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The Impact of Colonial and Postcolonial Ghanaian Language Policies on Vernacular Use inSchools in Two Northern Ghanaian CommunitiesAuthor(s): Obed Mfum-MensahReviewed work(s):Source: Comparative Education, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Feb., 2005), pp. 71-85Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30044519 .

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Comparative ducation

Vol.41, No. 1, February 005, pp. 77-85 RRoutledgeTaylorranksroup

The impact of colonial and postcolonialGhanaian language policies on

vernacular use in schools in two

northern Ghanaian communities

Obed Mfum-Mensah*

Many 'alternative primary education' programmes operating in the developing parts of the world

use children's first language as the medium of instruction. Programme sponsors often base their

vernacular language policy on literature that highlights the cognitive and other benefits that accrue

from using children's first languages as the medium of instruction during their early stages in school.

Working within a postcolonial discursive framework the paper examines the attitudes of community

members, parents, school authorities and schoolchildren toward the use of the vernacular as a

medium of instruction in the Shepherd School Programme, an alternative primary education

programme, that has been implemented to provide improved educational access for schoolchildren

in seven rural northern Ghanaian agri-pastoralcommunities.

Background

The use of vernacularas a medium of instruction is an important aspect of many'alternativeprimaryeducation' programmes (also known as complementaryeduca-

tion programmes, community schools, non-formal basic education) operatingin the

developingworld (see Association for the Development of Education in Africa, 2001;Miller-Grandvaux & Yoder, 2002). Sponsors of alternative primary education

programmesbase the use of vernacularlanguage on the assertions in the literature

about the cognitivebenefits that accrue from this approach(see Andoh-Kumi, 2000;

Brock-Utne, 2000; Association for the Development of Education in Africa, 2001).The Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) (2001), for

instance, suggests that the use of children's first languages as medium of instruction

*303-1255 HuronStreet,London, Ontario,N5Y 4L8, Canada.Email:[email protected]

ISSN 0305-0068 (print)/ISSN1360-0486 (online)/05/010071-15©2005 Taylor& FrancisGroupLtdDOI: 10.1080/03050060500073256



72 0. Mfum-Mensah

fostersthe rapid acquisitionof the basic skills ofreading,writingandmaths,and leads

to rapidmasteryof a second language.

Despite the perceivedcognitiveadvantages hat come withthe use of firstlanguages

highlightedin the

literature,many traditionalgroupsresist vernacularuse for reasonswhich include the political, economic, and sociological (see Sanou, 1990, cited in

Brock-Utne, 2000; Andoh-Kumi, 2000; Brock-Utne, 2000). Sanou arguedthat the

colonial languagepolicies suggestingthat Africansuse theirvernaculars n school were

inspiredby racialprejudicesregardingthe supposedly intellectual inferiorityof Afri-

cans. He noted that the idea was to render Africans incapable of benefiting from a

western education. During that period the Africans suspected that the vernacular

language policies had the objective to keep them in their social ghettos in the same

way that black Americans had their education in separateinstitutions. The Africans

thereforedetermined to stick to the Europeanlanguages

aspart

of their demand for

education systemssimilarto those of their formercolonial masters.In the light of this

some education historianssuggest that British colonies had little choice when it came

to educationalpolicies and the languageof instruction in schools. Many did however

express their dissatisfaction when efforts were made to strengthen vernacular

language policy just priorto independence (see Foster, 1965; Graham, 1971).At the time of independence, many African countries that faced the prospect of

choosing a national languageopted to retain the languageof the former colonizer as

a medium of instruction in school. They argued that the multiplication of local

languages made it difficult to choose any one or two of them as national languages

(Foster, 1965; Graham, 1971; Brock-Utne, 2000). After many years of indepen-

dence, the vernacular anguageissue has returnedto featurestrongly n policy debates

throughoutAfricannations. On the one hand some African scholars subscribe to the

use of the vernacular as the medium of instruction, with the explanation that the

colonial schools deprived the African child of its cultural heritage. It is therefore

arguedthat the postcolonial schools should promote African cultures and traditions

(see Fafunwa, 1967; Okrah, 2002; Anyidoho, 2003).On the otherhand,manyscholars and education stakeholders n formerlycolonized

nations view instruction in the languageof the former colonizer as an approachthat

will lead to greaterproficiency in that language, representinga furtherstep towardseconomic development and participation in the international global economy

(Graham, 1971). The emphasis that many postcolonial African nations placed on

foreign language instruction in the 1960s thus centres on the need to enhance

economic development and participatein the global economy. The governmentsof

these emerging states perceived that the mastery of the language of the colonizers

would facilitatetheirnation's developmentinitiatives,andhelp it to compete interna-

tionally (Pellow & Chazan, 1986; Shillington, 1992). Brock-Utne (2000, p. 141)observes that when it comes to the choice of languageof instruction n Africanschools,

sociocultural politics, sociolinguistics, and education are so closely interrelated that itis difficult to sort out the arguments.

