implicit theories and achievement behavior

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Implicit Theories and Achievement Behavior Author(s): Dale H. Schunk Source: Psychological Inquiry, Vol. 6, No. 4 (1995), pp. 311-314 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1448948 . Accessed: 16/06/2014 03:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Psychological Inquiry. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 185.2.32.141 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 03:27:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Implicit Theories and Achievement BehaviorAuthor(s): Dale H. SchunkSource: Psychological Inquiry, Vol. 6, No. 4 (1995), pp. 311-314Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1448948 .

Accessed: 16/06/2014 03:27

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to PsychologicalInquiry.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.141 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 03:27:45 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

COMMENTARIES

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Implicit Theories and Achievement Behavior

Dale H. Schunk Department of Educational Studies

School of Education Purdue University

It is a pleasure to comment on Dweck, Chiu, and Hong's target article. Like so many of Dweck' s earlier works, this article makes a substantive contribution to the psychological literature on the role of self-percep- tions in behavior. The article summarizes much re- search on the operation of implicit theories. The theoretical framework is well presented, and the re- search evidence is impressive.

In this commentary, I discuss the theory and research on implicit theories and raise some issues of concern. I conclude with some suggested directions for future research. To focus my discussion, I concentrate on the role of implicit theories in achievement behavior.

The central thesis of the Dweck et al. article is that people's implicit theories can affect their perceptions and behaviors by creating a framework that promotes

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judgments and reactions consistent with it. The theories referred to are entity theory and incremental theory and are distinguished by the assumptions they make about persons' beliefs about the malleability of personal at- tributes (Dweck, 1986, 1991; Dweck & Leggett, 1988). People holding an entity view believe that such per- sonal attributes as intelligence and morality are rela- tively fixed characteristics that change little (if at all) over time or due to experience. For example, people who subscribe to an entity theory of intelligence believe that it is roughly equivalent to capacity and does not change much over time. Those holding an incremental view believe that personal attributes are relatively fluid characteristics that can be changed. An incremental theorist might believe that intelligence is roughly syn- onymous with learning and can be developed as a result of one's efforts.

Implicit theories are characteristic beliefs of individ- uals. Although they may vary as a function of tasks and situations, they presumably operate like dispositions in the sense that people seem to have a preferred mode- entity or incremental.

This theoretical position is derived in part from stud- ies of achievement patterns of children (Dweck, 1986, 1991; Dweck & Leggett, 1988). This research distin- guished a helpless response (characterized by avoiding challenges and deteriorating performance in the face of difficulty) from a mastery-oriented pattern (involving seeking of challenging tasks and maintenance of effec- tive strategies under difficulty or failure). Research shows that children classified into the two patterns typically do not differ in ability but do differ in choice of achievement goals. Students may focus on learning goals that involve increasing skills and competencies or on performance goals that entail a concern for ap- pearing competent and obtaining favorable judgments from others. A series of studies showed that a focus on performance goals creates a tendency toward the help- less pattern, whereas pursuit of learning goals was more likely to produce a mastery-oriented pattern (Elliott & Dweck, 1988; Dweck & Leggett, 1988).

Subsequent work showed that different theories about one's capacities and capabilities could orient one to choose different goals for oneself. Thus, children holding an incremental view are more likely to choose learning than performance goals (Dweck & Leggett, 1988). This aspect of Dweck' s work is somewhat rem- iniscent of achievement motivation research that iden- tified differences in goals and motivational outcomes (e.g., persistence) among students as a function of level of achievement motivation (Atkinson, 1957).

Dweck et al. summarize an extensive body of re- search documenting the consequences of the implicit theories across domains. Implicit theories can affect

judgments of intelligence and reactions to achievement difficulties and failures, judgments of others and reac- tions to social behaviors, motivational patterns in chil- dren, and encoding of social information and representation in memory. Implicit theories can affect judgments of one's own as well as others' actions.

With respect to the achievement domain, research on implicit theories bears strongly on individual differ- ences in achievement patterns. Students have funda- mentally different beliefs about their capabilities for learning and developing skills. This finding may help to explain why feedback linking outcomes to one or more attributions (perceived causes) has differential effects. For example, when students do poorly on a task, attribution theory predicts that attributing the perfor- mance to low effort can lead to better performance and higher perceptions of capabilities because effort is under personal control (Schunk, 1994). In contrast, attributing poor performance to low ability may have debilitating effects. We could predict, however, that effort feedback will be maximally effective with stu- dents who hold an incremental theory because an entity view might carry with it the belief that greater effort cannot produce better performance when ability is limited.

