they are shopping beyond“functional” needs. What needs are served byimpulse shopping?

Functional versus socio-psychologicalmodels of shopping functionalUnderlying respondents’ accounts about theirimpulse purchases is a functional stereotypeabout shopping which is in effect a restate-ment of what we have already described as arational-guilt model.

The functional stereotype of shopping ischaracterised by:• objective recognition of needs and wants;• a conscious plan to buy;• goods chosen with “good value”/functional

performance criteria as the prime criteriafor choice;

• the matching of outlay to resources.

Such a functional stereotype serves a require-ment to be a responsible and solvent econom-ic manager. It is an important finding thatrespondents do include under their percep-tions of impulsive behaviour purchases thatfulfil functional/good manager needs andbenefits. Respondents describe trolleys halffull of “impulse items”, often purchased tobolster the “good manager” self-esteem and a

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resultant feeling of pride in obtaining “bar-gains”, irrespective of the final bill.

Other models for shopping do exist along-side the functional one, however, and otherbenefits are derived from impulse shopping,besides the self-esteem derived from being agood economic manager.

Socio-psychologicalAt a pragmatic level, it is clear that mostrespondents do not shop with a specific planor list of items to buy and that to do so is todeny themselves part of the pleasure andsatisfaction of shopping. They choose to shopwith a level of openness to making snap deci-sions in the shop environment.

They value being open to “the shop” expe-rience because important social and psycho-logical benefits are only obtainable throughthis openness. For example, socio-culturalbenefits:• shops are a medium of information

exchange about what is new/different in thecontemporary scene;

• both looking and purchasing are ways ofsecuring your belonging in the contemporary scene, ensuring you havekept apace/ not been left behind;

• there is both a personal and a family/household responsibility to avoid beingdisadvantaged by being left behind.

(cf. Douglas and Isherwood, 1978, Storey,1994).

Psychological benefits are:• affirming, developing, experimenting with

your individual identity;• protecting and boosting your self esteem

(cf. Dittmar et al., 1996).

From the standpoint of viewing shopping as anecessary surveillance exercise we can go onto consider impulse purchasing as somethingwith a purpose and value that goes waybeyond the sense of a sporadic aberration thatis suggested by the functional model. Objectsare bought for their symbolic role in terms ofcultural meaning and psychological well-being, alongside their functional value, andsometimes independently of any functionalvalue (witness from our sample: unopenedbags and boxes in the wardrobe, the unreadbooks on the shelves, the unplayed/rarelyplayed CDs, the electronic gadgets or DIYequipment never used/rarely used).

The socio-psychological value can becomea dominant driver for an impulse purchase in

the shopping environment. Acquiring the“object” is not just a financial transaction butalso at some level is also a cultural and/orpersonal endorsement. It makes up a signifi-cant part of the irresistibility, urgency, adrena-lin and pride of the impulse buy. Shoppingbecomes an activity that involves imaginationand decisiveness. To return home emptyhanded is to experience a sense of loss of self-esteem (imagination, decisiveness) and aweakening of your ability to stay apace ofcontemporary society.

If I was to come home from town withouthaving bought anything I would feel like goingstraight to the gin bottle (female 35-45; twochildren).

Significantly, the physical experience of shop-ping is capable of inverting our priorities asfunctional reasons to buy lose out to morepsychological or sociological benefits excitedby the objects on view. This seemed to vary indegrees across factors such as:• gender;• life-stage;• personality style;• significance of “materialism” as a measure

of self-esteem for the person.

It can also vary by type and style of shoppingoccasion:• weekly grocery task;• family/household;• personal.

Given this variation, our data suggest that thesocio-psychological benefits occur across thewide range of shopping trips.

Regular supermarket shoppers oftendescribe (the idea) of “the family shop” as anirksome repetitive task … but this rarely repre-sents their total mindset when they are inshops. Even the mundane, necessary house-hold items can be the source of meaning,benefit, of a burst of adrenalin or shoppingbuzz.

This process can be summarised in aschematic diagram (Figure 2).

The public norm of rational/functionalpurchasing continues to prevail in the passivestate away from the immediacy of the




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Figure 2 Functional versus socio-psychological reasons for shopping

Setting out In the shops Back homeHeightened Economic/function Socio-psych Economic/functionSubdued Socio-psych. Economic/function Socio-psych.

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shopping experience. The socio-psychologicalrequirement for openness takes over for theactivity of shopping.

The experience of shopping is about adialogue between the individual psyche andthe product, the result of which is a reward orself-affirmation for the shopper. Openness tothis dialogue enables the shopper to fulfil thedesire for a boost in self-esteem. This can befulfilled through a range of levels of function-ality of the goods bought. Self-esteem can bereinforced and/or boosted in three areas,either discretely or in interaction with eachother:(1) as a good economic manager, e.g. buy

two get one free offers;(2) as a member of community/society

(social), e.g. “in” product categories –olive oil, bottled lager, unisex fragrances;

(3) as an individual (psychological), e.g.shoes, clothes, lipstick.

