Frontiers of Architectural Research (2013) 2, 400–408

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CASE STUDY

Impact of urban upgrading on perceptionsof safety in informal settlements: Case studyof Bouakal, Batna

Farida Naceurn

Department of Architecture, University of Batna, Batna 05000, Algeria

Received 13 March 2013; received in revised form 9 June 2013; accepted 12 June 2013

KEYWORDSInformal settlements;Safety perception;Fear of crime;Urban upgrading

igher Education P0.1016/j.foar.2013

023, Mobile: +213: lyndafarida@yah.fr.r responsibility of

AbstractThis paper explores how modifications of urban space in informal settlements influenceresidents′ quality of life and perceptions of safety. This is a case study of Bouakal, the oldestinformal district in Batna, a middle city in Algeria.This paper examines the effects of urban improvement practices in Bouakal by exploring twoquestions: In what ways did interventions in this informal settlement affect the quality of lifefor the residents? How do these effects correlate with changes in the perception of safety inthis area? The survey involved 141 residents from Bouakal, and local residents were selected tocollect the levels of perceived safety. This paper concludes that urban upgrading has improvedthe quality of life and has a positive effect on the perception of safety in the settlement.& 2013. Higher Education Press Limited Company. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. Allrights reserved.

1. Introdution

In Algeria, as in many developing countries the phenomenonof informal settlements is one of the considerable magni-tude. Spontaneous sites emerged during the French

ress Limited Company. Production.06.004

559395111.oo.fr,

Southeast University.

colonization period. Built on the margin of the plannedcolonial city, they served as a shelter to underprivilegedautochthonous populations. After gaining independence,the influx of rural migrants to cities and the resultinghousing shortage propelled the explosion of spontaneousurbanization all over Algerian cities (Kebab, 1985; Benmati,1991).

Today, this type of urbanization is an imposing urbanreality. Currently, spontaneous areas constitute the mostdominant form of Algerian urban landscape, and no city issafe (Hafiane,1989; Deluz-Labruyere,1982).

To deal with this problem, the Algerian government imple-mented improvement programs in urban slums in the mid-1980s. These programs were active in most Algerian cities.Originally, the programs upgraded elements of physical

and hosting by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

401Impact of urban upgrading on perceptions of safety in informal settlements

infrastructure including development of footpaths, drains,sanitation, and street lighting, which improved slum environ-ments and health conditions of the poor and their qualityof life.

The idea that informal settlements, like seedbeds in which“delinquents” carry on their activities has been sustained bytraditional studies on violence (Clinard and Abbott, 1973).Previous Algerian studies have discussed how underdevelopmentand bad physical conditions in urban slums can be related tohigh crime rates (Benatia,1976; Bouanaka,1987; Naceur, 2004).

Recent urban studies focused on the impact of improvementprograms in spontaneous settlements (Al. Khalifa, 2011; Mohit,2012; Farouk Hassan Ghada, 2012; Jota, 2011). However, littleinterest on the effects of these programs on the perception ofsafety among the occupants of these areas is noticed. Theobjective of this paper is to draw attention to this topic byfocusing on the effects of urban improvement practices in theoldest informal settlement of Bouakal in the middle Algeriancity of Batna.

2. Literature review

Worries over safety are a very prevalent issue that hasgained momentum over the past years. Many people intoday′s society express anxiety and fear about crime andabout being victimized (DeFrances and Smith, 1998).

Studies have shown that the perception of safety issynonymous with fear of crime. Baba and Austin (1989)and Ferraro and LaGrange (1987: 72) defined fear of crimeas “negative emotional reactions generated by crime orsymbols associated with crime.” This definition considersboth the emotional responses to situations that may pro-duce fear, as well as the cognitive assessments of risk ofvictimization, which may also create fear.

Perception of safety and fear of crime have been the topicsof considerable research efforts of late. Researchers realizedthat numerous other factors played a role in the fear of crime,and thus, research has turned to discovering what thesefactors are. Previous studies concentrated on individual factorsthat may significantly influence fear of crime. Three demo-graphic variables—sex, age, and socioeconomic status—havebeen shown to influence attitudes on crime and safety (Skoganand Maxfield, 1981; Austin et al., 1994).

