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ECONOMIC TIMES

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TIMES OF INDIA

TRIBUNE

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CONTENTS

BACKWARD CLASSES 3-8

CIVIL SERVICE 9-18

EDUCATION 19-30

EMPLOYMENT 31-33

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 34-36

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 37-39

LABOUR 40-42

LIBRARIES 43

POLICE 44-45

POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT 46-54

POVERTY 55-57

PRESIDENTS 58-62

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 63-65

SOCIAL PROBLEMS 66-68

TRAINING 69

TRANSPORT 70-71

WOMEN 72-73

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BACKWARD CLASSES

STATESMAN, APR 17, 2016Struggle against castes – INini Chanda

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, reverentially referred to and addressed as Babasaheb, played a crucial role in designing the political and civic canvas of India. His vast knowledge in a wide range of subjects buttressed his role as scholar, teacher, lawyer, parliamentarian, administrator, journalist, political leader, social reformist, and as the chief architect of the Constitution. He was widely acknowledged as the saviour of those whom traditional Hindu society condemned as Untouchables. He dedicated his life to the uplift of the downtrodden, and the building of the Indian nation.

Social reformers, pre-eminently Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda, Pandit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, Rabindranath Tagore, Raja Rammohan Roy, et al had fought against the caste system. However, they viewed the caste system from “outside” as they themselves did not belong to the lower caste. But Ambedkar looked at the caste system from within as he belonged to the Hindu Mahar caste, whose members were treated as untouchables and subjected to intense socio-economic discrimination.

Ambedkar had to suffer unspeakable humiliation because of his social background. Once when he and his brother were going to Goregaon to meet their father, they were thrown out of the bullock cart when the driver came to know that they belonged to the untouchable class. In the scorching afternoon heat, the two brothers begged in vain for water. To quench unbearable thirst, the young Bhimrao drank water from a well. On being noticed, he was beaten up mercilessly. A barber, who used to clip the hair of buffaloes, refused to cut their hair for fear of defiling his razor. Washermen refused to wash their clothes. Once on his way to school, Bhimrao had taken shelter near the wall of a house to avoid the rain. 

On seeing him, the lady of the house angrily pushed him into the rain and muddy water.

In school, Ambedkar along with other untouchable children were made to sit on the floor on a gunny bag in one corner of the classroom. The teacher never attended to or assisted them. In fact they never condescended to touch their notebooks. If those children needed to drink water, somebody belonging to a higher caste would pour water into their upturned mouths, for they were not allowed to touch either the water or the container. This task was usually assigned to the school peon, and on days when the peon was absent, the boys remained thirsty.

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In Hindu society, professions other than scavenging, removal of dead cattle, etc., were out of reach for the untouchables. They were barred from entering places of worship. An area in the village was separately circumscribed for their dwelling. They had no access to the public wells and tanks which the caste Hindus used.

While pursuing his brilliant academic career in America and England, Ambedkar was away from the malaise of casteism. But on completion of his education abroad, he had to suffer the sting of untouchability once again. In his workplace the employees of the office, instead of handing over files to him, would throw them at him, maintaining a distance. Such humiliation kindled in Ambedkar the fire of hatred for varna, caste and untouchability.

In 1924, Ambedkar formed the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha (Depressed Classes Welfare Association). To mobilise his followers he established other organisations like the Independent Labour Party, the All-India Scheduled Caste Federation, the Samaj Samata Sangh, the Samata Sainik Dal, etc. The privileged orthodox Hindus did not allow the untouchables to take water from the local Chowdar tank. In 1927 Ambedkar conducted the famous Mahad Satyagraha or non-violent resistance to assert the right of the untouchables to use public wells and tanks. This resulted in a confrontation with caste Hindus. The Manusmriti was publicly burnt. This dealt a blow to Hinduism, for it was a pointer to the fact that the untouchables were ready to stand up against the restrictions enforced and demands imposed on them by the caste Hindus. 

Between 1930-1932, Ambedkar participated in three Round Table Conferences in London as a representative of the depressed classes. The objective was to introduce constitutional safeguards. In his undelivered speech to the Jat Pat Todak Mandal of Lahore, Ambedkar said that in the fight for swaraj one fights with the support of the entire nation on his side, but to undo untouchability one has to fight against the whole nation, and that too on one’s own. In his editorial in the Bahishkrit Bharat, Ambedkar wrote that if Tilak had been born among the untouchables, he would not have raised the slogan “Swaraj is my birthright”, but would have instead raised the slogan, “Annihilation of untouchability is my birthright”. Ambedkar played a pioneering role in the legal abolition of untouchability, which is embodied in Article 17 of the Constitution -- “Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of ‘untouchability’ shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law”.

Ambedkar strongly believed that the victims of injustice and oppression should win justice for themselves by concerted effort. He thus raised the slogan -- “Educate, organise and agitate”. He believed that an educated person seldom gets de-tracked. To be organised is to be united, and unity fosters solidarity, determination, courage, discipline and the right spirit to fight for justice. The strength of an organisation can be compared to the joint strength of the five fingers of the

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hand. Agitation is not a mode of terrorism, but is an effort to resolve problems through peaceful, constitutional means.

Ambedkar envisaged social reform in two senses -- (a) Reforms of the Hindu family, and (b) Reforms or reconstruction of the Hindu society. Women were denied education during the Smriti period. During the time of Ambedkar, there was a change in the minds of men and they wanted to educate their women. But Ambedkar did not primarily concern himself with female education, or with such issues as widow remarriage and the evils of child marriage. His emphasis was on the reconstruction of the Hindu society. He maintained that there could not be any political or economic reform unless the “monster” of the caste-system was killed.

WC Bonnerjee denounced Ambedkar’s insistence on the priority of social reform over the political, saying “I have for one no patience for those who say we shall have no political reform unless we have social reform. Are we not fit for political reform because our widows do not remarry, or our girls are married off at an early age than in other countries?” In Bonnerjee’s reckoning, reform simply meant change in the women’s social status. 

Ambedkar was opposed to such remarks; he realised that caste hierarchy with its graded unity ran counter to national unity. As a nationalist at heart, he insisted on social reform in the form of abolition of the caste system.

He argued that if society remained fragmented, then swaraj would only mean slavery of the lower castes to the upper castes. In his bid to end casteism, Ambedkar faced opposition from caste Hindus as well as anti-casteists because he criticised Hinduism per se and called for the abolition of the inhuman social evils it nurtured.

(To be concluded)The writer is Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Calcutta.

STATESMAN, APR 18, 2016Struggle against castes-IINini Chanda

Advocates of the caste system argue that it is just another expression for ‘division of labour’ and if division of labour is not an evil, then why should caste be an evil? The casteists argue that before the advent of industrialisation, every person had to perform a task all by himself. This naturally slowed down the process of production, for it took a long time for each job to be completed. Adam Smith in his Wealth Of Nations explains this with the example of pin-making which involves eighteen separate operations. But after the Industrial Revolution, labour was

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divided and each person was assigned a specific job. This changed both the quality and quantity of products. Division of labour encouraged a person to concentrate on one aspect of the job, and accordingly he acquired expertise in the task. It was argued that the quality of work got enhanced if each caste was assigned a specific job.

In the Gita and the Mahabharata, the principle of the division of labour devolves on the inherent qualities of people. In the Mahabharata, ‘class’ is defined by the activities of the people. For example, the virtues of forgiveness, meditation, truth-telling are distinctive qualities of Brahmins. However, if these qualities were manifest in a Sudra, then he would be considered a Brahmin. This concept has been reiterated in Aryanaka Parva. Clearly, in the epics, the foundation of the division of caste was not social birth, but natural qualities and activities of the individual.

In the Vedic period, varna division was made on the basis of svabhaba. Predominance of gunas-sattva, rajas and tamas was the criterion of differentiating varnas. The Rigveda states that Brahmins were born through Brahma’s mouth, Khatriyas through the hands, Vaishyas through the hip, and Sudras through the legs; but all parts of the human body and therefore of equal importance. In the Rigveda there was no hierarchy of caste. But later from the Smrti period onwards varna was determined on the basis of birth, not svabhaba. Thus varna got evolved as jai or jat, and this got enmeshed in Hindu dharma.

Ambedkar challenged the contention of casteists that caste division is the division of labour. He believed that the caste division is not a division of labour, but rather a division of the labourer. For, in the division of labour, there is no hierarchy, but in the division of the labourer, there is gradation. Division of labour is carried out in accordance with the need of production; by doing a job again and again the labourer acquires a skill. The skill is thus not inherent. But in the caste system, divisions are in place not on the basis of a person’s skill, but on the basis of his birth and the status of his parents. In terms of caste division, a person is sanctioned a profession that his birth and heredity allow. The dogma of predestination is at the root of this system.

A Brahmin would choose to starve rather than sustain himself by taking up the job of a sweeper. This attitude results in unemployment. In the case of division of labour, there is no hierarchy. But a hierarchy emerges among labourers. The work/labour of a Brahmin is not the same as that of a Sudra. In division of labour, no job is trivial. But in the varna system, certain types of work are designated for Brahmins, and some others for sudras. In the caste system the individual (for example a sweeper) develops disrespect towards himself. He does not put his heart and mind into his job. This obstructs development and skills. On the other hand, the system of division of

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labour has proved beneficial for society. Thus Ambedkar argues that the caste system cannot be defended as division of labour.

Casteists argue that the objective of the caste system was to preserve purity of blood. Ambedkar rejects this argument. He points out that the caste system cannot be said to have come into existence as a means of preventing admixture of races. There was an influx of different races in India, and consequently there was considerable intermingling. The caste system came into vogue long after different races had mingled in blood and culture. Again, caste means race; but talk about purity of race does not allow talk about sub-castes. But among Brahmins there are sub-castes. To prove that the issue of intermingling of blood is used as an excuse by the casteists, Ambedkar asks that if Brahmins and Sudras sit in the same row while eating a meal, there is no transfusion of blood. Why then are Brahmins and Sudras not seated in the same row at meals? Ambedkar points out that this is clearly due to the blind superstition shrouding Hinduism.

The Hindu caste system has undermined the unity among Hindus. It does not allow the formation of a federation. There is a superficial unity only during times of crisis. For example, during a communal riot the Brahmins might solicit the help of Sudras. The existence of castes keeps alive memories of past differences and prevents solidarity. The higher caste Hindus have deliberately prevented the lower castes to rise to the cultural level of higher castes. If a large section of people, namely the ‘untouchables’ are neglected and discriminated against, Ambedkar pointed out that the democratic ideal of a government of the people, by the people, for the people, can never be achieved. In his reckoning, an ideal society is marked by what they call social endosmosis, i.e. fraternity which actualises the import of ‘democracy’. Equality and liberty have a prominent place in Ambedkar’s social and political construct. Nevertheless, he does not endorse unlimited liberty, for that would jeopardise equality. Again, absolute equality would leave no scope for liberty. He prioritised fraternity and envisaged it as the safeguard to the denial of liberty and equality.