While the language policy issue continues to attract attention in the postcolonial

educational reforms in many formerly colonized nations, discussions about how



Language policies in Ghana 73

colonial education contributedto the shapingof the ideology and psyche of the colo-

nized have received little attention. Writing from a postcolonial discursiveperspec-

tive, this paper therefore examines the attitudes of community members, parents,

school authoritiesand children toward the use of the vernacular in the

ShepherdSchool Programme(SSP) in Ghana. This is an alternativeprimaryeducation initia-

tive introduced in seven northern Ghanaianpastoral communities. London (2003)

points out that postcolonial frameworks enable us to narrate the story of colonial

encounters in a way that gives prominence to many issues that have, to date, been

kept on the peripheryof the education debate. A postcolonial approachalso enables

us to view the colonial past as a reservoir of political experiences and practices, and

more importantly,as the 'scene of intense discursive and conceptual activity,which

is characterizedby a profusionof thought and writingabout the cultural and politicalidentities of colonized subjects' (London, 2003, p. 291). The author developed the

present article from his recently completed doctoral dissertation. For the purpose of

clarity, the terms 'first language' and 'vernacular' are used interchangeablyin the

article. The literaturereview in the article focuses on the English language policies

applied in formerly British colonies. The author also uses pseudonyms in place of

names of specific communities and participants.

Colonialism, postcolonialism and language policies

The literature on education reformsin formerlycolonized nations draws a connec-

tion between colonial and postcolonial education policy reforms (see Bray, 1993;

Tam, 1998; London, 2003). We will need to understand the concepts 'colonialism'

and 'postcoloniality,' and how they feature in these discussions. Colonialism as a

concept emerges whenever discussions centre on postcoloniality. Osterhammel

(1997) explains that the concept of colonialism is a relationship of domination

between an indigenous (or forcibly imported) majorityand a minority of invaders.

He posits furtherthat colonialism is also a system of governance by which colonizers

define and implement the fundamental decision affectingthe lives of those colonized

in pursuit of the colonizers' interests in a distant metropole. Scholars conceptualize

colonialism as encompassingthree distinct stages (thoughthese stages are not partofthe discussionhere); the first is classicalcolonialism, defined as the subjugationof an

indigenous society by a foreign power. The second stage is internal colonialism,defined as the domination of a nation (defined geographically, linguistically, and

culturally)within the national borders of another nation-state by another group or

groups. Finally, neocolonialism is seen as the domination of the industrialized

nations over the Third World in different forms (see Kelly &Altbach, 1978; Watson,

1982; Bray, 1993).The literaturesuggests that colonialism is also an ideological perspective. As an

ideology, colonialism cannot be identified only with economic gain and politicalpower, but is essentially a state of mind in colonizer and colonized alike (see Said,

1993, cited by London, 2003; London, 2003). This ideological thinking began when

colonizers arrived on the scene and does not end when they go home. In other



74 0. Mfum-Mensah

words, as London (2003) points out, colonization becomes an unfinishedbusiness

and a footprint (my italics). One theme that moves to the centre-stage whenever

discussions of colonialism come to the fore is 'dominance', of the colonized by a

colonizer. Colonialism relates topostcoloniality

inhow the formershapes the latter.It is therefore difficult to discuss postcoloniality without bringing colonialism into

the picture.Shohat (2000) defines 'postcoloniality'as a new designation for criticaldiscourse

that thematizes issues emerging from colonial relationships and their aftermath,

covering a long historical span (including the present). London (2003) explainsfurther that postcoloniality is a concern to renarrativize he story of the colonial

encounter in a way that gives prominence to issues that have to date been put on the

peripheryof the education debate as it concerns colonial societies. He points out that

the need to examine and understand thecomplex ways

in which the colonialpowersbrought the colonized under their imperial system, arises because the impact lingers

on despite the fact that many nations have attainedindependence.The present systems of education in many formerlycolonized nations arevestiges

of colonialism (Kelly & Altbach, 1978; Bray, 1993). Bray (1993) contends that the

implications of colonialism may be as complex and far-reachingfor education as

they are for other sectors. Because of this, discussions on postcolonial language

policies in many formerly colonized nations in Africa cannot trivialize the educa-

tional policies and educational objectives that prevailed in the particularnation in

the colonial era. Education historians point out that the missionary schools that

existed before colonialism served to proselytize, indoctrinate,and provide literacyto

the indigenous people so that they could occupy positions in the missions (Foster,

1965; Graham, 1971). In their attempt to promote literacy among the indigenous

people, mission schools implemented language policies that worked within a specificcontext. For instance, both Foster (1965) and Graham (1971) point out that the

language policies that both the Wesleyan and Basel missions implemented in the

Gold Coast (Ghana) were based on what these missions perceived to be workable

within the context.