Neighborhood context has also been considered amongresearchers who acknowledge that fear of crime and similartypes of crime vary according to where individuals live.Researchers have focused on how perceptual measures ofneighborhood conditions, in particular, neighborhood dis-order relates to fear of crime.

It was the influential “Broken Windows” thesis (1982) thatdrew attention to the negative influence of deterioratingneighborhood conditions. Research has consistently demon-strated that deteriorating housing and neighborhood condi-tions increased concern about neighborhood safety (Skoganand Maxfield, 1981; Boorah and Carcach, 1997; Roché,2002).The existence of neighborhood incivilities and othersigns of deterioration might lead residents to believe thatthe level of social control in the area was deteriorating andspark concern and fear among residents (Skogan, 1990, p.3). Neighborhood residents who perceived their local sur-roundings as physically disorderly are more likely to exhibithigher levels of fear (LaGrange et al., 1992).

Planners and urban designers are beginning to considerthe capacity of the built environment to reduce both thefear of crime and the potential for offending (Cozens,2002). The high quality urban environment in Singaporecontributes significantly to its relatively low crime rate andhigh urban safety (Yuen, 2004).

Regarding informal settlements, to date, there has beenlittle research to examine the impact of improvement pro-grams on perceptions of safety in these areas with fewexceptions. Jota (2011) explored contemporary urbanimprovement practices in Latin America as a fundamentalway that interventions in informal settlements can affectresidents′ quality of life and perceptions of security. The studyconcludes that there is an apparent connection betweenphysical structural changes to the urban form of informalsettlements that these interventions create, and how residentsin settlement communities are willing to express issues ofsecurity. Adding to this literature, the research presented hereexamines how modifications of urban space in Algerianinformal settlements influences quality of life and perceptionsof safety. This is a case study of Bouakal, the oldest informaldistrict in Batna, a middle city in Algeria.

3. Methodology

The objective of the study is to examine the relationshipbetween physical urban environment upgrading and resi-dents′ perception of safety in Bouakal. The paper startswith a longitudinal study of the urban development of thecity to explain why and how Bouakal came to be physicallysegregated and perceived as the most violent district withinthe city. Data about population profiles and resident′sperception of security was largely collected through thequestionnaire. First, respondents were interviewed aboutthe actual rate of violence within their district. A series ofitems relating to the frequency of a variety of forms ofviolence in Bouakal was given to the respondents. Theywere also asked about the rate of aggression in the district.

Regarding perceptions of safety, respondents were initiallyasked for their perceptions on the overall state of security intheir district. Then they were asked if their district was moreor less secure than other districts In addition to the perceptionof the safety, the questionnaire was used to collect informa-tion about household incomes, satisfaction with the physicalenvironment, and safety in the neighborhood. In-depth inter-views focused on the following questions.

�

How was Bouakal in the past? � What changes in security happened over time in the area?

The questionnaire was designed to draw out information onthe respondents′ views about the neighborhood. Housingsamples were taken from 1472 housing units identified withinthe study area of Bouakal. Ten percent (10%) of the totalhousing units were selected from every street within thedistrict. Consequently, 150 housing units were drawn forsampling from the neighborhood. Choosing the sample in thismanner allowed all residents to be chosen randomly. Out ofthe150 questionnaires administered to heads-of-householdwho were the respondents, only 141 were subsequentlyretrieved for data analysis.

F. Naceur402

4. Site study

This section provides background information on Bouakal. Itexplains briefly its origins and evolution, and summarizesits characteristics. Bouakal is a residential neighborhoodspread over 30 ha. Most of the dwellings are individual, oneor two story constructions with access to electricity, safewater, and cooking gas. Walls are brick over reinforcedconcrete. Because of these physical features, Bouakal canbe considered an illegal or informal settlement but not aslum, especially because the majority of the area wasdeveloped in contradiction to planning regulations. It isone of the oldest districts of Batna. Compared to the otherspontaneous districts in Batna, it is the most privilegedbecause it is situated near the downtown Figure 1.