Ambedkar became disillusioned with orthodox Hindu society. The caste system was so strongly embedded in such a society that it was hard to overthrow it. He signalled his intent to embrace a more just and humanitarian religion - “I was born a Hindu but will not die as a Hindu”. To him Buddhism embodied the ethic of equality. Ambedkar’s faith in Buddha, dharma and sangha steeled his resolve. In 1956 in course of a BBC London talk, Ambedkar said that the three principles of Buddhism that appealed to him most were that of Prajna (understanding as against superstition), Karuna (love) and Samata (equality). Lord Buddha never claimed infallibility. He told his disciple Ananda that reason and experience formed the fountainhead of his religion, and that his followers were free to modify or abandon any of his teachings if they ceased to be

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relevant. Buddha’s Dhammapada is not a revelation, but is embedded in intelligence and the laws of nature.

Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism testified to his faith in a religion based on humanism. For him religion encompassed a moral state of being, benevolence towards mankind. In Dhamma there is no scope for prayers, pilgrimage, rituals, ceremonies or sacrifices. Morality is the essence of Dhamma. Preoccupation with metaphysical and ontological questions on God and soul is not the crux of religion. His humanism aims at liberating man from the social malady of discrimination. He derived this vision of humanism from his master - Gautama Buddha. Such a path offers the only solution to the present strife-ridden fragmented society, and is also the way to permanent peace and progress. The relevance of Ambedkar’s philosophy cannot be undermined today.(Concluded)   

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CIVIL SERVICE

STATESMAN, APR 22, 2016Churning within the civil serviceTuktuk Ghosh

For over a decade, the Government of India has been observing Civil Services Day on 20-21 April. It is designed as an occasion to applaud excellence in public administration, introspect and strategise on addressing challenges in the days ahead. To provide the premium touch, awards are instituted in the name of the Prime Minister and presented by him to a select few who have made the cut after going through tough filters of scrutiny. A day in the spotlight for bureaucrats, otherwise accustomed, by vintage Conduct Rules and well worn conventions, to the decorous drapes of anonymity, playing out roles of special cogs in the leviathan that is the State apparatus.

This year, for the first time, a massive exercise was taken up, with inputs from citizens, to judge best performing districts with respect to identified priority schemes - Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY), Swachh Bharat (Gramin), Swachh Vidyalaya and Soil Health Card. Based on the Prime Minister’s idea, the short-list of the administrative ministries overseeing implementation of the schemes was pruned, under the supervision of the Cabinet Secretariat, factoring in the feedback. Reportedly, over 760,000 people were called up by  BSNL agents over 10 days in late February-early March, with questions to be answered in the affirmative or negative and including responses to  questions on suggested improvements. To make it to the final list, the clinching criteria were efficient and corruption-free implementation of schemes. The bar for establishing excellence at the cutting edge was, in  the process, raised a few notches higher.

Elevating expectations and prescribing stringent performance parameters have their undeniable salience. While acknowledging inspirational achievements on occasions such as Civil Services Day, what cannot be ignored, as the Government completes two years in office, is the enormity of the tasks that remain unaccomplished, as promised in its Election Manifesto and, much  more importantly, as mandated by the Constitution of India. At the core of all future endeavours is the effective partnership of the political executive and the civil service. How best they succeed in harnessing support from the legislature, judiciary, media, corporate sector and civil society will be critical in drawing up the score card. Publicity blitzes, grand celebrations, resurrecting, for purposes of convenient appropriation, insufficiently acknowledged and near forgotten icons from the past to airbrush perceptions will not suffice, notwithstanding the huge amounts of public resources lavished on them. Neither will imposition of tech-intense operating procedures on creaking, archaic structures alone work wonders.  

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The civil service will not morph into and perform like a superstar, de-energised as it is after persistent, deliberate corrosion and debilitation, merely by strong exhortations, interspersed with regular trashing, more with an eye to garnering public sympathy. Dispersed, weak attempts at weeding out dead wood have met with limited success, with only around a dozen in the net-of-ignominy so far. The safest, time-tested policy remains one of squatting around peaceably, without rocking any boats.

The snail-like pace of penalising the corrupt, with investigating agencies enthusiastically participating in unsavoury political games, is spectacularly effective in reinforcing lessons of playing safe by being habitually indecisive. It has taken all of 23 years to convict a former Union Minister  in a corruption case related to allotment of Government shops in Delhi in 1993-4. And the quantum of punishment is yet to be decided! A Special Court pulled up the CBI earlier this month - yet  again - for flouting procedures and being “conspicuously ambiguous” in its investigation in  charges of corruption against the Principal Secretary to the Chief Minister of Delhi. The claim of the CBI of a 94 per cent jump in crackdowns on graft cases, highest in the last five years, appears  unimpressive in the backdrop of the latest report of Transparency International where India’s score on the corruption scale of 100 continues unchanged at 38, even as it moved up nine positions in the list of 168 countries. The moral is that those who can will wreck the system and try to get away with it while those who have  it in them to contribute will withdraw so they don’t have to pay a price.

It is only by demanding - and not settling for anything less than - true professionalism at all levels,  enforcing transparency and accountability as well as installing firewalls against vitiating influences of narrow, myopic political agendas that promises of maximum governance will carry any conviction.

While it is truly remarkable that the Prime Minister is hands-on and holds monthly review exercises with senior civil servants on stalled mega projects, it is equally a sorry commentary that he needs to do so. Intervention at the highest level should ordinarily be necessary only for select, highly sensitive or extremely complex projects. According to a report prepared by the CMIE for the Ministry of Finance, the number of stalled projects has touched an all-time high with 893 ventures held up for varying reasons.

Thorough, regular monitoring exercises are supposed to be the daily fare of each and every supervisory level in all government and government-backed institutions. Obviously they have fallen through many a gaping crack in the system. Elevating levels of crisis-management on a regular basis may have the unintended consequence of making functional levels more dysfunctional than they already are.

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The tremendous slackening in governance norms, with deleterious results for all to rue, has to be reversed. Reclaiming the original  charter of  a robust  steel  frame, instead of institutionalising a centralised mode, is clearly more suitable in a democracy such as ours. The political executive, too, at the ministerial levels, must be encouraged to play its leadership part vis-a-vis civil servants and not seek to abdicate responsibility upwards, singing paeans of praise all the way. They cannot harp on the hackneyed whine that they have to do what they do - right or wrong - as they are merely fulfilling people’s aspirations, as defined by themselves, of course.

Where exactly the Delhi CM’s diktat to bureaucrats on Civil Services’ Day to fall in line or quit, fits in, keeping in mind the tussle over unresolved Constitutional dilemmas surrounding Article 239AA, is difficult to determine. It carries a bitter foretaste of increased friction till the relevant judicial pronouncements come in.

A refreshingly forthright Facebook post of the Union Coal Secretary on a related theme of less articulated governance - brakes and dampeners - deserves special mention here. According to him there are five Cs substantially inhibiting quick, effective decision-making by honest officers. These are CBI, CVC, CAG, CIC and the Courts. Ironically, these are headed not by “dishonest” politicians, who are “conveniently”  blamed for all ills, as he puts it, but by civil servants. Coming from one of the most highly-rated serving officers, justifiably complimented as the chief architect of the innovative, highly successful e-auction of coal blocks, the observations have a landmark quality. The objective is not, as the  Secretary clarifies, to be confrontational but to spark a sharp debate and bring in much needed reform.

There is no dearth of evidence in the public domain on institutional deficiencies, along  with the reasons that brought them on. Notwithstanding the detailed documentation, there is  no unanimity on the identification of institutions placed in the dock or the extent of their responsibility for the avoidable logjam government so often finds itself in. However, credit must be given to the Secretary for taking the lead, with courage and conviction. What could be construed as breaking ranks or being near blasphemous has, in fact, set in motion a churning, results of which will hopefully be creatively disruptive and help craft the foundations of an altered governance landscape.

The  exasperation and frustration of the Coal Secretary have found an echo in another highly-regarded officer, the CMD, Air India’s blog. The deep resentment against watchdog-checkposts turning into roadblocks is palpable. He wonders at the amount of indecision, almost on a continuous basis, that must be responsible for the grand mess that the national carrier finds itself in today.

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Transformation that springs from within is almost always more enduring. It is heartening that these invaluable insider  voices, heavy with the weight of experience have not been misconstrued, called into question or muzzled. As there have been  instances of the law coming down  with a heavy hand on perceived unpalatable criticism, it is cause for cheer. With the virtual and real world listening with a great deal of attention, it promises to  be a riveting unfolding of an important public service discourse. 

Other outpourings of civil servants in cyber space, particularly pertinent to highlight on the occasion of Civil Services Day, have to do with reclaiming public  respect for themselves and their work , especially in the print media. They believe that unrelenting scorn and humiliation poured on them have gone beyond acceptable limits of tolerance and must end. There may have been, in all likelihood, a particular negative context or set of circumstances around the coinage of the term “babu” for officialdom by the media. However, its usage over the years in a deliberately demeaning sense, in a majority of media reports appears to have alienated and angered many, especially from the younger generation. For far too long, the perceived abuse had gone uncontested. Now, in an unprecedented display of solidarity, the campaign to unsubscribe one leading English news daily, has picked up momentum. It is learnt that several civil servants, including former Cabinet Secretaries and office-bearers of the Central IAS Association, have cancelled subscriptions.

As a symbolic gesture of protest, this is strong, even though it does not enjoy overwhelming or total endorsement. The positive spin-off expected is that it may prompt media to think  through the issues flagged and work towards a rebalanced equation, reflecting a more accurate  picture. Concurrently, it should  also put the onus on civil servants to earn, through their impeccable performance, the respect they  so  yearn for. Few individual achievers cannot by themselves recreate tattered, bruised public impressions. A radically changed environment in which the civil service is more actively nurtured and supported in fulfilling its developmental mandate, is the need of the hour. In this, the media will continue to play a vital role. No more of the unwarranted “babu- bashing” as a pleasurable pastime. This may well be the inflection point for the civil service for clear and definitive reaffirmation of its professional excellence, so that the term, in its offensive , inappropriate variant, simply auto destructs. 

The bottom line is re-empowering the civil service, restoring its space and dignity, with public service and full accountability as its sole guiding credo, as envisioned in the Constitution and doing all it takes to get there. It commends, for all stake holders, re-examination, rethinking and rebuilding, institution by institution, law by law, policy by policy, rule by rule, process by process. This is the best way to celebrate the civil service on a continuing basis, not only as an annual “utsav”.

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There is a hint that the force within is rising. Channelising  online and offline campaigns to this end will yield rich dividend.

The writer is a retired IAS officer and comments on governance issues.

TIMES OF INDIA, APR 22, 2016UP government suspends IAS officer convicted of graft

Lucknow, April 21 (IANS) The Uttar Pradesh government has suspended Indian Administrative

Service (IAS) officer Rajeev Kumar who was convicted in 2012 in a Noida plot allotment scam

and was sent to prison earlier this week.

Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav on Wednesday signed the order for the suspension of Rajiv

Kumar, who was former deputy chief executive officer of New Okhla Industrial Development

Authority (Noida), officials said on Thursday.

Considered close to both Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Mulayam Singh Yadav and Chief Minister

Akhilesh Yadav, Rajiv Kumar was accused of misusing his position as an official of Noida in the

1990s in making illegal allotments of plots of land.