The colonial schools however, were primarilydesigned to meet the objectivesand

needs of the colonizers rather than the colonized (Watson, 1982; Bray, 1993; Tam,1998; London, 2003). The British colonizers, in particular, developed a prototype

(but inferior)British education system in their Africancolonies as a way of educat-

ing the locals to fill lower administrative and clerical positions. English languagebecame a tool for the formalization of the educational system. In most British

colonial nations, English assured even greatersignificancein the school curriculum

as the imperial groups in the colonies tightened (Graham, 1971; Tam, 1998;

London, 2003). Pennycook (1998, cited by London, 2003) points out that policiesabout providing or withholding an education in English were not simple questions

to do with the medium of instruction but rather were concerned with different viewsof how best to run a colony. The attainment of independence in most formerly

colonized nations has done little to erase the footprints of British ideology in those

contexts.




Prevailing language policies from Gold Coast to Ghana

Language policies of the Christian missions

A majorobjectiveof themissionariesfor

expandingwestern-typeformal educationto

the people of the Gold Coast (now Ghana) was to proselytizethe indigenous peopleof the colony. The idea then was to train local people to serve as church and church-

school leaders (Graham, 1971). The Basel and the Wesleyan missions, the first

Christian denominations to help expand the western-type formal schools, initiallyused English as the medium of instruction. In the latter part of the nineteenth

century, these two missions implemented differentlanguagepolicies (Foster, 1965;

Graham, 1971). When the Basel mission moved from the coast and relocated to the

Akwapimand Akim areasin the EasternRegion of Ghana, it introduced the vernac-

ular, instead of English, as the medium of instruction in its educational system

(Foster, 1965, p. 87). This shift in language policy by the Basel mission was seen as

a good idea by most indigenous people in the Cape Coast area,where the Wesleyanmission had been using English as the medium of instruction.

The Wesleyan missionariesrealized the need to progresswith evangelizationand

therefore changed from English to Fante as the medium of instruction in schools.

When the Gold Coast came under British ruleyearslater, few dissentingvoices from

the Wesleyan mission then called for greateruse of English instead of Fante. The

Wesleyan mission explained that the British takeover had led to the demand for

British education (Graham, 1971). Foster (1965) explainsthat the major objectiveof

the Basel andWesleyanmissions in using the vernacularwas not a passionto promotethe Ghanaian culture and traditions, but to proselytize even though these missions

justifiedthe vernacular eaching as educationallysound.

Colonial and postcolonial language policies

With the Gold Coast ceded to Britain after the Berlin Conference in the 1880s,formal education in Ghana changed from missionary-orientedschooling as an agentfor proselytizingto a British model dubbed 'Westminster education'. This system

was elitist in its form and structure and promoted Britishideologies. A major objec-tive of Britishcolonial education in the twentieth centurywas to train local people to

fill clerical positions in the colony. The 'fortunate few' indigenous children who

enrolled in school received instructionin English. Some of the local people received

furthertrainingabroadand returned to occupy the lower administrativeand clerical

positions in the colony. These local 'scholars' carvedout a place for themselves as the

emergent group of local 'elites' in the society. They also facilitated the use of the

English language as a tool for identity formation, dominance and power, and as a

benchmarkfor determining literacy and academic success in the Ghanaian society

(see Folson, 1995; Okrah, 2002). The Phelps-Stokes Commission earlier foresawthat such problems were likely to emerge and so in 1920 it recommended the use of

the local language as the medium of instruction in schools (Foster, 1965, pp. 159,

160). Some intellectuals opposed this advice with the explanation that given the



76 0. Mfum-Mensah

linguisticheterogeneityof Ghana,Africanizing he medium of instructionand linguafrancawould lead to disunityamong the ethnic groups (see McWilliam &Kwamena-

Poh, 1975; Folson, 1995).