Figure 2 Batna in 1923: Two distinct areas.Source: CADAT, 1974.

4.1. Bouakal: origins and evolution

During the colonization, Batna, was organized in twodistinct areas separated by a natural physical barrier “thewadi.” Zmala, the first Arabian core was created in 1923. In1940, Bouakal evolved on lands adjacent to Zmala, follow-ing its anarchical extension (Figures 2 and 3; CADAT, 1974).

There are two reasons for the growth of informal settle-ments in Batna after the country gained its independence:rapid urbanization over the past five decades and the influxof rural migrants (ANAT, 1994).

The city has experienced rapid urbanization over the pastfive decades. In 1977, the population was about 108,700. By1987, population had increased to 184,069; and by 1998, ithad increased further to 247,520 (POS, 2008). Commensu-rate with the increase in population of the city, informal

Figure 1 Locatio

settlements have also grown very fast. Second, a regularinflux of rural migrants into the city contributed to thedensification of these areas. Most of the migrants wereattracted to Bouakal, the central and ancient informaldistrict where they rented and shared flats or rooms atlower prices. The weak slope of the lands on the Southencouraged the spectacular extension of Bouakal. Peopleturned agricultural land into barren land; and then sold the

n of Bouakal.

Figure 3 Bouakal: origins and evolution.Source: PDAU 1994.

403Impact of urban upgrading on perceptions of safety in informal settlements

sites to others as construction land (Figure 3). The govern-ment did not follow up with infrastructural services, whichreinforced the process of social, spatial, and physicalsegregation of Bouakal from the rest of the city.

4.2. How Bouakal was perceived in the past?

Zmala, the first informal district in Batna, was an idealcommunity for marginalized people and especially prosti-tutes. The emergence of Bouakal, near Zmala allowedthe propagation of social vices through the district.Drug dealers, prostitutes, and their clients moved toBouakal and used the area as cover for their disreputableactivities.

For many years, Bouakal was perceived as disreputable andtoo dangerous, a place to buy drugs and solicit prostitutes. Thebad reputation of the district rebounds on its occupantsaffecting them negatively and thus, discouraging the accessi-bility of strangers for numerous years. Several respondentscommented on the negative image of marginalized people,crime, and violence that has been associated with the area inthe past. A few said that they knew of residents who wantedto move out of Bouakal not because of any concerns aboutpersonal safety, but because they were uncomfortable aboutthe negative image of the place.

As with many other informal districts, Bouakal wasisolated from the main city and more importantly, fromthe main institutions of the state. This isolation providesan environment that favors informal activities, deviant

F. Naceur404

behavior, and the emergence of violence. For decades, thestate police considered this area dangerous. Violence inBouakal was higher than in the rest of the city (Aichour,1992). During the 1990s, because of the terrorism thataffected the country, Bouakal turned into a fiefdom forterrorists and a shelter for outlaws.

4.3. Improvement programs in Bouakal

Several actions have been conducted to upgrade Bouakal.Residential neighborhoods have experienced several initiativesfor improving the living conditions of its dwellers. Mostnoticeable of these initiatives is the “P.U.D 1985” (PlannedUrban Development) program, with the goal to provide theneighborhood with basic urban services including clean water,improved sanitation, electricity, and paved roads (ANAT, 1989).

The urban facilities built on the West fringe of the districtcontributed to limiting its anarchical extension in this direc-tion. Figure 4 shows the location of these facilities thatinclude: two high schools, a maternity clinic, a stadium, anda school for social sciences. This set of administrative facilitiesbuilt all along the western urban artery form the urban façadeof Bouakal. The limits of the infrastructure of these projectsbecame the border with the city. Many services were initiatedfor the improvement of the neighborhood. It was decided to

Figure 4 Facilities: location and type.

Figure 5 Physical urban reconfigura

use the free lands inside the district for construction of severalpublic buildings: a retirement house, a library, two elementaryschools, and a town hall. The resulting changes provide abetter image and status for Bouakal.