The state government kept the officer in the administration despite his conviction in 2012. Also,

it took no immediate action against Rajiv Kumar even after he was taken in judicial custody on

Monday and sent to Dasna jail in Ghaziabad.

Akhilesh Yadav signed the suspension order on Wednesday only after Allahabad High Court

sought a response from the state government as to what action it had taken in the matter.

A CBI court had in November 2012 convicted Rajiv Kumar and Neera Yadav, the then chief

executive officer (CEO) of Noida, of illegal land allotment and sentenced each of them to three-

year jail terms.

Soon after their conviction, the two officers got bail from a sessions court in Ghaziabad as their

three-year sentence did not require immediate arrest.

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They challenged their conviction and sentence by filing appeals in the Allahabad High Court

which dismissed their appeals on February 24 this year.

Neera Yadav surrendered on March 14 and is also lodged in Dasna jail.

STATESMAN, APR 21, 2016‘CM’s warning to bureaucrats tragic’

A day after Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal cautioned bureaucrats against playing politics with elected representatives warning "we are here for another 10-15 years", a number of senior officials described it as "tragic". 

Kejriwal made these comments in a speech to bureaucrats on the occasion of Civil Services Day. 

He said, "My government is fulfilling the aspirations of the people of Delhi. People are happy and if the government continues this way we aren't going anywhere for 10-15 years. You may like it or not, but we are here for 10-15 years. Those officers who are above 45 have no choice," he remarked. 

Kiran Bedi, first woman IPS officer of the country, said, "It is very tragic. Delhi as a whole will suffer with such a leadership and if Delhi suffers, country will suffer." 

She said Kejriwal should act like a leader and take the officers along with him instead of scaring them. "One cannot scare them as DANICS, IAS or DASS cadre employees are answerable to law and Constitution of India and not to any political party," said Bedi. 

The social activist and erstwhile member of India Against Corruption (IAC) along with Kejriwal said the CM has always been an agitator and is always "versus" everything. 

"He is versus Prime Minister, versus BJP, versus LG, versus central government which shows his background is not for governance but only for seeking publicity," said Bedi. 

A bureaucrat present at the function said the speech is full of contradictions. 

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"He is very insecure. The CM said that due to officers' strike odd-even suffered. But if odd-even suffered, how could Kejriwal got his name in Forbes' magazine and how has the government claimed odd-even to be a success. 

In fact, the officers worked hard on it and instead of being grateful, he is demoralising us," said the officer. 

The bureaucrat also said whoever speaks against any of policies is accused of being either with the BJP or Congress by the CM. 

"Acording to Kejriwal, the officers went on strike for the first time. But he should check his facts that in 1998-99 also, DASS cadre employees went on strike for IV pay commission and then LK Advani, senior BJP leader had called on us and appealed to call off the strike," said the official. Another bureaucrat said, "Though Kejriwal had said earlier that he could not get an opportunity to meet the bureaucrats but when on the eve of New Year, when all the officers around 5000 to 6000 of them went to meet him,he straight away refused to see us.

The official said Civil Servants' Day is like an annual day for bureaucrats. 

"He could have ait and talked to us about our problems or he could have hosted a dinner which every state's Chief Minister does ideally. But all of his "drama" was pre-meditated and deliberately done keeping in mind Punjab elections to develop anti-establishment link with people," said the official requesting anoynimity. 

Delhi BJP president Satish Upadhyay on his part said the Kejriwal government has constantly violated constitutional provisions and now when it finds government officials are not prepared to allow this, the CM is trying to browbeat them into submission. "We condemn this act of Kejriwal and it would be better if instead of terrorising officials, the government abides by rules and serves the people," said Upadhyay. 

The Chief Minister in his address to bureaucrats said in December last year, many officers went on a day's mass leave in solidarity with two DANICS or Delhi Andaman and Nicobar Civil Service officers, who were suspended for "insubordination".

ASIAN AGE, APR 19, 2016Despite tiff with bureaucrats, government to mark Civil Services Day SANJAY KAW 

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On one hand, the AAP government is at loggerheads with a large number of bureaucrats, but on the other it is all set to celebrate the Civil Services Day. The event on Tuesday will see addresses by none other than chief minister Arvind Kejriwal and his deputy Manish Sisodia.

In Delhi, a section of the bureaucrats have been at loggerheads with the AAP government over a host of issues concerning policy-making and day-to-day governance. Delhi also earned the distinction of becoming the first Union Territory where civil servants went on a half day leave on December 31 in protest against the AAP government’s order to suspend two special secretaries of the home department for not toeing its line. A former chief secretary said: “The strike by civil servants is a very serious issue. It is also a rare occasion that they have en-mass gone on strike in any state or in the Centre in the past 68 years.”

Another senior officer said that the AAP government has been humiliating bureaucrats (both IAS and Danics) and giving prime postings to other cadres. “For instance, the AAP government has appointed officers from IRS to handle vigilance department; engineering services engineer to handle PWD and a doctor to head the health department. This has happened for the first time in the national capital.”Deputy secretary (general administration department) Amitabh Kundoo issued a circular about Tuesday’s event. “The Civil Services Day is celebrated on April 21 on each year. As part of the celebration, a function is being held on April 19, where the chief minister and deputy chief minister have graciously agreed to share their insights with the civil servants of the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi.”

Asked why the AAP government was celebrating the Civil Services Day on April 19, a senior bureaucrat said that the officers will be attending a programme organised by the BJP-led government at the Centre on the Civil Services Day on April 21. This will be the second occasion when the city government is celebrating the Civil Services Day.

The Civil Services Day is being celebrated on April 21 every year since 2006.

ECONOMIC TIMES, APR 19, 2016Centre increases intercadre deputation period up to five years

NEW DELHI: Civil servants can now stay up to five years on intercadre deputation. The

Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) has increased to five years from existing three

years the period of such deputation. Intercadre deputations are normally processed only in cases

of personal difficulties for officers of three all India services Indian Administrative Service

(IAS), Indian Police Service (IPS) and Indian Forest Service (IFoS). "Now, it has been decided

that all cases of intercadre deputation of all India services officers initially be restricted to three

years, extendable by two more years, after review," it said in an order issued today. The Ministry

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of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, cadre controlling

authorities for IPS and IFoS respectively are requested to consider all the requests for intercadre

deputation accordingly, the order said.

TIMES OF INDIA, APR 18, 2016Narendra Modi government to add 2.2 lakh central employees in two yearsPradeep Thakur Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses an election campaign rally at Krishnanagar in Nadia district of West Bengal.

NEW DELHI: 'Minimum government, maximum governance' has been one of PM Narendra

Modi's catchiest slogans. But the Modi government is set to add more than two lakh central

employees over a period of two years from March 1, 2015, despite the Centre's announcements

from time to time on a freeze in fresh recruitments.

The central government's actual staff on March 1, 2015 was 33.05 lakh, which increased to 34.93

lakh in 2016 and is estimated to grow to 35.23 lakh by March 1, 2017, according to the budget

estimates for 2016-17. This includes the railways — which has not added a single worker to its

strength of 13,26,437 in the last three years — but excludes the defence forces.

The biggest increase of 70,000 is projected in the revenue department which comprises income

tax and customs and excise, followed by central paramilitary forces, projected to rise by 47,000.

The strength of the home ministry, excluding paramilitary forces, has increased by 6,000.

The cabinet secretariat, a fairly small department assisting the government, will add 301

employees, going up from 900 in 2015 to 1,201 by March 1, 2017. The I&B ministry added

nearly 2,200 personnel in the last two years.

The personnel ministry, which manages government staff, added 1,800 jobs in the last two years,

the urban development ministry 6,000, mines ministry 4,399 and department of space 1,000.

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However, the financial allocation for salaries and allowances for the revenue department has not

shown any major difference, for the reason that the department has not been able to recruit

personnel due to slow progress in the cadre restructuring exercise.

Some departments have faced downsizing. Interestingly, there has been a cut in the department

of rural development, the focus area of the government, where the strength has come down from

538 in 2015 to 472 in 2016-17.

A major reason for the spurt in hiring is that many departments faced acute staff crunch in Group

B and C categories due to a moratorium on fresh recruitments for the past several years.

A lot of the new appointments have been in these categories. Vacancies have piled up over the

years. More than six lakh posts are vacant in various central government ministries, according to

the personnel ministry.

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EDUCATION

DECCAN HERALD, APR 19, 201650% of NIT Srinagar faculty will be from outside state: CentrePrakash Kumar

 The HRD ministry has said efforts will be made to fill up 50% of the teaching positions at the institute with faculties from outside the Jammu and Kashmir.

Making an assurance to students, the Human Resources Development (HRD) ministry also said there will be fair evaluation of their examination papers and expressed its readiness to look into their demands for action against some of the staff and faculty members accused of discriminating against non-Kashmiri students in the institute.

The ministry, however, remained firm on its stand that no outstation student will be shifted from the NIT-Srinagar campus, maintaining that such a move, if accepted, would have “larger implications,” a student privy to the last week’s meeting of NIT-Srinagar delegation and HRD Minister Smriti Irani told DH.

“The ministry officials said shifting of outstation students cannot be a solution. They assured filling up of 50% teaching positions with faculties from outside the state but insisted that the ministry cannot force any teacher to join NIT-Srinagar. The minister paid a patient hearing to the students and assured of examining their other demands,” he added.

Students said more than 70% faculties at the NIT Srinagar were temporary staff. “The institute has never taken a sincere effort to fill up teaching posts with permanent faculties. 

Ministry officials said shifting of outstation students cannot be a solution. They assured filling up of 50% teaching positions with faculties from outside but insisted that the ministry cannot force any teacher to join NIT-Srinagar

HINDUSTAN TIMES, APR 18, 2016Include yoga in NET from this academic year, says panel Neelam Pandey

A committee on Yoga Education in Universities has recommended including yoga in the national eligibility test (NET) from this academic year to make it a more attractive career option for prospective teachers.

The panel – headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s yoga guru HR Nagendra – also pitched for enrolling experts from institutes such as Baba Ramdev’s Patanjali Yogpeeth as guest

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lecturers at various universities, and paying them in accordance with the salary norms of the University Grants Commission (UGC).

While yoga is currently taught at 52 institutions across the country, about 16 offer an MA degree in the discipline.

The human resources development (HRD) ministry and the UGC will now review the recommendations of the panel, which also drew the course outline for NET. “We have completed (making a course outline of) the syllabus that will be taught at the universities, and the syllabus that will be used for NET,” Nagendra told HT.

The HRD ministry had set up the yoga committee in January, following a consultative meeting chaired by Union minister Smriti Irani.

The committee has suggested that six courses at various levels – including certificate, diploma, degree, post-graduate degree/diploma and research – be launched at all central universities. Noting that varsities currently slot yoga under various disciplines such as sports, philosophy and education, it also recommended that a separate faculty – called yogic art and science – be created for it.

“There are a number of yoga paramparas (traditions) that are followed across the country. Our task was to put in place a syllabus that will be accepted by all universities and bring in greater uniformity in this regard. We recommend that it be taught at all universities. Also, we have prepared the syllabus for all the six courses that will be offered,”

committee member Pundit Radheshyam Mishra, also the director of the Ujjain Yoga Life Society International, told HT.

He said that a report has been submitted to the UGC, and it will be given a final shape soon.