Implicit theories also have important practical im- plications. Teachers need to assess students' beliefs about their abilities and to structure feedback and tasks accordingly. Students holding an entity view need to understand (perhaps through feedback) that as a result of effort and use of good strategies, they have made progress in skill acquisition and have become more competent. For example, teachers might use portfolios containing samples of their work from times in a semes- ter to provide tangible evidence of progress. By high- lighting student progress, teachers will help to enhance student motivation, perceptions of capabilities, and skill acquisition (Schunk, 1994).

Much evidence from other investigators relates to and corroborates the work discussed by Dweck et al. Nicholls (1983, 1984) discussed the relation of concep- tions of ability to the states of task involvement (concern with developing skills and judging ability based on one's progress in learning) and ego involvement (con- cern with looking smart and judging ability based on performance relative to that of others). Task and ego involvement are associated with an incremental theory and an entity theory, respectively (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Nicholls, 1983). Meece, Blumenfeld, and Hoyle (1988) showed that children with task-mastery goals report more active cognitive engagement with material to be learned and that perceived competence relates positively to motivation and task-mastery goals. Schunk and Swartz (1993) found that providing chil-

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dren with a process goal of learning to use a strategy and feedback on their progress increases task orienta- tion and decreases ego orientation and that self-efficacy (perceived capabilities) correlates positively with task orientation and negatively with ego orientation.

Wood and Bandura (1989) had adults engage in a managerial decision-making task and told them that decision-making ability was fixed (reflected their basic cognitive capabilities) or incremental (developed through practice). Incremental subjects maintained high self-efficacy, set challenging goals, applied rules efficiently, and performed better; entity subjects showed a decline in self-efficacy. Comparable results were obtained by Jourden, Bandura, and Banfield (1991) among college students performing a pursuit- rotor tracking task. Duda and Nicholls (1992) found that, for both sport and schoolwork, task orientation relates to high school students' beliefs that success depends on effort and collaboration with peers; ego orientation is associated with beliefs that success is due to high ability and attempting to perform better than others.

The array of evidence assembled by Dweck et al., combined with that of other investigators, provides strong support for the operation of implicit theories. At the same time, there are a few issues that need to be addressed. One concerns the nature of the theoretical beliefs. In much of the research by Dweck et al., im- plicit theories of intelligence have been assessed with three items: "You have a certain amount of intelligence and you really can't do much to change it"; "Your intelligence is something about you that you can't change very much"; "You can learn new things, but you can't really change your basic intelligence." Respon- dents rate their judgments on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 6 (strongly disagree). Scores on the three items are averaged to form an overall implicit theory score with higher scores indicating stronger incremental beliefs. Respondents who score 3 or below are classified as entity theorists; those who score 4 or above are incremental theorists.

The assumption is that the these two belief systems represent opposite ends of a continuum such that dis- agreement with the entity view (as expressed in the three items) implies agreement with the incremental view. Dweck et al. support this assumption by citing research in which respondents who disagreed with the entity statements gave incremental explanations of their answers.

This approach does not take into account the possi- bility that respondents could simultaneously entertain both sets of beliefs-a situation that may be especially common in achievement situations (e.g., school). Stu- dents might believe that there is an upper limit to ability

that cannot be exceeded through effort, persistence, or use of effective task strategies (entity view) but that this limit is very high and the preceding factors can help to improve one's competence up to that level (incremental view). In support of this point, there is evidence that conceptions of ability can be affected by task condi- tions (Nicholls, 1983). Teachers give students lots of feedback indicating their progress in skill acquisition, which can help inculcate an incremental view of ability. At the same time, the social and group nature of much classroom learning emphasizes relative differences be- tween students' abilities, which encourages entity be- liefs. Further research is needed to determine whether these theories are antagonistic to one another.

A second issue is methodological and involves the use by Dweck and her colleagues of hypothetical situ- ations. Dweck et al. summarize research in which stu- dents made attributions for hypothetical academic failures (poor grades) they could encounter and in which they were given scenarios depicting academic setbacks (e.g., low Graduate Record Examination scores) and asked how they would think and feel and what they might do. Dweck et al. summarize studies using actual achievement situations (e.g., Elliott & Dweck, 1988), but these typically involve students working individually outside of the context of the reg- ular classroom.