Neighborhood improvement programs executed by the muni-cipality of Batna in 1985 aimed to integrate the spontaneousdistricts into the formal fabric of the city through two actions:

(1)

tion

Completion of basic urban infrastructure like water,sewer, electricity, and waste disposal.

(2)

Physical urban reconfiguration of the district throughplatting new street grids.

To achieve this goal, an existing street, the “rue DEBABI”was selected to be the spine of the district accessible to both

pedestrian and vehicle transportation. The Debabi corridor,thanks to its regular tracing, clarity, and width, acquired apublic character and turned into a greatly frequented corridor.The emergence of commercial activities on the lower floors ofthe dwellings in the area has created a true urban dynamicalong this corridor. Another main street at the border was usedto connect the interior of the district to a network ofstreets on the outside in the city. The west border of Bouakalhas been clearly defined by a major artery that links itwith the downtown. The Rue Chaabane Ablemadjid becamethe preferred armature along which other main publicbuildings have been sited Figure 5. This dynamic arterybecame a mixed-use residential and commercial street. Allother streets were paved. Houses located in the path ofnew roads were removed and their inhabitants relocated tonew housing projects where new lighting was added toimprove visibility and to extend the use of the walks intothe evening.

4.3.1. Commercial dynamismAfter these interventions, a very strong commercial dyna-mism emerged particularly along an interior street, the Rue H.This street turned into a commercial trade route specializ-ing in women and children′s clothing, shoes, cloths, furnishing,kitchen utensils, etc. There are about 194 boutiques on HStreet Photo 1. This commercial dynamism broke down thebarriers that have long divided Bouakal from the rest of thecity, ultimately enabling people who have never beforeentered it to drive through the settlement and make use ofits commerce (Saidi,1999).

: clarity and regular tracing.

Table 1 Household income.

Low income Middle income High income Total

Number 40 93 08 141Valid (%) 28.4 66 5.6 100

Photo 1 Attractiveness of La rue “H”.

405Impact of urban upgrading on perceptions of safety in informal settlements

The attractiveness of la rue H permitted the influx ofpeople not only from outside of the district but fromthe surrounding cities too. It is clear from interviewees′accounts that commercial attractiveness plays an importantrole in improving the everyday life of communities. Theincrease in mobility of community members andforeigners are constantly mentioned in interviews as a signthat conditions today are much better than they werebefore.

Photo 3 New type of housing.

Photo 2 Traditional type of housing.

5. Research results

5.1. Impact of infrastructure improvementson residents′ economic situations

To what extent have these infrastructure improvementsincreased economic gains and reduced poverty levels in thiscommunity? In order to answer this question, two sources ofinformation were used: household income and home improve-ments. To get the approximate household incomes, threeindicators were used: occupation of the head-of-household,quality of the location of the house (number of stores, etc.),and sources of wealth (possession of cars, trades, etc.).Households were grouped into these three categories: low,middle, and high incomes.

The characteristics of residents as shown in Table 1indicate that more than half (66%) of the households hada middle income. Thus, the residents of the study arearepresent middle class socio-economic levels in Batna.These results show a significant improvement in the socio-economic status of the inhabitants of Bouakal who wereperceived as largely deprived. This is partly due to thecommercial dynamism in the 1980s.

Local economic activity intensified in the 1980s partlybecause of, and not despite, the country′s debt crisis linkedto the economic downturn. As a consequence, increasingnumbers of people in Bouakal have turned to streetcommerce in this well-situated area.

In the beginning, customers came from other low-incomeurban neighborhoods looking for items generally sold for lessthan in outlying districts. Over the years, even the rich havecome to this area, which for decades they dared not enter,in search of bargain-priced designer clothing and high-techequipment. To take advantage of this commercial

dynamism, most residents have transformed garages over-looking main streets into commercial premises. Over theyears, the area has become a flourishing center of contra-band trade. This important additional source of incomeinduced a real improvement in the economic situation ofthe local residents. The impact of this improvement isperceptible also in the quality of housing. Observationsshow that many residents improved their units. More floorswere added to existing structures and most dwellingsunderwent renovations. This led to the total disappearanceof the traditional type of housing Photo 2. Tile houses havebeen replaced by one and two story apartment buildings.The number of floors, the quality of the constructionmaterials, the finish, all of these factors confirm theimprovement of the economic situation of the occupantsPhoto 3.