While Mishra was tasked with preparing the syllabus for the certificate and diploma courses, Patanjali Yogpeeth prepared the syllabus for the master’s degree in yoga. “Since setting up a full-fledged faculty will take time, the committee has suggested the names of several yoga experts who can teach at the universities in the beginning,” Mishra said, adding that a sub-

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committee will also be formed to prepare texts on yoga that can be published by the UGC and passed on to all central universities.

The yoga committee member said that including yoga in NET will go a long way in promoting the discipline as a career option. “Post-graduates in yoga have been unable to get teaching jobs because there was no NET conducted for yoga. We have recommended that it be included as a subject from this academic year itself,” Mishra said.

BUSINESS STANDARD, APR 18, 2016Muslims lag in education enrolment, says survey50% in the 5-29 years age group not enrolled in 2014Indivjal Dhasmana 

Nearly half the Muslim population   in the age group of 5-29 years is not enrolled anywhere

for education   in urban areas, according to the 71st round of the survey on education by

the National   Sample Survey Office (NSSO) conducted between January and June 2014.

This is the highest among various religious groups.

While 50.4 per cent of Muslims   were not enrolled anywhere for education in this age group

during the survey period, 48.2 per cent were enrolled and attended their classes. However, 0.6

per cent of Muslims were enrolled but did not attend their classes.

There has, however, been an improvement in the enrolment of Muslims in the age group of 5-29

years in various kinds of education, compared to the previous such survey conducted between

July 2007 and June 2008.

There were 53.6 per cent of Muslims who were not enrolled in the previous round. At that time,

44.7 per cent of Muslims were enrolled and attended their classes.

In 2014, while Muslims were the largest religious community in terms of number of people not

being enrolled in education in urban areas, in rural areas, 53.1 per cent population of the

community enrolled and attended classes in various courses.

Between the two rounds of survey, there has been improvement in terms of education enrolment

among various religious communities. Besides Muslims, Buddhists also had a higher number of

population - 51.5 per cent - not getting enrolled for education in 2007-08 in urban areas.

Similarly, 47.7 per cent of Sikhs also fell in this category. The category of Buddhists were

merged into other religions in the latest round. Taking enrolment and attendance as the criteria of

the educated people, Christians were the foremost in terms of education, followed by Hindus.

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TRIBUNE, APR 18, 201634,907 posts of regular teacher vacantParvesh Sharma

The failure of the state government to appoint required number of teachers is depriving students of quality education. Cadre-wise details show that there are a huge number of vacant posts in each cadre, serving a blow to the education system in the state.

As per information, a total of 34,907 posts are without regular teachers in the state. Against the sanctioned posts of 35,501 for PRTs, 25,197 teachers are working. The same is the case with elementary school head teachers, as against their total sanctioned strength of 5,408, only 2,664 are working in state. In ‘C’ and ‘V’ categories, there are a total of 18,940 sanctioned posts, but 13,623 teachers available. In PGT category, the government has sanctioned strength of 34,061, but only 17,519 are working.

Only in TGT category, the government has 100 per cent 18,507 teachers while in other categories, there is a gap in sanctioned number and working teachers.

“In many schools, teachers are teaching more than two or three subjects. It is ultimately affecting the quality of education. The government must take immediate steps to conduct recruitment,” said Ramesh Malik, president of the Haryana Master Varg Association.

Perusal of records of the Education Department shows that though authorities have recruited 11,385 guest teachers on the contract basis and appointed them against the vacant posts of teacher of various categories, but still 23,522 posts are lying vacant in various schools in the state.

“We always work hard, but still there is uncertainty about our jobs as we are on contract. We have required qualifications and experience, the government should regularise our services,” said a guest teacher on anonymity.

Due to lack of quality education in the government schools, the number of students has gone down in the past some years.

During 2015-16, there were 22.45 lakh students against the previous year’s figure of 26.19 lakh. Till September 2012, a total of 2.39 lakh new students got enrolled in the government schools across the state, but during September 2013, the number came down to 2.3 lakh, in September 2014 to 2.07 lakh while in 2015 , it went down to 1.55 lakh.

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Education Minister Ram Bilas Sharma could not be contacted despite repeated attempts.

PIONEER, APR 16, 2016PVT SCHOOLS CAN’T GIVE TEACHERS PINK SLIPS WITHOUT GOVT NOD: SC

In a landmark judgment that will provide “security” net for thousands of schoolteachers and employees, the Supreme Court has ruled that private schools recognised by the Delhi Government will be required to take prior sanction from the  Government to terminate them from service.

The court held that sanction will be required in compliance of Section 8(2) of Delhi School Education (DSE) Act 1973. The private schools were not following this under the impression that they have full autonomy to run their institutions without Government’s interference. They banked on an 11-judge Constitution Bench decision of Supreme Court in the TMA Pai case (2002) which held that private educational institutions will enjoy full autonomy even to remove their employees.

But the Bench of Justices V Gopala Gowda and Amitava Roy said that the TMA Pai case decided the issue of right of educational institutions to function unfettered, but it did not deal with security of tenure of employees protected under Section 8(2) of DSE Act.

“Section 8(2) of the DSE Act is a procedural safeguard in favour of an employee to ensure that an order of termination or dismissal (from job) is not passed without the prior approval of the Director of Education. This is to avoid arbitrary or unreasonable termination or dismissal of an employee of a recognised private school,” the Bench said.

The judgment came in an appeal filed by a driver who enjoyed permanent employment with one of the schools run by the DAV Management Society.

The school retrenched him after seven years of service on July 25, 2003. He approached the Delhi School Tribunal and Delhi High Court but lost in both forums. Reversing his fortune, the apex court held his retrenchment to be “bad in law” and ordered the school to reinstate him with back wages and all consequent benefits. During the 13-year period since he was removed, he remained unemployed.

Rejecting that the schools enjoyed power to retrench the employees under the TMA Pai judgment, the Bench said, “While the functioning of both aided and unaided educational institutions must be free from unnecessary governmental interference, the same needs to be reconciled with the conditions of employment of the employees of these institutions and provision of adequate precautions to safeguard their interests.”

Section 8(2) contemplated that no employee of a recognised private school shall be dismissed, removed or reduced in rank nor shall their services be otherwise terminated except with the prior approval of the Director of Education, Delhi. The school faulted on two counts as it neither

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sought sanction under DSE Act nor intimidated the Delhi administration about its decision as required under Section 25F of Industrial Disputes Act.

The decision has come as a huge setback for private schools which are already fighting the AAP Government in Court over their autonomy to hike fees. The Wednesday’s decision by apex court has added to their woes.

The school had relied on a decision of Delhi High Court in Kathuria Public School case decided in 2005 which quashed Section 8(2) of DSE Act. But the apex court found that this decision contradicted the law on termination of employees decided by a Constitution Bench in Katra Education Society v State of UP (1966). Moreover, the Kathuria School case came two years after the DAV school had sacked the driver.

STATESMAN, APR 16, 2016Autonomy contretemps

The University Grants Commission’s decision to grant autonomy to more colleges will be generally welcomed by students and faculties, unless politically affiliated teachers raise objections out of self-interest...as happened in Presidency College despite then West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s decision ignoring the party’s education cell. That said, the UGC appears to be presumptuous when it imagines that all universities will readily agree or that they will concur with any diminution of authority. There are certain inbuilt contretemps. Of course the autonomous colleges will have a free hand in drawing up the syllabi, holding of examinations and declaration of results. Yet this is a thus far-and-no further matrix not least because the degrees will continue to be awarded by the universities. Kolkata’s St Xavier’s College, for example, which was granted autonomy a decade ago, still has to contend with so fundamental a disconnect despite its stellar performance. Universities across the country will have to award degrees for a multiplicity of examination modules and also set the terms for examinations in its affiliated colleges. While the free hand will theoretically be a considerable morale-booster for colleges, the truncated authority of universities does signify a contradiction in terms in the overall construct. With a stroke of the bureaucratic pen, the UGC has accorded short shrift to the certitudes of affiliation, notably a no-objection certificate from the state government and an inspection of the colleges by an expert committee. Both conditions were hitherto mandatory. Indeed, the criteria for autonomy have been left delightfully vague, specifically whether the proposed college has the wherewithal in terms of faculties, libraries, laboratories, and examination results over a period of time to deserve autonomy. Such parameters make inspection obligatory. The reasons for the waiver are yet to be spelt out, just as there is no clue in the matter of UGC funds and funding.

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How does it expect colleges to generate funds on their own? The salaries are based on the UGC scale; but will the state governments continue pump-priming in matters relating to DA and pension if their approval is not required for the grant of autonomy? Answers to these queries may not be available quite yet. Suffice it to register that the waiver of conditions has raised a welter of issues that need to be sorted out before any “forward movement” takes place. By its very nature, autonomy for the colleges is a deft balancing act. While it entails more powers for autonomous colleges, it almost inevitably leads to truncated authority of the universities. Despite the inherent dichotomy, the UGC will remain the overarching regulatory authority in matters academic. The issue calls for greater reflection than has been in evidence.

IINDIAN EXPRESS, APR 16, 2016Allow foreign university campuses, says Niti AayogThe report has justified NITI Aayog’s support for the proposal on the ground that foreign universities will help meet the demand for higher education in the country, increase competition and subsequently improve standards of higher education. Ritika ChopraLast year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi asked NITI Aayog to study all reports regarding setting up of foreign universities and the reasons on why it could not move forward.

Brightening chances of a UPA-era proposal that was once opposed by the BJP, the NITI Aayog

has submitted a report to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and Ministry of Human Resource

Development (HRD) in favour of inviting foreign universities to set up campuses in India.

NITI Aayog has suggested three routes to permit entry of foreign education providers: a new law

to regulate the operation of such universities in the country; an amendment to the UGC Act of

1956 and deemed university regulations to let them in as deemed universities; and, facilitating

their entry by tweaking UGC and AICTE regulations on twinning arrangements between Indian

and foreign institutions to permit joint ventures.

The report has justified NITI Aayog’s support for the proposal on the ground that foreign

universities will help meet the demand for higher education in the country, increase competition

and subsequently improve standards of higher education.

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“India stands to gain from setting up of foreign universities in terms of availability of resources

both human and financial, state-of-the-art teaching methodology, research and innovation…

Capital expenditure in the cost of setting up an institution is high and land and buildings are also

a major issue. Entry of foreign universities and leveraging FDI will offset some of these costs,”

the report states.

Last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi asked NITI Aayog to study all reports regarding

setting up of foreign universities and the reasons on why it could not move forward. He had even

called a meeting of senior bureaucrats in June 2015 to discuss the feasibility of encouraging top

foreign education providers.

This issue is also one of the discussion points for the new education policy which will be

unveiled this year. The proposal, incidentally, was backed by ten state governments including

Haryana, Maharashtra, Punjab and Jammu & Kashmirwhere the BJP is in power.

Governments in the past have made several attempts to enact legislation for entry, operation and

regulation of foreign universities in the country. The first was in 1995 when a Bill was

introduced but could not go forward. In 2005-06 too, the draft law could not go beyond the

Cabinet stage. The last attempt was by UPA-II in 2010 in the shape of the Foreign Educational

Institutions Bill, which failed to pass muster in Parliament and lapsed in 2014 since it was

opposed by the BJP, Left and Samajwadi Party.