Duringthe last

period of British rule (after World War II), the colonial policyshifted from its English focus to the vernacular. The British language policy in theGold Coast stressed the importanceof conducting the early yearsof schooling in thelocal vernacularto enable childrento enjoy their earlylearning experienceswithin afamiliarlinguistic framework. Foster (1965) points out that the implementation of

vernacularpolicy at this time was premised on the ideology that it was a sound

'educational'position restingupon the supposed needs of children.

The transitional Gold Coast government then introduced the 'Accelerated

Development Plan', an educational reform initiative that altered the policies of thecolonial educational system,

includingthe vernacular

anguagepolicy.The

Englishlanguagepolicy of the transitiongovernmentreceived a furtherboost by the EducationAct of 1961. The new postcolonial government distanced itself from vernacular

languagepolicywiththe explanation hat it did not want to choose one ethniclanguageover the others (Foster, 1965;Hawes, 1979). The new postcolonialgovernmentunderthe leadershipof Kwame Nkrumah believed in the promotion of literacyamong the

citizenry. The government, however, equated literacy with the mastery of English

language.This philosophy goes back to the 1950s when Nkrumahperceivedthat the

mastery of English by the populace would facilitatethe nations' development initia-

tives, and help it to compete internationally(Pellow & Chazan, 1986; Shillington,1992).

Most of the postcolonialgovernments hat cameafterPresidentNkrumahpromotedvernacular anguagepolicy.The ideologythatpropelledthevernacularanguagepolicyof these governmentsrepresentedanattemptto reform he educationalsector to reflectthe Ghanaianheritageandculture(Mfum-Mensah, 1998). In 1973, the Acheamponggovernment formed the Dzobo Committee and gave it the mandate to review theGhanaian educational system and make recommendations for reforms. The 1974

recommendations of the Dzobo Committee became the bedrock of the 1987

educationalreforms,which emphasizedvernacular anguagepolicy as an initiativefor

promoting Ghanaian cultural identity formation (see Ministry of Education, 1974,1999a, b).

The vernacularlanguage policy used in the educational system in the Rawlings'

twenty-yearrule also stated that:

In the firstyearsof primary ducation, he Ghanaiananguageprevalentn the localareais to be used as the mediumof instruction,whilstEnglish s studied as a subject.From

Primaryouronwards,Englishreplaces he Ghanaiananguageasmediumof instruction,and theGhanaiananguagebecomesanother ubjectonthe timetable. Ministry f Educa-

tion, 1999a)

In 2003, the Ghanaian government shifted from the existing vernacular languagepolicy to a new initiative that highlighted the use of English language at all levels of

schooling. Such a decision was not to come without debate, aggravation, and criticism

from some scholars. However, the government explained the language policy change.



Languagepolicies n Ghana 77

These explanations included: to enable pupils to gain a high level of proficiencyin English because all examinations are conducted in English; to bridge the gapbetween the academic performanceof pupils in privateand public schools; to avoid

delaysin

introducing Englishto

children;and to enable

pupils to participatein andbenefit from the global economy using a global language.The educationministryalso

explained that the movements of pupils across linguistic areas,mixtures of linguistic

groups in urban classrooms, inadequate numbers of native teachers in some

languages,the lack of learningandteachingmaterials n some languages,and the highcost of producing books in all languages make the vernacular language policyunfavourable(see Anyidoho, 2003).

The choice of English over vernacular anguageshas thus received much supportin Ghanaiansociety despite increased global attention to the use of local languages.From colonial times, English languagecan thus be seen to have

playeda

leadingrole

in structuringelitism, power, dominance and a new identity for literate locals. In

addition,Englishfunctions as a tool forcultural and socialreproduction,determiningwho gets access to what type of education, movements from one sector to another in

the education system, and access to political and economic power.

Context of the communities

Bawku West district s located in the aridsavannahgrasslandof northernGhana. The

district is one of the most densely populated areas and has the highest illiteracyrates

in Ghana. Education statistics reveal that most children living in the district do not

attend school (Cleveland, 1986; Ministry of Education, 1999a, b). The district is

ethnically homogeneous with approximately 99.9% of residents belonging to theKusasi ethnic group. The majorityof people residing in the district live in remote,isolated pastoralfarmingcommunities, with the rest of the residents clustered in the

district's capital. Economically, the district is one of the poorest in the country andthe people residing n this area aremostlyfarmers(InternationalFund forAgricultural

Development, 1997).Access to amenities such ashealthcare,banks,communicationcentres,andsecond-

aryeducation is mostly limited to the districtcapital.These communities have a highrespect for the traditionalpolitical system. Community memberspay respect to theirchiefs because they possess authority n their communities. The chiefs play the rolesofjudges,arbitrators, ndadvocates n theircommunities. In addition to the traditional

political structure,communities elect assemblymembers who representthem at the

districtassembly.