F. Naceur406

5.2. What changes in security happened overtime in the area?

Results of informal interviews with older residents showedthat Bouakal was perceived as disreputable and too danger-ous for many years. To examine whether changes in securityhappened over time in the area, a questionnaire survey wasconducted. Respondents were interviewed about:

(1)

T

Iaan

FOSN

FOSN

RHAL

RHAL

DHAL

ENY

the actual rate of crime within their district,

(2) their perceptions of the overall state of security in their

district, and

(3) the real rate of aggression in the district.

5.2.1. The actual rate of crime within the districtRespondents were first asked to rate crime in their area aseither: a very big problem, a moderate problem, or not aproblem.

Results of the investigation revealed that crime is not seen asa significant problem in Bouakal. The main crime problemmentioned was shoplifting on rue H. Results on the rate ofcrime in the district confirmed this opinion. The rate of conflictsproved to be moderate. Only 20.6% of respondents in Bouakal

able 2 Rate of crime in Bouakal.

N

s crime in your area?very big problemmoderate problemot a problem.

requency of conflictsfteneldomever

requency of use of weaponsfteneldomever 1

ate of burglaries or robberieighverageow 1

ate of larceny theftsighverageow 1

rug abuseighverageow

xistence of places of prostitution in the districto 1es

think that conflicts are frequent in their district. 85.8% said thatthere is no use of weapons in their district.

The rate of larcenies and burglaries was lower thanpredicted. Of the respondents, said that the rate oflarcenies is low in the neighborhood Table 2.

Interviews with older residents revealed that drugs, prostitu-tion, and violence were all found to be less of a problem than inearlier years. Criminal activity has been clearly discouraged.

5.2.2. Levels of perceived safetyTo measure perception of safety in one′s neighborhood,respondents were asked to reply to the following statements:

(1)

um

63798

296250

091121

182003

101516

153690

3605

People who live in this neighborhood have to worryabout someone breaking into their home to steal things.

(2)

People in this neighborhood can walk around withoutfear of being attacked or bothered.

These questions were used in past research when respon-dents were asked to compare safety within their district toother districts in the city (Baba and Austin, 1989).

Results of this survey showed that almost all the respon-dents considered their community to be a safe place to live.

ber Valid (%) Cumulative (%)

4.3 4.326.2 30.569.5 100

20.6 20.644.0 64.635.4 100

06.4 06.407.8 14.285.8 100

12.8 12.814.2 27.073.0 100

7.1 7.110.6 17.782.3 100

10.6 10.625.5 36.263.8 100

96.4 96.43.6 100

Table 3 Perception of safety.

Number Valid(%)

Cumulative(%)

People who live in thisneighborhood have toworry about someonebreaking into theirhomes to steal things.

Yes 16 11.3 11.3No 125 88.7 100

People in this neighborhoodcan walk around withoutfear of being attacked orbothered.

Yes 130 92.2 92.2No 11 7.8 100

Is Bouakal safer than otherdistricts?

Yes 110 78 78No 31 22 100

Table 4 Rate of aggression.

Number Valid(%)

Cumulative(%)

Have you or any one youknow in this neighborhoodever had their homebroken into and/or hadsomething stolen?

Yes 04 2.8 2.8No 137 97.2 100

Have you or anyone youknow ever been attacked,mugged, or robbed whileout walking in theneighborhood?

Yes 03 2.1 2.1No 138 97.9 100

Table 5 Satisfaction with the neighborhood.