In any one purchase, and across differentpurchases in one shopping trip these differentstyles of benefit can be achieved.

Types of impulse shoppingAnalysis of our research findings leads us tosuggest:• two different styles of openness to the shop

experience;• four different styles of motive and reward

in relation to impulse purchases.

Two styles of opennessThe research findings indicate two differingstyles of openness that correspond to oursense of either consciously going along withan impulse purchase or being totally over-whelmed by an impulse:• Self-willed impulse. Individual “semi-con-

sciously” directs impulse towards thepurchase versus

• Captivated impulse. Individual submits tothe passion of the impulse and enjoys afeeling of being totally out of control.

Self-willed impulse. In some shopping situa-tions respondents are aware of themselves asgood economic managers and as a conse-quence can feel that an impulse purchase is tosome extent self-willed. An example of this isreacting to offers that encourage bulk pur-chasing. In responding to these offers, theyignore any plans/partial plans such as shop-ping lists, expenditure limits, or the state ofcurrent stock. It becomes irresistible,

adrenalin inducing, satisfying. They are con-sciously acting in line with the functional idealbut also, accurately, describe this experienceas an impulsive one.

This sense of a “self-willed” impulse is alsoobservable in purchase areas where morepersonal, social and psychological benefits aredesired.

One tendency in “self-willed” impulse, is astep-by-step sequence whereby the individualtakes a number of unintentional or “uncon-sciously intentional” decisions whichinevitably lead to a purchase:

I’d been to the iron-mongers and had about halfan hour until I pick the kids up. I found myselfdriving past Reedmans and noticed I couldpark. I popped in and I came out with twojumpers. I hadn’t thought about them at all(mother of three; 30-35 years old).

Mail-order and catalogue impulse purchasesalso appear to represent this more conscious“self-willed” openness to impulsiveness.

Captivated impulse. This is more in line withthe existing literature on impulse purchasingwhere the shoppers’ motives are at a level thatlacks any degree of self-awareness.

Four styles of impulse shoppingRespondents’ self-scripts and research find-ings from the friendship pairs suggest fourprincipal categories of impulse purchases,differentiated in terms of the experience of thepurchase and in terms of rewards and benefitsdesired.

In summary these are:(1) Accelerator impulse (self-confirmation role)

– stockpiling/advance purchase to fulfilperceived future needs (Narasinhan et al.,1996 used the term “accelerator”). Con-firms image of good shopper/ housewife.

(2) Compensatory impulse (self-compensationrole) – could be a reward for completingan onerous task, mood elevator, a com-pensation for “failure” to secure purchas-es elsewhere or addresses a self-esteem(cf. Dittmar et al., 1996).

(3) Breakthrough impulse (self-redefining role)– a sudden reaction to act now usuallytriggered by a desire to resolve a long-standing “unconscious” discontent orconflict. This can involve high expendi-ture and be life changing. Often it canhave functional as well as socio/psycho-logical benefits, e.g. buying a car onimpulse occurred in a few self-scripts.

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(4) Blind impulse (dysfunctional) – a sense ofbeing overwhelmed by the product, irrespective of any function or cost con-straint. There is a sense of “rightness”/ completeness, you “have to have it”immediately.

Accelerator impulseAn impulsive purchase that is motivated by asudden desire to stock-up for a future need.The sense of self-esteem derived is related tobeing a “good economic manager”. If mis-takes, wasted purchases, bad bargains occurthe guilt that this engenders is rationalised as“merely” a side-effect of pursuing a legitimate“bargain”. Such “errors of judgement” rarelyhave any impact on modifying this behaviourin the future. The accelerator impulse is not acompensatory response to a feeling of lack ofself-esteem. It is behaviour that reinforces anexisting positive self-perception.

Her husband liked meatballs in the can, shealready had six in the cupboard at home but shestill bought another six and paid for four (age:25-35).

In this section he saw a pair of football boots in asale. It was summer and not the football seasonbut Steve knew that come September he wouldhave to buy some new boots as his old ones werebroken (age: 33).

Compensatory impulseThe idea of impulsively buying something as acompensation and reward features strongly inthe self-scripts, especially from female respon-dents. One common behaviour is the buyingof clothes, shoes or personal cosmetics thatare not objectively needed but may address aself-esteem deficit. Respondents may alsocreate a “partial plan” to purchase other itemsbut have failed to find the right style, theacceptable size. To return home empty hand-ed not only feels like a wasted shopping tripbut also undermines the very self-esteem andconnectedness that shopping as a behaviour ismeant to deliver. The prospect of failuremilitates against conscious planning or evenpartial planning and fosters a desire to beopen and reactive.