Studies that use hypothetical scenarios or are con- ducted outside of regular classrooms downplay the role of contextual factors in achievement beliefs and behav- iors, which are quite important (Schunk & Meece, 1992). It would seem that the role of the student vis 'a vis the environment could lead to the simultaneous valuing of entity and incremental theories, as noted previously.

More achievement research is needed in classrooms and other applied settings. Teachers often convey in- cremental information because they tell students they can improve with diligent effort, persistence, and care- ful attention to procedures, but social factors may con- vey entity information. It would be informative to assess students' perceptions at the outset of a school year and then follow students over time as they are exposed to classroom conditions that reinforce either an entity or an incremental perspective. Thus, teachers who give tasks in which greater effort pays off with higher grades may foster an incremental view; those who emphasize competition where ability equates with performance may cultivate an entity perspective.

A third issue concerns the maintenance over time of implicit theories and their generalization across set- tings. Research typically examines maintenance over brief periods and generalization across small variations in settings and content. Longer term studies are needed

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that assess how well theories generalize across do- mains. This research can help determine whether theo- ries are more trait-like (people have preferred ways of believing for different tasks) or state-like (people alter their beliefs in response to changing conditions).

Finally, developmental research on the origination and refinement of implicit theories is called for. Re- search could address such questions as: Do children enter school with implicit theories? If so, what factors in the home affect theories? Could intervention pro- grams with parents help to alter dysfunctional student beliefs? How might parents and teachers work together to foster productive beliefs for the school environment? In line with this focus, research can address more fully the relations between school socialization practices, implicit theories, and personal beliefs. Dweck and Leggett (1988) found that perceptions of ability could moderate the effects of implicit theories on behavior. Research on how student perceptions of competence, attributions, and task value affect achievement out- comes will help to clarify the operation of implicit theories in achievement situations.

Note

Dale H. Schunk, Department of Educational Studies, School of Education, Purdue University, West Lafa- yette, IN 47907-1446.

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Dweck, C. S., & Leggett, E. L. (1988). A social-cognitive approach to motivation and personality. Psychological Review, 95, 256- 273.

Elliott, E. S., & Dweck, C. S. (1988). Goals: An approach to motiva- tion and achievement. Journal of Personality and Social Psy- chology, 54, 5-12.

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Meece, J. L., Blumenfeld, P. C., & Hoyle, R. H. (1988). Students' goal orientations and cognitive engagement in classroom activ- ities. Journal of Educational Psychology, 80, 514-523.

Nicholls, J. G. (1983). Conceptions of ability and achievement moti- vation: A theory and its implications for education. In S. G. Paris, G. M. Olson, & H. W. Stevenson (Eds.), Learning and motivation in the classroom (pp.211-237). Hillsdale, NJ: Law- rence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Nicholls, J. G. (1984). Achievement motivation: Conceptions of ability, subjective experience, task choice, and performance. Psychological Review, 91, 328-346.

Schunk, D. H. (1994). Self-regulation of self-efficacy and attributions in academic settings. In D. H. Schunk & B. J. Zimmerman (Eds.), Self-regulation of learning andperformance: Issues and educational applications (pp. 75-99). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Schunk, D. H., & Meece, J. L. (Eds.). (1992). Student perceptions in the classroom. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Schunk, D. H., & Swartz, C. W. (1993). Writing strategy instruction with gifted students: Effects of goals and feedback on self-effi- cacy and skills. Roeper Review, 15, 225-230.

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A World From Two Perspectives: E Pluribus Duo?

Richard M. Sorrentino University of Western Ontario

As the role of individual differences in social behav- ior and the synergism of motivation and cognition have been my major concerns for the last quarter century or so, there are several things I like about Dweck, Chiu, and Hong's theory. First, the research related to this work shows that individual differences in implicit the- ories clearly affect social judgments and emotional reactions to these judgments. Hence, it ties in nicely with our emphasis on the "warm look" and our argu-

ment for a synergistic approach to the study of motiva- tion and cognition (Sorrentino & Higgins, 1986a). Dweck et al.'s approach also demonstrates that one must take account of relatively stable personality di- mensions if one is to more precisely predict, under- stand, and control behavior.

In addition to the theoretical approach advocated by the authors, I am favorably impressed with much of the research that has been undertaken so far, especially

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