Number

Satisfaction with physical environmentDissatisfied 21Satisfied 51Very satisfied 69Satisfaction with safetyDissatisfied 15Satisfied 62Very Satisfied 64

407Impact of urban upgrading on perceptions of safety in informal settlements

Most of those surveyed felt secure, with 92.2% reportingthat people in Bouakal can walk around without fear ofbeing attacked or bothered. Only 11.3% said that peoplewho live in Bouakal have to worry about someone breakinginto their home to steal things, while 78% perceived Bouakalto be safer than most other districts Table 3.

Nevertheless, there is a perception of insecurity withinthe Bouakal district that is felt more by the shop owners.Many owners affirmed during our interviews that the onlyrecourse is to post a guard during the night in the garages toprevent burglaries.

5.2.3. The real rate of aggression in the districtIn addition to the levels of perceived safety, respondentswere asked about the real rate of aggression in the district.The rate of aggression was measured from responses to twoquestions: (1) have you or anyone you know in thisneighborhood ever had their home broken into and/or hadsomething stolen? and (2) have you or anyone you know everbeen attacked, mugged, or robbed while out walking in theneighborhood?

The findings of the survey reveal that the rate of thosewho had been attacked personally in the district is rela-tively low. Of the respondents, only 2.1% had experiencedan aggression in their district Table 4.

5.2.4. Satisfaction within the neighborhoodTo measure satisfaction with the physical environment,respondents were asked to use a three point Likert scaleranging from very satisfied to dissatisfied to indicate howsatisfied they were with the: (1) physical environment ofthe district and (2) safety in the neighborhood.

High scores represent higher levels of satisfaction.As evident from Table 5, residents expressed high levels

of satisfaction with the physical environment of theirdistrict and safety in their neighborhood. Of the respon-dents, 85.1% felt satisfied or very satisfied with the physicalenvironment and 89.4% felt satisfied or very satisfied withsafety. In-depth interviews with older residents confirmedthese results. They point out that present living conditionsof the neighborhood are better today than they were beforethe interventions. Most of them narrate how changes in theprovision of appropriate sewer, water, and the paving andcreation of new roads contributed significantly to theimprovement of their communities.

Valid (%) Cumulative (%)

14.9 14.936.2 51.148.9 100

10.6 10.644.0 54.645.4 100

F. Naceur408

6. Conclusions

Results show that beyond the sanitary conditions andesthetic values, the physical interventions in Bouakalinduced many positive impacts on the quality of life forthe residents. The image of the district has improved.Housing refurbishment improved not only spatial conditionsbut also additional personal and esthetic elements. Com-mercial attractiveness within the district brings morepeople to the districts and has reduced the poverty levelsin this community.

The resulting changes provide a better image for Bouakaland increase the mobility through the district, which in turndiscourages criminal activity. Many changes in securityhappened over time in the area. Results of the investigationreveal that crime is not seen as a significant problem inBouakal. Respondents said that there is little serious crimein their area. They tend not to consider crime and safety tobe major issues in their lives, and few have personallyexperienced crime. Drugs, prostitution, and violence wereall found to be less of a problem than in earlier years.Clearly, criminal activity has been discouraged and theoverall crime rate in the development has dropped. Bouakal,which was perceived as disreputable and too dangerous for anumber of years, is becoming a pleasant place to live and asafe neighborhood. The majority of its residents feel safe.Most of the residents asked to compare safety in their districtto safety in other districts say that Bouakal is safer than theother districts.

In addition to the improvement in safety, residentsexpress high levels of satisfaction with both the physicalenvironment and safety in the neighborhood.

The research concludes that physical interventions in thisinformal settlement have had positive impacts on both thequality of life of the residents and on overall perceptions ofsafety. The main hypothesis of the present study that urbanimprovement in Bouakal improved the quality of life ofresidents and their perceptions of safety in the area areclearly confirmed.

The present study confirms past research that found apositive relationship between neighborhood quality, satis-faction with the local physical environment, and percep-tions of safety. More importantly, the results corroboratefindings of previous research on spontaneous settlementsthat found improving neighborhood conditions had a posi-tive influence on perceptions of safety (Jota, 2011). Theseresults are in accord with findings of previous research thathigh quality urban environments contribute to urban safetyand relatively low rates of violence.

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