TheShepherd choolProgramme

The ShepherdSchool Programme(SSP) began implementationin 1996 throughthecollaborative efforts of ActionAid, the sponsoring international non-governmental

organization (NGO), and seven communities in Northern Ghana. Stakeholders view

SSP as an educational programme that is flexible, cost-effective and takes into



78 0. Mfum-Mensah

account the socioculturalresponsibilitiesof children from these communities. The

similaritiesbetween SSP and the public schools lie in the areas of delivering he stan-

dard national curriculum(but in a differentway), and daily school rituals (includingthe

assemblingof children before

classes, recess,and

games).Their differences lie in

school schedules, teaching personnel, pedagogical approaches, emphasis on local

language at the early stages in schooling, and the local management of schools. The

goal of the Shepherd Schools is to provide linkageswith the formal schools, and to

serve as a point of contact for children'sentry into the formal school system. There-

fore, both ActionAid and the district education personnelview SSP as feeder schools

to the formal school system in communities where they are operating.The curriculumbeing used in SSP is of two different categories; (a) the lower

primary(classes one, two, and thee) curriculum;(b) the upper primary(classes 4, 5

and 6) curriculum. The lower primarycurriculum follows that used in the formal

school system but with slight modification and translated into Kusaal, the local

language. This curriculum includes three subjects, which are, Toende-Kusaal (thelocal language), maths and English. The curriculummaterials consist of: (a) facilita-

tors' manual with weekly lesson instructions for maths, Kusaal, writing and oral

English for SSP primary1-3; (b) writing copybook for SSP primaryone; (c) maths

copybook for primaryone; (d) maths workbooksfor SSP primaryone and two; (e)

Primary hree science book; (f) English for SSP primary3; (g) Toende-Kusaal story-book. The content of this curriculum ntroduceschildrento basicreading, writingand

numeracyskills duringSSP primary1 and 2. At SSP primary3, learners earn other

aspects of basic health issues, sanitationand environmentalprotection. The curricu-

lum is not entirelydifferent romthe one used bythe GhanaEducation Service(GES);

however, some of the contents have been written to reflect the milieu of these learners.

The curriculum of the formal school facilitates the integrationof children to formal

schools. The objectiveforimplementingKusaalas a medium of instruction s the belief

that it will make children's learning easier. The curriculumfor the upper primary

grades s the same as the one used bythe formalschools. Englishis used as the languageof instructionfromprimary ourupwards.The subjectsthat studentsstudyat this level

include English language,mathematics, social studies, science and Kusaal.

Community involvement,which is an objectiveand embodiment of SSP, providesthe local communities with the opportunityto decide the school schedules, and the

recruitmentof teaching personnel.These communities, throughtheirparentteachers

association (PTA) and school management committees (SMC), are responsible for

managingSSP, an approachwhich ActionAidbelieves is a positivestrategy o encour-

age community empowermentand community ownershipof SSP.

Methodology

Between May and December of 2001, the author travelledto Ghana to engage infieldwork on SSP in two communities, which he refers to in this article as Dabolo and

Zuala. He collected the data for the study from extensive interviews with 42 stake-

holders, informal conversations with stakeholders and other community members,




observationsof stakeholders'meetings, and analysisof the availableminutes of meet-

ings. The 42 participants nclude schoolchildren, school facilitators,school adminis-

trators,ActionAid workers,PTA and SMC members, local chiefs, other community

members, parents, Community DevelopmentInitiative

(CODI),a local

non-govern-mental organization,members, district education officers (includingthe coordinator

for girl-child education in the district), and a municipal assembly representative.

Thirty-fourpercentof the participantswere females.The selection of participantswas

done by; (a) purposefullyselecting the two school administrators,ActionAid project

manager and the coordinator of SSP, PTA and SMC chairpersons, the two local

chiefs, districteducation officers,and the assemblymember. These participantswere

purposely selected because of the positions they occupy and their connection to

specific information needed for the study;(b) schoolchildren,parents,other commu-

nitymembers, CODI workers,facilitators and other PTA and SMC members were

randomlyselected to participate n the programme.The author conducted extensiveinterviews,which lastedforabout80 minutes each

with all 42 participants.These provided a means of methodological triangualtion.Interviews with most parents and other community members who spoke Twi (the

language spoken by the Akan ethnic people of southern Ghana), ActionAid and

CODI workers, school administrators, facilitators, and the assembly member

(because they were conducted in English language) were recordedusing audiotape.The authorrecorded the interviewswith some community members, the two chiefs,and all the students using videotape and field notes. This approachoffset the back-

groundnoise encountered due to the environment and the concurrentinterpretationof the interviews.Informal conversationswith communitymembers also served as an

importantdata gathering strategy n this study. This process helped in clarifyingand

illuminatingthe data gathered. The author also recorded informal conversationsin

field notes for analysis. He observed the PTA and SMC meetings in these two

communities to investigatefurther the managementprocess of the two local bodies.