Another style of compensation maybemore broadly related to moods, a way oflifting an emotional down. Sometimes it is away of rewarding oneself for completing othertasks that have been irksome or arduous.

At other times it may be “getting-your-own” back on a partner or ensuring that yourdiscretionary expenditure is not being outpaced by your partners/peers.

Compensatory buying strategies appear tobe repeated and become a characteristicbehaviour of the respondent. Many see them-selves as close to compulsive behaviour androws with partners and problems with debthad been experienced. Nevertheless, thereremains a level of self-awareness and con-sciousness throughout the shopping experi-ence. There is a component of self-willing theimpulse in the way in which they talk about ordescribe this. It is an enduring behaviourwhich gives them a significant buzz and whichthey do not want to give up. They have a senseof liberating their more illicit, selfish, privatepersona and escaping the usual restraints andresponsibilities of job, home, or family.

Sue is a single parent living on a budget butsometimes when she goes shopping she forgetsthis. She went into M&S and bought three pairof trousers with every intention of taking twoback … she couldn’t decide between them andended up keeping two out of three (age: 35-45(with children)).

Linda’s a shopaholic, she’s got wardrobes full ofclothes she’s never worn and shoes bursting outof cupboards still in their boxes. She sees some-thing and thinks do I really need it, but theadrenalin kicks in and she thinks why not, Ican’t go home empty-handed … her real weak-ness is shoes (age: 25, (pre-married)).

Kath’s been feeling a bit down lately and whenshe feels like that she wants to spend money,even though she hasn’t got it. She doesn’tsmoke or drink and shopping seems to be arelease from the real world. It makes life a littlemore exciting. Shoes are one of Kath’s impulsebuys and on one shopping trip she came homewith two pairs (age: 45, (divorced)).

Some impulse buys of Rosalind’s are inexpen-sive, an exotic tropical fruit, she could buy 2lbof eating apples for the same price but thatwould be boring (age: 45-55, (empty-nester)).

Breakthrough impulseBreakthrough purchases are often high expen-diture items including jewellery, art, cars,furniture, houses. They tend to have a higherthan usual level of social-status, symbolicmarkers of our place in the community. At thesame time many of these purchases are alsoprimarily functional. Accounts suggest thatrespondents feel taken by surprise in theirdecision to buy. The purchase outcome is notconsciously anticipated as a possibility, theydid not set out with a predisposition to beopen to such an occurrence, or even, sub-consciously, to seek it out. Events unfold in anunpredictable and unrepeatable way, these areone-offs.

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Post-purchase rationales can be interpretedas indicating an underlying desire or need.Often the purchase can be seen as resolving anunderlying conflict and moving the individualforward, symbolising a significant step/changein life. Such purchases are symbols of achange in status and the need for self-redefinition.

A few years ago Winnie went out to buy a spareset of car keys and signed up for a new car.Usually she’s not all that impulsive (age: 60-65,empty-nester).

After a row with the wife he jumped in the car todrive around and to cool down. He drove past ahouse for sale and something made him stop.He put an offer on it there and then and wentback to tell his wife the good news (age: 35,former flat-dweller).

There was a selection of paintings at the rear ofthe shop. Then one of the paintings seemed toleap out at John. It had to be that one. He knewthat he had to make the decision there and then.There was a slight difficulty he didn’t haveenough money on him. Knowing his own mindJohn realised that if he left he would not comeback. He paid the shop a deposit for the paint-ing, the decision was made. That painting nowhangs on the wall of his dining room (age: 40,single).

Blind impulseThe categories of accelerator, compensatoryand breakthrough all suggest that impulsivebehaviour does have an underlying purposeand that it fulfils needs of either a functional,social or psychological nature. There arehowever odd examples of “brainstorm” pur-chases that appear to fall outside of explana-tion. The object shares the characteristics ofbeing irresistible, urgent, exciting but inretrospect their purchase is likely to be moredysfunctional than functional. They mayrelate to aspects of the purchaser’s desire toexperiment with identity or social-status butthey are not obviously markers of self-esteem.They may also be simply a transient, dysfunc-tional captivation with an idea or aestheticaspect of the product.

Once she bought a cast iron fireplace for £25and didn’t know why or what to do with it, thatwas probably her most embarrassing impulsebuy (age: 46, empty-nester).

We went to Woolworth’s where a plastic specialkitchen set caught our eye; a bowl, a sink tidyand a knife and fork thing … it wasn’t much andwe both bought one but when we got home wehad to laugh ‘cos we’d got no use for any of it(pair aged 35-45, both mums of kids 5-15).

Summary of impulse stylesWith accelerator and compensatory impulsepurchases there seems to be a higher frequen-cy of occurrence and it is often an establishedand repeated behaviour. Although an inten-tion to buy only comes into focus at themoment of seeing the product, there is anunderlying predisposition to put themselvesinto the situation where this impulse can betriggered; a “self-willed” openness to “con-sciously” seek out and go along with theimpulse.