One of the reservations on foreign universities operating in India was that they would raise the

cost of education, rendering it out of reach for a large part of the population. On this, the NITI

Aayog has said “financial assistance in the form of loans and scholarships should be made

available to deserving students irrespective of their ability to pay based on merit-cum-means”.

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There are currently 651 foreign education providers in India which have either entered into

collaborative twinning programmes, share faculty with partnering institutions and offering

distance education.

ASIAN AGE, APR 16, 2016No subjective questions in Delhi University PG entrance

Entrance examinations for post-graduate courses in the Delhi University may no longer have subjective questions, but only multiple-choice questions.

A 18 member standing committee, comprising deans of various faculties, has been constituted by the vice chancellor, Prof. Yogesh K. Tyagi, to deliberate on replacing the subjective question papers with multiple choice ones.

The vice-chancellor will take a final call once the committee submits its recommendations, after which the schedule for the admissions will be announced.

“The committee is of the view that the subjective questions should be done away with to ensure transparency in evaluation. If the vice-chancellor approves, there will only be objective question papers from the upcoming academic session,” a committee member said.

The standing committee is also considering setting up of admission centres outside Delhi to help the outstation aspirants take the entrance examination at the nearest centre rather than visiting Delhi.

“The panel is considering setting up of five centres for conducting entrance examinations, however, the modalities need to worked out. The choices for the centres include Kolkata, Chennai, Jammu, Ahmedabad and Nagpur. More centres can be explored,” the member added. The admission process, which is likely to begin by the end of this month, will have a common application form for centralised registration for the applicants. Apart from those faculties and departments offering interdisciplinary or professional courses, all other departments reserve 50 per cent of the total seats in each programme for direct admission to the students who have completed their undergraduate degrees from the Delhi University.

Remaining 50 per cent of the seats will be filled by a merit list compiled after taking into account entrance examinations and the interview, which is decided by individual departments.

HINDU, APR 19, 2016Private schools will need govt. permission to hike feeKRITIKA SHARMA SEBASTIAN

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After sending notices to at least three private schools over fee hike, the Delhi government has asked schools to seek prior sanction before doing so.

The government has directed all private schools here to seek permission from the Directorate of Education (DoE) if they wish to increase the fee and submit a detailed proposal. The DoE had recently sent notices to two branches of Delhi Public School (Rohini and Mathura Road), and Kalka Public School, Alaknanda, asking them to roll back the hike.

Delhi Education Minister and Deputy Chief Minister Manish Sisodia, who has been tightening the noose on private schools, on Monday tweeted: “It’s ‘School Vs Teaching Shops’! I fully support schools but nt teaching shops, till they start working as schools [sic].”

He had directed the DoE to take action against “errant” schools that have not just hiked the fees, but also “compelled” students to buy books from private publishers.

“All heads of private unaided recognised schools allotted land by land-owning agencies on the condition of seeking prior sanction from the DoE for increase in fee are directed to submit their proposals, if any, for prior sanction for the academic session 2016-17,” DoE Director Saumya Gupta said in a communication to private schools.

The proposals have to be submitted on the DoE’s website by May 31, following which they will be scrutinised by a team of officials. As key documents, the schools will have to submit details of receipts and payment account, income and expenditure account, balance sheet for the years 2013-14, 2014-15 and 2015-16, along with budget estimates for the ensuing year, statement of salary disbursed to staff and detail of all funds.

“In case the schools have already charged increased fee prior to issue of this order, the same shall be liable to be adjusted by the schools in terms of sanction by the DoE. In case no proposal is submitted by the school, it shall not increase the fee and any increased fee already charged shall be refunded/ adjusted by it,” the letter further added.

Citing a Delhi High Court ruling, the communication said all private unaided recognised schools built on land allotted by the Delhi Development Authority/other government agencies at concessional rates or otherwise will not increase tuition fee without prior permission of the Directorate.

Detailed proposals seeking hike have to be submitted on DoE’s website by May 31

ASIAN AGE, APR 16, 2016AAP government guidelines to prevent fee hikeSANJAY KAW  

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The AAP government is coming out with a set of new guidelines to prevent private schools from arbitrarily hiking their fees and plans to terminate land lease of erring private schools that do not follow proper procedure. The guidelines will also spell out serious action which the government would take against those schools that do not provide 25 per cent seats to the students belonging to the economically weaker sections.

The new guidelines will apply to 410-odd private schools that have been provided land on concessional rates by the city administration. The AAP government’s decision to come out with new guidelines follows complaints against about 25 private schools that had arbitrarily effected fees hike without seeking prior approval of the city government. Following these complaints, the AAP government conducted an internal inquiry that revealed as many as 50 schools had already hiked their fees in violation of rules and others were in the process of doing so in the near future.

After issuing notices to some schools to refund the hiked fees to the students, the Kejriwal government also initiated the process of taking over the control of two prestigious private schools. The administration also set up a complaint centre requesting parents to freely make complaints against schools that were violating the rules. The centre is being regularly monitored by deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia.

A highly-placed source said that only those schools will be granted permission to increase their fees after their financial health is audited for a period of three successive years by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India. Each school is required to keep advance salary of its employees for a period of four months. The audit will also take into account how the school has utilised its funds on movable and immovable assets. The audit will also go into the details whether the school has spent money in violation of the Delhi Education Act. If any school has surplus money and has made investments in violation of the rules, it will not be granted permission to effect any hike in its fees structure.

The AAP government will also send a strong warning to those private schools that have hiked their fees without seeking its prior permission. All such schools will have to refund the revised fees hike to the students within a set time limit. The land lease of the schools that do not follow the guidelines can also be terminated.

ASIAN AGE, APR 16, 2016JNU reduces grace marks for women

Amending its admission policy after nearly a decade, the Jawaharlal Nehru University on Friday reduced compulsory grace points given to women candidates for the entrance examination.

“Now female and transgender candidates, who have pursued their education from any of the areas in JNU’s list of backward areas, are entitled to relaxation of four marks, while girls and

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transgenders not belonging to any backward areas can get a relaxation of only two points,” an university official said.

Until now, all female admission-seekers were entitled to five “deprivation” points in the entrance exam. In addition, if they belonged to backward areas listed by the JNU under Quartile 1 (demarcation of backward areas) and Quartile 2 categories, they got additional privilege of five and three marks, respectively.Recently, the university also decided not to provide OBC candidates 10 per cent relaxation in the entrance examination as a part of the revised rules to the admissions policy.

The varsity had introduced the compulsory distribution of five points to the women candidates in 1994.

However, the move has drawn severe criticism from a section of students and teachers who have decided to launch an agitation against the administration. “Girls used to get an excessive advantage in comparison to male candidates. For instance, if a girl belonged to a Quartile 1 district, she would get a total relaxation of 10 marks, which will place her way above a more competent male candidate,” the official said. “So, the standing committee for admissions took the decision to modify the policy after deliberating upon all factors.”

The students alleged that the statutory procedures for introducing such changes have been “bypassed” and no official notification of the amendments has been issued. JNUSU vice-president Shehla Rashid Shora said, “Any such crucial change has to be placed before the academic council and opinion of the members of the students’ union has to be taken into account. However, the matter was neither discussed nor conveyed to any body and we got to know about the changes only from new prospectus.”

EMPLOYMENT

FINANCIAL EXPRESS, APR 18, 2016Employment generation dipped to 6-year low in 2015: Labour BureauEven as job creation has been one of the priority areas for the Narendra Modi government, employment generation has actually fallen to a six-year low of 1.35 lakhs in 2015...

Even as job creation has been one of the priority areas for the Narendra Modigovernment,

employment generation has actually fallen to a six-year low of 1.35 lakhs in 2015, the data from

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the Labour Bureau has revealed, highlighting the government’s humongous pending task to reap

the much-touted demographic dividend.

In 2014, 4.21 lakh of new employments were created, while the figure was 4.19 lakh for 2013.

The Labour Bureau, which compiles data every quarter on eight selected sectors — textiles

including apparels, leather, metals, automobiles, gems and jewellery, transport, IT/BPO and

handloom/powerloom — also found that the  October-December period of the last year was the

worst fourth quarter in the last seven calender years in terms of employment generation.

The decline in job creation in 2015 could be attributed to steep fall in the number of jobs in

labour-intensive areas such as leather, automobiles, gems and jewellery, transport and

handlooms/powerlooms.

RP Yadav, chairman and managing director, Genius Consultants, said: “For the year 2016,

thankfully a good monsoon has been predicted; so agriculture-related industries will have

conducive environment for employment creation. However, I do not see a promising growth rate

in infrastructure as well as manufacturing sectors. IT/ITeS and telecom segments will garner

commendable employment avenues. The overall hiring scenario this year will be slightly better

than in 2015.”

Though the textiles sector, where employment is largely seasonal, posted positive employment

growth during the October-December period of the last year, that was not enough to create

overall additional jobs, as the other seven sectors covered by the bureau posted negative job

growth during the period. The Labour Bureau conducted the latest survey for two months. The

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data is based on a sample size of just 1,936 and needs improvement to capture the jobs scenario

better.

“Employment in the eight sectors has decreased by 20,000 during the quarter ended December

2015 over September 2015. The highest increase is observed in the textiles including apparel

sectors by 37,000, whereas all other sectors experienced declining trend in employment. IT/BPO

experienced maximum decline by 14,000 followed by automobiles 13,000, metal by 12,000,

gems and jewellery by 8,000, leather by 7,000, handloom/powerloom by 2,000 and 1,000 in the

transport sector during the period,” the Labour Bureau said.

Creation of jobs has been one of the priority areas for the government. To ensure the ease of

doing business, the government has already embarked on a massive labour reform initiative by

merging 44 extant Acts into four codes.

The latest labour data showed that in the direct category of workers, employment has decreased

by 9,000 while for the contract category of workers, it has fallen by 11,000 during the quarter

ended December 2015 alone.

Employment in exporting units has increased by 44,000, whereas in non-exporting units, it has

decreased by 64,000. During the one year period ended December 2015, employment has

increased by around 135,000. During the July-September period, employment increased by

134,000.

The Labour Bureau has been conducting a series of quarterly quick employment surveys since

January 2009 to study the impact of global economic slowdown on employment in selected

sectors.

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INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

TELEGRAPH, APR 21, 2016

Distant affiliation - New Delhi should adopt a holistic approach towards the UN

Diplomacy- K.P. Nayar

Although it is not Asia's turn to elect one of its own as secretary general of the United Nations for the next five years - with the possibility, by convention, of a second five-year term - India has brought no credit to its diplomacy by abdicating its due role in the process of finding a successor to Ban Ki-moon.

The refrain in the National Democratic Alliance government runs somewhat like this: we are not members of the UN security council. The security council will ignore everyone outside the

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council and the views or actions of those who are not council members will have no impact on the election. Another argument is that since an Asian has held the post for 10 years, it is the turn of Eastern Europe, which has never had the post. So the refrain continues on the lines that India should let the East Europeans decide on their candidate and all others will simply rubber stamp the name when it comes from the security council to the general assembly. Why should we do anything else?