The data gatheredwere then processed in the following way:

(a) Once the data for each day were gathered, the researchertranscribed the taped

interviewsverbatim, and read the field notes to find out if there were gaps thatneeded clarification.He coded all the taped interviews and field notes.

(b) Afterthe datafor each daywereread, the researchercrosscheckedthe details with

participants to ensure that the information provided represented what theymeant.

(c) Preliminaryanalysesof the data carried out at the research site.

(d) The researcheralso subjectedthe data to further rounds of analyses.

(e) Coded data were then re-examined, sorted, categorized, evaluated, comparedand synthesized.

(f) Diagrams, charts and matrices were used to organize several components of asingle variable.

(g) Finally the researcher sorted out, categorized and identified the emergent

patterns and themes.



80 0. Mfum-Mensah

The followingdiscussionemergesfrom theresponsesfromthe school administrators

and community members. They include the ActionAid officers, the school adminis-

trators, the school facilitators,community members, PTA and SMC members, and

parents. Interpretiveanalysiswas

appliedto all the

transcribeddata, field notes fromobservations and informalconversations, and minutes of meetings. Selected quota-tions were then used to illuminatefurther he emergentthemes discussed in the article.

Since some of the people who participated n the studywere not nativeEnglish speak-

ers, some of the verbatiminterviews were translatedwith the help of interpreters.

Findings

Attitudes toward the use of vernacular

It became apparentin the study that the attitudes of community members, parents,school authority and schoolchildren towards the vernacular use as a medium of

instruction in SSP are largely negative. The negative attitudes exhibited by these

stakeholderstowards vernacularuse, stem from their deep-seated perceptions about

the place of both vernacular and English language in the Ghanaian society. Most

participants expressed the view that the use of vernacular is a subtle strategy to

perpetuate the communities' marginalizationfrom the mainstream society. These

communities view the English language as a powerful tool for attainingdominance,

power and prestige in Ghanaiansociety.

Vernacular use and social inequalities

The communitymembers,parents,schoolchildren and school authoritiesarguedthat

those who have proficiency in English language have comparativeeducational and

social advantages n the society. They noted further hat the use of the vernacularonly

perpetuates the existing inequalities in the society and in the educational system.Asana'sresponsebelow capturessuch a perception:

Wheneveryou go to the bank or any otherofficein the regionalcapital,andyou meet

people, the firstlanguage hatthey use to communicate o you is English. They expecteverybodywho comes to such a placeto knowandspeakEnglish...aswell,fromthe timeActionAid mplementedSSP and otherdevelopmentprojects n ourcommunity,peoplewho visit ourcommunity o assist in these developmentprojectsare all educatedpeoplewhoaredriving ars. Suchpeopleareso well educatedbecause heyspeakEnglish.(inter-view withAsana,schoolgirl,27 September2001)

The above view does not come as a surprise. Because the top management at the

ActionAid head office come from southern Ghana and do not speak the Kusaal

language, whenever they visit the northern communities to assess development

projects, they have to use interpreters to communicate with community members.In the interviews, many community members pointed out that the time had come

for their children to receive education in the English language, because without

English language it was feared that these children would remain at the periphery of




the mainstream Ghanaian society. The following response from one parent reveals

such a perception.

Presentlyanybodywhois notproficientn Englishcan be useless n ourGhanaian ociety.

For most of us who cannotread,write or speakEnglish,whateverwe sayends nowhere.If you have anything o complainabout,who will listen to you when you cannotspeakEnglish?That is the reasonwhyI alwaysencouragemy children o take the opportunitythattheynowhave,to learnEnglish o be able to fit into the urbancommunityand secure

a governmentob. (interviewwith Ms Mamuna,parent,18July2001)

The school authoritiesarguedthat the use of Englishas a medium of instructionat

the upper primary level would affect the students' performance, especially when

English languagedetermines how a student fares in the national examinations.They

explainedthat, even though in principlethe use of the vernacular s the policy in place

in the education system, in practice,most public and privateschools, especiallythosein the urban areas,use English language as a medium of instruction at all levels. On

this point Mr Ayampala,the school administratorof Daboloremarkedthat:

Currently ur school uses Englishonlywhen the schoolchildren rogress o primaryour.