Breakthrough and blind impulse purchasestend to occur less often. For breakthroughpurchases there is a deep and significant senseof redefining yourself in response to a per-ceived change in status or phase of one’s life.The infrequency of such changes means thepsychological process is less well recognisedand the purchase behaviour seems to “comeout of the blue” – from a deeper level of sub-consciousness. Blind purchases are also lessfrequent, seemingly as “sudden” and bestexplained in terms of a dysfunctional captiva-tion.

The classification of impulse shopping canbe summarised in a classic two dimensionalmap as shown in Figure 3 (though with somepurchases the location may be a case ofemphasis):

Conclusions

The literature examined definitions andexplanations of unplanned and impulse pur-chasing. The phenomenon of impulse




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High Functional Benefit

High Symbolic Benefit

CaptivatedSelf-WilledOpenness

Accelerator

Compensatory

Breakthrough

(Blind)

Figure 3 Two-dimensional map illustrating impulseshopping

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purchasing has principally been researchedfrom a positivist perspective with the risk thatthe dependence on this approach coupledwith potential SDR bias may have limitedinsights into the subject. To understand andexplain impulse purchasing in more depth, aqualitative research approach employing anumber of enabling techniques was carriedout.

The qualitative research demonstrated thatshoppers perceive impulse purchasing as aquite distinctive form of unplanned purchase.It is differentiated from the straightforward“oversight”, “the deferred decision”, “shop asprompt” and “unplanned is demanded” typesof purchase. Some researchers have not differ-entiated unplanned from impulse purchasesand this study would suggest that to not do somay confound attempts to study this phenom-enon.

An impulse purchase typically consists of anumber phases: object fixation> urgency>adrenalin rush>lift to self-esteem/or mood>(guilt?). A typology of impulse purchases isproposed that might provide a basis for futureresearch as well as indicate appropriate mar-keting tactics. The four main types of impulsepurchase described were accelerator, com-pensatory, breakthrough and blind impulse.These were mapped in terms of their func-tional versus socio-psychological need fulfil-ment and in terms of degree of being per-ceived to be self-willed or truly captivated.

The findings support the view that manyimpulse purchases arise from the fact thatshoppers are psychologically pre-disposed toobtain a level of self-expression and social tiesthrough shopping of all kinds and they arereluctant to reduce any shopping experienceto an automatic, habitual task.

The elation that accompanies the “impulsebuy”, however, is likely to be partially deflatedas the functional/economic “model” kicks inonce back home; not only “Do I really needanother pair of shoes?” but also “Why have Istocked up on another six cans of meatballs oreight packs of pasta ?” The latter may beeasier to rationalise or justify in terms of theeconomic/functional model than the former.Marketers may need to provide the “support-ing rationalisation” in other instances (wherethis is morally justifiable) though shoppershave a number of mechanisms to minimisefeelings of guilt impulse purchasing in directbuying situations is noted and the implica-tions for marketers are high-lighted.

As expected, shoppers think impulse pur-chasing is often seen by others in a negativelight. It seems therefore to qualify as a “darkside” variable and, so, future research onimpulse buying should consider how to han-dle potential SDR. The qualitative approachand combination of enabling techniques inthis study seemed to encourage disclosure andminimise SDR, though, as is so often the casewith consumer research, this is a subjectivejudgement (Gabriel, 1990).

Finally, we concur with the school of con-sumer research that argues for more market-ing research to be carried out in context, i.e.in a shopping environment (or its simulation).This would enable us to understand betterhow various stages of consumer readinesstowards a category or brand are or might betransformed at point-of-sale. Given theincreased tendency for shoppers not to planand the potential socio-psychological benefitsof shopping and impulse purchasing, mar-keters cannot afford to ignore this stage ofbuying behaviour.

References

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Bowlbey, R. (1997), “Supermarket futures”, in Falk, P. andCampbell C. (Eds), The Shopping Experience, Sage,London.

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Malter, A.J. (1996), “An introduction to embodied cogni-tion: implications for consumer research”, Advancesin Consumer Research, Vol. 23, pp. 272-6.

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Rook, D.W. and Fisher, R.J. (1995), “Normative influenceson impulsive buying behaviour”, Journal of Con-sumer Research, Vol. 22.

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Appendix. Buying impulsiveness scale

Rook and Fisher (1995) identified the follow-ing buying impulsiveness scale:• I often buy things spontaneously.• “Just do it” describes the way I do things.• I often buy things without thinking.• “I see it. I buy it” describes me.• Sometimes I feel like buying things on the

spur of the moment.• I buy things according to how I feel at the

moment.• I carefully plan most of my purchases.• Sometimes I am a bit reckless about what I

buy.

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