A big-power-in-the-making like India, which aspires to be permanently in the security council, ought not to follow a hands-off approach like this in the choice for one of the most important jobs in the world today. Because it happens routinely, most people do not even notice that India officially responds to everything said by the UN secretary general or his office that has to do with India or to South Asia, which has a bearing on New Delhi's interests.

Besides, like it or not, for better or for worse, the fact of the matter is that India had put up its very own candidate the last time a UN secretary general was being chosen. Not to have anything to do at all with this year's choice simply smacks of selfishness to a point where the selection appears to matter only if there is any element of self-interest in the succession to the former South Korean foreign minister-turned-UN's chief executive.

As a riposte to such oft-heard refrain in the Narendra Modi government, let us look at what is actually happening in the selection process away from the horseshoe table, which has come to symbolize the security council chamber because of the shape of the table around which council members make the most important decisions affecting the world body.

Apart from the unprecedented 'interviews' of candidates in full public glare by the general assembly from April 12 to 14, reported by this newspaper, candidates for the secretary general's job also appeared at a historic open debate on Wednesday last week in the Civic Hall of New York's Flatiron district.

Some 250 New Yorkers chose to seek answers from four of these aspirants on a day when the Big Apple's media gave top billing throughout the news cycle for another election in the city: the Democratic and Republican presidential primaries for which all the candidates remaining in the field from both parties were appearing at several events in New York. An indication of the wide global interest in a public selection process for the next secretary general was that an incredible number of 25,000 people from all over the world sent questions via e-mail to candidates who presented themselves at the Civic Hall.

A similar public debate is being organized in Central Hall Westminster on June 3. The choice of the hall has special significance for the UN because that is where Trygve Lie, the UN's very first secretary general, was picked.

Both the London and the New York events are the result of efforts by civil society and the media. Local United Nations Associations are also part of these efforts. Even if the Modi government did not want to play an overt role, it could have prodded civil society and non-official UN-related organizations in India to take such initiatives. Both the London and the New

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York public debates have been in the making for a year.

So the NDA government would have had to plan ahead and get involved a long time before the selection process for Ban's successor was set in motion. Such things don't happen with the snap of political fingers or executive fiat.

India needs to stop thinking of its role at the UN in compartments - such as in its half-hearted efforts for a permanent seat at the horseshoe table or by frittering away its global political capital in getting South Delhi elites elected to UN sinecures. Instead, New Delhi should adopt a holistic approach to the world body.

In addition to New York, there are three other places which are known among international civil servants and multilateral diplomats as "UN Cities". Among them is Geneva, the second largest UN centre - after its Turtle Bay headquarters in Manhattan - in the Palais des Nations built in a park overlooking Lake Geneva with a spectacular view of the Alps and, at times, of Mont Blanc too if it is a clear day.

Then there is Vienna, which is a charming city on its own. The Vienna International Centre or VIC, designed by the Austrian architect, Johann Staber, to house specialized UN agencies adds to its attractions. Exactly 20 years ago, the UN designated Nairobi as its only UN City in the Third World. Elated, the Kenyans gave the UN land in Gigiri, on the outskirts of their capital, which has "an almost perfect climate with warm sunny days and cool evenings."

Additionally, there are five cities around the world which the UN counts as "headquarters cities" because of its large presence through agencies such as, for example, the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome. These headquarters cities are London, Madrid, Montreal, Paris and Rome.

When the UN was looking for a regional centre in Asia for its agencies, the Thais were enterprising enough to offer incentives to draw them in. Now, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific has its headquarters in Bangkok. Including regional offices, there are 35 UN establishments in Bangkok today.

The question naturally arises as to why India could not get its share of this UN pie despite New Delhi's pious support for the world body from its inception. If New Delhi had taken a holistic view of the world body in terms of what the country could get from it instead of what India could give the UN and competed successfully to become a UN City or at least the leading regional centre for Asia, by now it would have produced more man days of employment that anything 'Make in India' appears poised to achieve in the remainder of Modi's present term as prime minister.

Talking to those in the Bharatiya Janata Party who influence the Modi government's foreign policy, it becomes obvious that one reason for the hands-off approach to selecting a new secretary general is the view in the ruling party that Shashi Tharoor's candidature 10 years ago was his personal effort and not a national cause. It is the same negative attitude that the previous Congress-led government adopted when there was brief consideration of Indian names

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with BJP leanings for the post of deputy secretary general.

India maybe hands-off, but those seeking the top UN job are not hands-off on India. In New Delhi, the country's influence on the global stage is often underestimated, but other countries have confidence in India's ability to influence matters at the UN. So it was not a surprise that Helen Clark, the former prime minister of New Zealand and administrator of the UN Development Programme, discovered B.R. Ambedkar on his 125th birth anniversary a few days after she declared her candidacy for the secretary general's post. She was the keynote speaker when the birth anniversary was observed at the UN for the first time.

Another candidate, Irina Bokova from Bulgaria, rolled out the red carpet for Modi and spread it all over the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization - of which she is the director general - when the prime minister visited Paris last year and was invited to the Unesco headquarters. Other candidates are not lagging behind.

telegraph_dc@yahoo.com

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

HINDU, APR 16, 2016All about the Obama DoctrineM.K. NARAYANAN

The first decade and a half of the 21st century has witnessed a fundamental change in India-U.S. relations unparalleled in the history of the two democracies. President Bill Clinton demonstrated a tilt towards India during his second term, and subsequently the George Bush presidency brought about a transformational shift in the relationship. Relations have been on an upswing ever since, with the Obama presidency proceeding on the same course.

Discerning observers nevertheless see subtle differences in the approach of the Bush and Obama presidencies. Both Presidents have been warm towards India and appreciative of India’s

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democratic credentials. President Bush, early in his second term, dispelled any notions that the decision to reach out to India had a hidden subtext, viz . strengthening India to function as a counterweight to China. President Barack Obama has been more circumspect, as his world view includes a more accommodative attitude towards China.

The difference, according to strategic analysts, lies in their approach. Mr. Bush acted more on the basis of his instincts — an outstanding example being the manner in which he went out of his way to ensure the successful conclusion of the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Deal without seeking any quid pro quo. Analysts argue that Mr. Obama is more a practitioner of realpolitik and tends to see most issues through this prism.

Radical shift in priorities

In the light of this, recent references to an “Obama Doctrine” should be of vital interest to Indian policymakers. The so-called doctrine is embedded in a series of interviews that Mr. Obama gave to Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic magazine. Compiled into an essay, it takes on the character of a doctrine, though the President himself may be chary of acknowledging it as such.

Mr. Obama is hardly a “Beltway” politician. It was known even before he came to Washington that he held strong views on foreign policy issues. These differed from those of the foreign policy establishment in Washington — including of the powerful think tanks scattered across the city, and forming part of the “revolving door syndrome” familiar to Washington insiders.

That the President, while still being in office, should express his personal opinions in this manner in a series of interviews intended for publication is a surprise of sorts. One would have expected it to form part of his presidential memoirs, but clearly he intended his views to become known while still holding office. Hence, its value and the reference to an “Obama Doctrine”.

Mr. Obama withholds few punches in his interviews. He makes it amply clear that he has little regard for the Washington-based tribe of U.S. foreign policy experts (“The Washington playbook”), and even less for their enduring belief that military force is the answer to every problem. He evinces little interest in West Asian affairs and in the politics of oil unlike his predecessors. He is unduly harsh in his judgement of leaders of West Asian countries. On the other hand, he shows somewhat greater interest in the “Pivot to Asia” and the consequences of the rise of China and India in the region. All this signifies a radical shift in U.S. foreign policy priorities. It is uncertain whether policy circles in the U.S. have come to terms with the change.

Forsaking old friends

U.S. Presidents normally provide direction — or changes in direction — to U.S. foreign policy. The “black hole” and the Achilles heel of the pronouncements that coalesce into the Obama Doctrine is the near-total distrust or disdain that he displays for long-established relationships

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and allies. Added to this is a reluctance to accept his foreign policy mistakes, preferring to put the blame on allies and friends.

Some of the harshest criticism is reserved for the leaders of Saudi Arabia with references to the West Asian sheikhdoms as “free-riders”. At the same time, he sees an emerging Iran as a bright patch as far as West Asia is concerned. Implicit in this is that the President is preparing to jettison Saudi Arabia — despite it having been the U.S.’s staunchest ally for the past half century — and readying to embrace Iran. Egypt, another long-term U.S. ally, is similarly seen as expendable.

Among other leaders Mr. Obama is contemptuous of is Russia’s Vladimir Putin — perhaps understandable because of events in Ukraine and the West’s debacle in Crimea. What is more surprising are his views on the leaders of France and the United Kingdom — especially the latter. This possibly stems from his experience of the Libyan imbroglio, for which he blames French President Nicolas Sarkozy and U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron. His pungent criticism of Mr. Cameron as a mere tactician lacking in strategic vision does sound the death knell for the “Special Relationship” that has been part of U.K.-U.S. entente since the end of the Second World War — unless it is resurrected by another President.

Mr. Obama’s version of the Syrian “chemical weapon crisis” is disarming to say the least. Most of the world saw the U.S. “retreat” after having drawn a redline against use of chemical weapons by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as exposing the weakness of the U.S. The Saudis equated the U.S. action to “drawing lines on the sand” as Prince Turki bin Faisal Al Saud observed. Yet, Mr. Obama projects it as a moment of victory, in having avoided the use of excessive force to check Syria.

The impression conveyed is of realpolitik carried to an extreme with the core logic of the Obama Doctrine being: that the U.S. no longer needed to engage in geopolitical competition with powers like Russia and China; the collapse of countries like Egypt was of little consequence to the U.S.; the primary concern was to avoid risking the lives of U.S. citizens unless the vital interests of the U.S. were directly involved; and to get others to do the hard work of fighting on issues relating to ensuring a rule-based international order and defeating terrorism.

Unlike the vast majority of the U.S. establishment, Mr. Obama does believe that the U.S. confronts a security deficit or that U.S. credibility will be undermined unless there is greater investment in military power. On the other hand, he seems to believe that “faced with infinite demands and finite resources” to fulfil its leadership role, it is preferable to take recourse to the “long game” instead of embarking upon peremptory action: “Real power means you can get what you want without having to exert violence”, “American strength abroad derives from its resilience at home.”

Lessons for India

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From India’s standpoint, there are several aspects of concern relating to the Obama Doctrine. India may need to “deep dive” into what exactly the doctrine signifies, at a time when the U.S. is anxious to firmly establish a strategic hand clasp, to “counter China’s assertiveness in the South and East China Seas”.

India has no conflict of interest as far as the South and East China Seas are concerned. It risks provoking China if it gets more deeply engaged on U.S. insistence. Under the Obama Doctrine, the U.S. cannot be expected to come to India’s aid in the event of an India-China conflict along the disputed land border or anywhere else.

We can already discern how the doctrine is being played out to India’s north-west. The U.S. has been willing to sell F-16 fighters and attack helicopters to Pakistan, so that Pakistan can fight its battles in Afghanistan and the region — despite India’s concerns about this move. The U.S. has also been willing to placate Pakistan on the nuclear issue, even implying that Pakistan’s tactical nuclear weapons programme was possibly a response to India’s Cold Start doctrine.