Primaryone to three use Kusaalas medium of instructionwhile we teach Englishas a

subject.However...and t is only my opinion...theycan take it or not, but since we are

preparingSSP students o bridge-up n formalschools,theyneed to be taught n Englishas theydo to theircolleagueswho attend schoolsin the urban communities.The Kusaal

language hat we areusingdoes not forhelpschoolchildrenn SSPto learnanybetter.Myreasonforsaying his is thatEnglish anguages the medium of instructionat all levels n

the formalschools.Therefore, argue hat it is more than ikely or children n the formalschools to gaincompetency n Englishaheadof studentsenrolled n SSP. (interviewwithMrAyampala, chooladministrator, 1 October2001)

Most parents, communitymembers,and school administratorsalsoarguedthat the

use of Kusaal is a 'policy fiat' from ActionAid that has as its purposethe perpetuationof 'second class' learning activity in the communities. The parents felt that usingKusaal instead of English is a policy strategy to prevent children attending SSP from

getting the proficiency in English language that fosters easy communications with

outsiders and prepares students for academic and professional life. Most of the

community members and parents indicated that their inability to communicate withthe 'outside world,' because of their lack of skills in English, has been the bane of their

development and their resulting social, economic and political marginalization.

English-'the education'

The community members, parents and schoolchildrenin particular,viewed Englishas 'the education'. The schoolchildren pointed out that English is the national

language.It is the medium of communication at almost all governmentfunctions, in

the newspapersand on most television and radio broadcasts. The schoolchildren alsopointed out that because all textbooks for schools have been written in English,

students who are proficient in English do well in other subjects compared to those

who lack English language proficiency.



82 0. Mfum-Mensah

'Whatever profession that one wants to engage in the future, one would need to be knowl-

edgeable in English if he or she wants to go beyond the community'. 'English can help one

to travel within and outside the country', 'English can help people to fit in when they goto the cities or urban towns'. (interview with Pambi, schoolboy, 20 September 2001)

The schoolchildren also pointed out that because they want to get exposureto the

'world' beyond their community, they have to be literate in English language. The

schoolchildren'sperceptionsand reflected in the responsesof Asana and Fuseini, two

of the participatingschoolchildren:

I can give many examples of how English is so important and why we children in this

community need to be proficient in English language. First, a number of people who visit

our communities do not speak our language and so we cannot communicate with them

because we also are not skilled in the English language. It is so sad when you want to

communicate with somebody and you cannot because you do not understand each other.

As we are speaking now, I had to use this interpreter to tell you all this but I wish I couldtalk to you directly on a one on one level. Secondly, when we take the subjects that we are

studying in school you can see that all these subjects revolve around English. Englishdetermines success in all the other subjects. Therefore, if you cannot read English youcannot do well in any subject. (interview with Asana, schoolgirl, 25 September 2001)

We realize that if you are not literate in English, you are actually useless in the Ghanaian

society. All those who are not literate in English language in fact do not exist in the society.

They do not know what is going on, have no say in anything, and cannot secure any good

job. I am saying this because community members here do not speak in English and so the

government and the district assembly do not care about this community. For a long time,

theydid not even care whether we children here receive education or not. It was

onlywhen

ActionAid came to this area that they opened the Shepherd School for us. We have realized

that in order to communicate with the outside world, and for them to listen to you, youmust be literate in English language because our Kusaal language ends at Bolgatanga.

(interview with Fuseini, schoolboy, 27 June 2001)

During the interviews and informal interactionswith community members, they

vehemently pointed out that 'we allowed our children to enrol in the school so that

they can learn English', so they (both parents and community members) do not

understandwhy ActionAid continues to lay emphasison the Kusaalas a medium of

instruction.

In the study, all the schoolchildrenindicated that one of the factors that motivatedthem to enrol in the programmeis the acquisition of skills in English language.The

schoolchildren indicated that through their proficiency in English language theywould be able to secure government jobs and relocate to the urban centres. The

majorityof the schoolchildren indicatedthat because they saw little or no prospect in

their farmingand pastoralvocation, they needed an education that could provide an

opportunityfor them to relocate to urban communities. Such an educationaccordingto the schoolchildren is the abilityto read and write English.