U.S. Defence Secretary Ashton Carter, during his recent visit, spoke of the strategic confluence between India and the U.S. as one of the defining moments of the 21st century. He also referred to the new Framework for the India-U.S. Defence Relationship (signed in June 2015) as intended to increase strategic cooperation to help safeguard security and stability across the region and around the world.

In the light of the Obama Doctrine, it might, hence, be worthwhile to take a closer look at such entanglement with the U.S. India must be careful that its approach to China is not conducted through the prism of U.S. strategic interests. We need an independent policy in keeping with our national interests in the region and beyond.

M.K. Narayanan is a former National Security Adviser and former Governor of West Bengal

LABOUR

TIMES OF INDIA, APR 19, 2016PF withdrawal allowed for housing, health

NEW DELHI: The labour ministry on Monday eased the planned restriction on withdrawal of

contribution to the employees' provident fund.

It said withdrawal can be allowed for housing, major medical treatment for self and family

members, medical, dental and engineering education of children, and for their marriage.

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The relaxation has also been extended to members who have joined an establishment belonging

to or under the central or state government, and become a member of contributory provident fund

or old age pension. These norms will come into effect from August.

The amendments were made after labour minister Bandaru Dattatreya received representations

from trade unions. A government release said the ministry had decided to pay the full

accumulations to the credit of a member, including interest up to the date of payment, if he or she

fulfils any of the above-mentioned conditions. In February, the ministry had said PF subscribers

would not be able to withdraw their provident fund after attaining the age of 54 years, and will

have to wait till they are 58 years old.

STATESMAN, APR 16, 2016Crisis of skillsSudip Chakraborty

Human and physical capital are at the core of a nation’s economic prosperity. Human beings do not automatically grow as human capital. They must constitute productive manpower through education and healthcare. Thus education helps in the formation of human capital. Like investment in physical capital to expand business and industry, education is also an investment to produce a skilled labour force for the economy. 

The significance of a skilled labour force has been enhanced considerably in the contemporary world that tends to move towards a knowledge economy. Workers must prepare themselves to face the challenges of modern technology to survive and prosper in an increasingly globalized world. Skilled manpower can make a remarkable difference. An Asian country, bereft of nature’s bounty and exposed to periodic earthquakes and devastated by atom bombs dropped on its soil, could compete with the West in science and technology. 

The Land of the Rising Sun showed us light. The developing world learned the message from Japan, specifically that economic prosperity was not the prerogative of the Western nations. Japan’s prosperity during the last century has been a topic of interest in the study of development economics. According to Amartya Sen’s thesis, Japan’s spectacular success was embedded in its initial investment in human capital and free and compulsory quality education for all Japanese children.

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It was only in 2009 that India toed the Japanese line after more than a century. The Right to Education Act came into effect. More and more children are now attending school. There has been a marked improvement in enrolment, attendance and retention in the primary level. But there is a rather disconcerting side to the coin. Children are learning very little. There has been a trade-off in terms of quality and quantity. Those who complete primary education are expected to acquire knowledge in the three Rs -- reading, writing and arithmetic. Unfortunately learning outcomes have been pathetic in India. 

A reputed organization named Pratham conducts a survey on primary education. It publishes the Annual Survey on Education Report (ASER) in order to assess both quantity and quality in the sphere of primary education. The report for 2014 reveals that 25 per cent of Class 8 students cannot read a Class 2-level text. Nearly 20 per cent of the children studying in Class 2 cannot recognise any number. Only 26 per cent of those studying in Class 5 can work out a simple division in arithmetic. These are just random examples drawn from the shocking data on skill attainment at the level of basic education. Years of schooling of a child has little or nothing to do with skill attainment. The report bears out this disconnect. The journey of an Indian child from primary to higher education via the secondary level is marked by the ‘missing skill’ syndrome. The learners hardly pick up appropriate skills for employment in modern industry and services. 

Yet our Prime Minister has coined the ‘Make in India’ slogan. His pledge to turn India into a ‘global manufacturing hub’ sounds exciting, but how will he accomplish the task? Will global manufacturers come to India with truckloads of skilled workers from foreign countries? The eventual outcome can be disastrous -- there could be a loss of jobs instead of employment generation. The other risk is the outflow of remittances. China is a global factory because its workers are skilled to take up jobs in the modern manufacturing sector that caters to the world market. Its education system focuses on the development of skills. We, Indians, take pride in producing millions of unskilled graduates in general subjects year after year. Let us examine the comparative statistics between China and India. A few years back, 29 million Chinese youth received higher education compared to India’s 26 million. However, among the higher education participants, 14.96 million Chinese students received vocational education, against 4 million Indian students. We produce more non-technical manpower than China does. Even India’s technical graduates are by and large unskilled and unemployable. The NASSCOM report states that 83 per cent of our engineering graduates are unfit for employment. 

The most crucial factor is whether India can reap its ‘demographic dividend’. It has been remarked that China is aging, the industrial west is already aged... but India is young. According to the latest census figures, more than 500 million people in India are below 25 years at this juncture. But global manufacturers do not seek unskilled youth. 

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It is shocking to learn that Reliance Industry had engaged 40,000 skilled workers from outside India for its Jamnagar project. Another company DLF had plans to induct 20,000 carpenters and electricians from West Asia. Demographic dividend is set to elude India if we do not immediately focus on skills, competence and quality in education.

The Union budget presented in February provides for a regulatory architecture for ten public and ten private entities to help them emerge as world class institutes. But the budget does not prioritize the imperative to improve skills that can fetch employment. The scope for dividend must not be an inherent quality of those churned out only by world class institutes.

The writer is former Fulbright Scholar and currently Associate Professor, Ananda Chandra College, Jalpaiguri, in West Bengal.

LIBRARIES

HINDU, APR 16, 2016Govt. told to wrap up work by June 30 on Anna Library

Taking a serious view of a report filed by a two-member advocate commissioners team highlighting various deficiencies in the functioning of the Anna Centenary Library here, the Madras High Court on Friday set June 30 as the cut-off date for the State Government to set right the deficiencies. “The report submitted by the two-member commission shows still there are number of deficiencies,” the First Bench of Chief Justice S.K. Kaul and M.M. Sundresh observed while rejecting an earlier submission by Additional Advocate General that everything had been set right at the library.

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In a public interest litigation petition filed in the High Court, S.T. Manonmani, the petitioner, had alleged that the library was not being maintained properly by the government and sought a direction to the authorities concerned to improve the basic facilities in the library and ensure its proper maintenance.

Passing interim directions on the petition, the court had called upon the authorities to set right the deficiencies. During a recent hearing, the Additional Advocate General had submitted that all directions of the court pertaining to the maintenance of the library had been complied with. However, the petitioner challenged the submission claiming that the toilets were poorly maintained and the computers were not functional.

He also alleged that over 50 posts including that of the Chief Librarian and Information Officer were vacant. Considering his submissions, the court directed a two-member commission to inspect the library and file a report.

On Friday, the judges sought to know from the Additional Advocate General a cut-off date by which nothing would be left to be done further. Following this, the State government submitted that all the deficiencies in improving amenities at the library would be addressed by June 30 as per the court’s directions. Recording this, the court adjourned the case for compliance.

POLICE

HINDUSTAN TIMES, APR 21, 2016The police should not be a law unto themselvesAshok Kapur

When the just-retired Delhi commissioner of police was asked about violence against women, his reported response was: If the law allowed ‘us’, he would order all rapists to be shot dead! Such a mindset strikes at the root of good governance and the rule of law. All the exhortations to the civil service about good governance and service are meaningless if the enforcement arm of the state is virtually without any control or accountability.

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However, it is not his fault. It is the ‘system’ that breeds such attitudes. If public servants vested with power and armed with the latest weaponry are not accountable to an external authority, they can get away with murder. In the case of a police force, it can do so literally. This, precisely, is the persistent malaise in Delhi’s police force — authority without accountability.

The canker cannot be correctly diagnosed and treated unless one delves into the history of the police commissioner ‘system’. All credit to the British, who first introduced the rule of law in India, with the enactment of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) in 1860. Arguably, it is the finest criminal code in the democratic world today. It was a piece of exquisite workmanship on the part of Thomas Babington Macaulay, who was also the author of the educational minutes of 1835.

Under the code, the police force was given limited authority and was fully accountable to the civilian magistracy. A magistrate was put in charge of the administration in the countryside. The magistrate, as the head, was the cornerstone of the majestic edifice of the Roman Empire under ‘rule of law’. And ‘law’ was defined as a ‘speaking magistrate’. It was the birth of democracy.

The British in India, however, made an exception and placed a ‘top cop’ in the three metropolitan cities in the country — Bombay, Calcutta and Madras — because there were Europeans in these cities. They worked out an arrangement — the police commissioner system. But very limited magisterial powers were given to the police.

For several decades the police commissioners were civil servants who continue to be, even today, trained and experienced magistrates. It is only later that men in uniform were appointed, more to accommodate delisted soldiers after the war than on merit. The civilian magistrate as police commissioner was the embodiment of the basic principle of modern democratic governance — civilian control of the armed services of the State.

Today, the principle is being twisted out of shape. More and more cities are being brought under the commissioner ‘system’, pursuant to a Supreme Court judgment on ‘police reforms’. But the judgment was based on a petition that said the British government promulgated the CrPC in the wake of the mutiny of 1857 to suppress the Indians. A greater travesty of the rule of law is difficult to imagine. ‘Reforms’ are being carried out on the basis of claims in a false affidavit, which appears to have been examined in the home ministry with its eyes wide shut. So much for the supposed accountability of the Delhi police to the ministry.

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There will be no meaningful and lasting respite till basic reforms are carried out to democratise the police force.Ashok Kapur is a former IAS officer The views expressed are personal

POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT

ASIAN AGE, APR 22, 2016High Court quashes President’s Rule in Uttarakhand Yojna Gusai  

In a huge political embarrassment to the Centre and the BJP, the Uttarakhand high court on Thursday struck down President’s Rule in the state, imposed on March 27. Observing that the “proclamation of March 27 stands quashed”, the Uttarakhand high court also directed reinstated Congress chief minister Harish Rawat to prove his majority in the House on April 29.

While the Centre is to move the Supreme Court against the order on Friday, the high court decision has come as a major setback to both the Centre and the ruling BJP, which had openly been backing the rebel MLAs against the state’s Congress chief minister, Mr Harish Rawat. The

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Centre also intends to challenge the disqualification of the nine rebel Congress MLAs in the Supreme Court.

In an indication that the coming Parliament Session would be stormy, Congress on Thursday gave a notice to Rajya Sabha Chairman Hamid Ansari seeking passage of a resolution condemning the Modi government for “destabilistion” of the Uttarakhand government and imposition of President’s Rule in the state. The BJP-led NDA government is in a minority in the Upper House.

After the court’s order, BJP president Amit Shah and senior ministers went into a huddle and decided that the government would move the Supreme Court on Friday challenging the judgment quashing the proclamation of President’s Rule.