Discussion

The negative attitudes toward the vernacular demonstrated by members of these

isolated pastoral communities are also corroborated in another recent study in six




culturally diverse villages in Ghana where parents initially support early EnglishMedium for all levels of schooling (Andoh-Kumi, 2000). Three factors explainedthese communities' negative attitudes towards the vernacular.The first is how these

communities see themselvesin relationto the mainstream

society.Since the introduc-

tion of formal schooling in Ghana, those in rural northern Ghanaian communities

have been at a disadvantage when we consider the distribution of educational

resources. Second, there is much urban and rural disparity in the use of English

language in the school system in Ghanaian society. The majorityof children who

attend school in urban communities in Ghana receive instruction in English

language.Because childrenin urban schools have access to better education, includ-

ing qualityteachers, and in particular,receive earlyinstructionin English language,

they move from one level in the educationalsystemto the other more easilythan their

peersin the rural areas. Other factors come into play, when it comes to urban and

ruraldisparityand educational mobility in Ghana, but again this is not part of the

discussion here. The thirdfactor,which also relates to the preceding one, is the view

held in Ghanaian society that equates one's level of proficiency in the English

languagewith level of intelligence. This has shaped the mental psyche of even those

in academia to the extent that to date, even the statewide examining board (WestAfrican Examinations Council) measures students' level of academic success and

their potential for the post-secondary level of education by their success in English

language.

Perspectivesthat assume that English languageis 'the education' have shaped the

psyche of Ghanaianpolicy-makers.Moreover, despite well-grounded argumentsin

the literatureabout the cognitive advantages of using the vernacular,most peoplecontinue to lay emphasis on English language instruction (Andoh-Kumi, 2000).Kachru (1995, cited by Tam, 1998) points out that this attitude stems from the fact

that, historically,the English languagehas functioned as a 'tool of power, domination

and elitist identity, and for communication across continents' (p. 70).Before the introduction of western-typeeducation in Ghana, ascriptivecriteria of

sex, age and lineage origin determined one's status in the society (Foster, 1965).Colonial education, however, emerged as a new social order and an importanttool

for attainingstatus.The few indigenous people who went throughcolonial educationdominated the political scene as the new 'colonial masters' when the nation attained

independence. Back in the 1960s some educators (see Folson, 1995) cautioned that

despite the likely communication improvementbetween the different ethnic groups

throughthe use of Englishlanguageas the medium of instruction,the approachcould

also polarizethe society into the urban elite and the ruralpopulation. Folson (1995)

arguesthateventodaythe different evels of comprehensionof Englishdue to different

degrees of exposureto its usage generate inequalitiesin the Ghanaiansociety. Recent

language policy reflects debates that recognize both sides of the language policy

dilemma. The argument put forwardby those Ghanaian scholars in favour of thevernacular language is that instruction in vernacular is an important way of preserving

Ghanaian cultural traditions and transmitting them to the younger generations (see

Okrah, 2002; Anyidoho, 2003). Apart from these few 'fugitive voices' that have opted



84 0. Mfum-Mensah

for the vernacularas the medium of instruction, most Ghanaianscholarsemphasizethe need to raise the standardof English languagein the school system to address thedeteriorationof Ghanaianeducation.

Conclusion

Whenever the issue of languageof instructioncomes to the fore, the attitude of most

Ghanaians s apreference orEnglishlanguageas the medium of instructionat alllevels

of schooling. Most Ghanaian parents who have attained higher levels of formal

education preferto communicate with theirchildrenin English,with the explanationthat the children mustbe competent in English languagein order to compete in our

globalized community. Similarly,most parents living in the urban communities also

enrol their children in private schools where there isemphasis

onEnglish languageinstructionfromthepreschoollevel.The preference orEnglishLanguage n Ghanaian

societystems from how its usagehas come to be associatedwithliteracy,andacademic

intelligence, and how schooling in general and literacyin English in particularhave

emerged as a new social orderin the Ghanaiansociety.

Acknowledgement

The author would like to express his gratitude to the InternationalResearch and

Development Centre (IDRC) Canada,forprovidingthe doctoral award or the study.He also extends his gratitude to ActionAid Ghana for not only allowing him toresearch on their Shepherd School Program but also providing logistical supportduringthe fieldwork.Finally, without the interpretiveskills of Messrs. Simon Avokaand William Azaabasome aspects of the fieldworkwould not have been possible.

Notes on contributor

Obed Mfum-Mensah recentlycompleted his PhD in ComparativeInternationaland

Development Education from OntarioInstitute for Studies in Education of the

University of Toronto. During his doctoral studies, Obed worked as a researchassistant for the 'community school project'under the supervisionof Professor

Joseph P. Farrell. His teaching and research nterests are in the areas of interna-

tional development education, education in sub-SaharanAfrica, education of

marginalizedgroups and foundations of education.

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impact of colonial and post colonial policy on education

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