While BJP leaders and spokespersons were struggling to put up a brave front, celebrations broke out at Congress headquarters and outside CM Harish Rawat’s residence in Dehradun. Appearing humble, Mr Rawat said that “instead of celebrating, we need to focus on development”. Adopting a conciliatory tone, Mr Rawat also urged the Centre to pursue the path of “cooperative federalism and let the state government work”. Then came his sting: “Woh mahabali hain, woh log shaktishali hain, woh chaure seene wale hain (They are powerful and have broad chests)... how can I fight them... I request them to let us work.” Mr Rawat said.

Uttarakhand Speaker Govind Singh Kunjwal termed the high court’s decision as “historic” and said it was a “slap” in the Centre’s face for trying to dislodge an elected government.

He said the “effective strength” of the House was now 62 as the high court had upheld the disqualification of the nine rebel Congress MLAs.

“The soul of the matter is whether it is open to the Central government to get rid of state governments, supplant or uproot the democratically-elected government, introduce chaos, undermine confidence of the little man who stands with a white paper to cast his vote, braving the snow, heat and rain,” the high court bench said. “We are of the view that be it suspension or dissolution, the effect is toppling of a democratically-elected government. It breeds cynicism in the hearts of citizens who participate in the democratic system and also undermines democracy and the foundation of federalism,” the bench said.

The bench, dictating the judgment in open court for nearly 150 minutes, said what was at stake here was democracy at large. It observed that the issue must be seen here on a larger canvas as India is a union of states with the Centre and states both sovereign in their respective spheres.

The HC, which had been breathing fire against the Centre for the past few days, continued to be fierce in its observations on Thursday, saying that President’s Rule “should be used as a matter of last resort”. BJP national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya claimed the “BJP is ready for the floor test”. The division bench of the high court, headed by Chief Justice K.M. Joseph, said

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the imposition of Central Rule was contrary to the law laid down by the Supreme Court. The bench also observed that the material considered (read sting CD) for imposing President’s Rule “has been found wanting”. Upholding the disqualification of nine dissident Congress MLAs, the court said they have to pay the price of committing the “constitutional sin” of defection by being disqualified.

The court turned down an oral plea made by the Centre’s counsel for a stay on its judgment to move the Supreme Court against it. “We won’t stay our own judgment. You can go to the Supreme Court and get a stay,” it said. “There is no President’s Rule now. The government has revived. We had told you to give us time (to write the verdict). But you forced us to pronounce it today. We had said we will not allow (ourselves) to be taken for a ride. We have no objection to being overruled,” the bench said.

Earlier the court, in severe criticism of the Centre’s move to impose President’s Rule, had lashed out, saying the proclamation under Article 356, just a day ahead of the floor test, amounted to cutting at the roots of democracy. It had observed that the government was introducing “chaos and undermining an elected government”. On Wednesday, it had maintained the “decision to impose President’s Rule was subject to judicial review as even the President can go terribly wrong”. Only a few weeks ago, Union finance minister Arun Jaitley had justified the imposition of President’s Rule, saying there was “no better evidence of a breakdown of the Constitution than this”. He had claimed the Congress government of Uttarakhand was “murdering democracy every day from March 18 till March 27”. The Uttarakhand HC had said, “It would be a travesty of justice if the Centre recalls its order imposing President’s Rule and allows someone else to form a government now.”

The court told the Centre that it could allow ousted CM Harish Rawat’s petition challenging the imposition of President’s Rule and ensure that a floor test is held. “Should we consider their application for stay moved on April 7? It was expected that till the judgment is pronounced, Central government will not recall (Article) 356. If you recall 356 and call someone else to form a government, what else would it be other than travesty of justice,” the bench said. The court lashed out after the Centre’s counsel said he was not in a position to give an assurance that the government would consider putting on hold the recall of its order imposing President’s Rule for a week. It gave the government’s counsel some time to take instructions. The bench then observed, “Otherwise you can do this in every state. Impose President’s Rule for 10-15 days and then ask someone else to take oath. More than angry, we are pained that you are behaving like this. That the highest authority — Government of India — behaves like this. How can you think of playing with the court?”

ECONOMIC TIMES, APR 18, 2016Government to allow Pakistani Hindus to buy property, open bank accounts

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NEW DELHI: People belonging to minority communities of Pakistan, staying in India on a Long Term Visa, will soon be allowed to buy property, open bank accounts and get PAN and Aadhaar cards, with the Modi government planning to roll out special facilities for them.

Among other concessions the BJPled government is all set to offer them include reduction in fees for registration as citizens of India from Rs 15,000 to as low as Rs 100.

Though the exact number of minority refugees from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan living in India is not known, according to rough official estimates there are around two lakh such people, mostly Hindus and Sikhs.

There are around 400 Pakistani Hindu refugee settlements in cities like Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Jaipur, Raipur, Ahmedabad, Rajkot, Kutch, Bhopal, Indore, Mumbai, Nagpur, Pune, Delhi and Lucknow.

"The central government has been constantly reviewing the hardships being faced by the minority communities in Pakistan staying in India on LTV. To ease some of their difficulties, it is proposed to provide the facilities," a notification issued by the Home Ministry says.

The facilities include permitting opening of bank accounts without prior approval of the Reserve Bank of India subject to certain conditions, permission for purchase of dwelling unit for self-occupation and suitable accommodation for carrying out selfemployment without prior approval of RBI subject to fulfilment of certain conditions.

Issue of driving licence, PAN and Aadhaar cards, permission to take up selfemployment or for doing business which is considered safe from security point of view, dispensing with the requirement of personal appearance before the Foreigners Registration Officer for registration are a few other facilities being planned.

Allowing free movement within the State/ UT where they are staying instead of restricting their movement within the place of stay, allowing free movement to those living in the National Capital Region (NCR), simplifying the procedure for visit to a place in any other State/ UT are being proposed.

Permission for transfer of LTV papers from one State/ UT to another State/ UT, waiver of penalty on nonextension of short term visa/ LTV on time, permission to apply for LTV at the place of present residence in cases where the applicants have moved to the present place of residence without prior permission are some of the other highlights.

It has also been proposed to simplify the procedure for grant of Indian citizenship to such nationals belonging to minority communities in Pakistan.

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Collector, Deputy Commissioner or the District Magistrate will be empowered to authorise, in his absence, in writing an officer not below the rank of SubDivisional Magistrate for administering the oath of allegiance to the applicant.

Powers will be given to the Collectors or the District Magistrates of a few select districts in Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Delhi, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh for a period of two years for registration of such Pakistani nationals as citizens of India.

"Reduction of fees for registration as citizen of India for nationals of Pakistan belonging to minority communities from the existing level ranging from Rs 5000 (under registration) to Rs 15,000 (under naturalisation), to a uniform fee of Rs 100/ each at the time of application and at the time of grant of certificate of registration/ naturalisation," the notification says.

Ever since the Narendra Modi government came to power in May 2014, several steps including issuance of Long Term Visa (LTV) for these refugees have been initiated.

In September 2015, the government had decided to allow minority refugees from Bangladesh and Pakistan to stay even after expiry of their visas on humanitarian grounds.

In April 2015, the Home Ministry rolled out an online system for LTV applications and for their processing by various security agencies.

In November 2014, Home Minister Rajnath Singh had approved a number of facilities for them, including manual acceptance of applications for citizenship and consideration of an affidavit filed before the authority in return for citizenship renunciation certificate in case of the individual having a Pakistani passport. The same facilities were to be extended to the children of such refugees.

TELEGRAPH, APR 22, 2016

Uncertain change - There's nothing like a perfect choice in Bengal's politics today

Swapan Dasgupta

It has been a torrid fortnight or so for West Bengal's chief minister, Mamata Banerjee - or so it appears to someone viewing the state's assembly election campaign from afar. There was, first, the Vivekananda Road flyover collapse and the inevitable anger at the politically connected syndicates that are a source of everyday harassment. Then there was the kerfuffle over the somewhat unappetizing Anubrata Mandal and his supposed strong-arm tactics in Birbhum. And finally, there was the over-reaction of the Election Commission to the announcement of the proposed division of Asansol district and the chief minister's equally intemperate overreaction. Coupled with the 'intellectual' outrage over the erosion of human rights in Bengal, a probashi may be forgiven for believing that West Bengal is once again in a state of turmoil

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and, maybe, even at the cusp of uncertain change.

To what extent there is actual ferment in Bengal or whether the war of emotions is part of a normal campaign jumla (to use Bharatiya Janata Party president Amit Shah's expression) is difficult for me to assess. Certainly, there is precious little by way of anecdotal evidence to substantiate the claim that the political temperature is competing with the scorching heat of this year's early summer. Business circles, whose opinions I tend to value a little more than the media, for example, don't seem to believe that West Bengal is on the cusp of yet another poriborton.

However, regardless of whether the electronic voting machines reveal a mood of intense dissatisfaction with the Trinamul Congress regime or indicates a willingness to give Mamata another bite of the cherry, the sound and fury of the campaign is revealing. More than anything else, it indicates that there is nothing akin to a perfect choice in the current politics of Bengal. Apart from those voters - some would say a majority - who follow the party 'line' out of a sense of tribal loyalty, the proverbial 'swing voters' whose preferences shape the final outcome are revealing their dissatisfaction with the entire trajectory of politics in the state. Yet, curiously, this impatience, often verging on anger, may not necessarily tilt the scales against the incumbent or in favour of the Communist-Congress combination.

Mamata Banerjee's spectacular victory in 2011 owed substantially to a belief that more than three decades of uninterrupted Left Front rule had not resulted in tangible improvements for the state. Yes, the bargadars of yore had been empowered with title deeds in the first two terms of Jyoti Basu. However, the exhilaration of having political power had been dulled by a phenomenon that came to be called 'cadre raj'. In plain terms, this meant that social empowerment had been derailed by the dictatorship of the Local Committee. It required the CPI(M)'s overkill in Nandigram and a show of peasant resistance in Singur (which Mamata exploited quite opportunistically) to bring the resentment against an overbearing 'party' to a head.

In the aftermath of the flyover tragedy, we are possibly witnessing early signs of resentment against an overbearing TMC that, in many areas, has replicated the control strategies of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in its entirety. There is enough anecdotal evidence to indicate that multiple factions of the TMC have inherited the unofficial levy on business activities, particularly new construction, which was imposed by the CPI(M)'s Local Committee. The syndicates of today are, in effect, the Local Committees of yesteryear. Choosing between the two is a matter of local preference, although the CPI(M) has often been credited with a single-window clearance system while the TMC seems hostage to internecine turf wars.

Both sets of rulers have been victims of the biggest challenge that confronts the state: the absence of enough meaningful economic activity. At one time, the Left Front nurtured the belief that an increase in rural consumption and productivity would automatically help in the revival of the cities. Jyoti Basu in particular allowed the cities - Calcutta in particular - to go to seed, hoping that rural resurgence would sooner or later have a multiplier effect. On her part, Mamata has taken off where Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee left and helped improve Calcutta immeasurably. The TMC's core base being in the urban clusters in and around Calcutta, the

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state of neglect and decay that marked urban Bengal has been reversed. Indeed, in terms of actually managing state expenditure, particularly in the crucial department of infrastructure upgradation, the TMC regime has outperformed the Left Front.

At the same time, both sets of governments have failed quite miserably in securing generous doses of private investment. If the exit of Tata Motors signalled the grand failure of the Left Front, the TMC has been the victim of its aftershocks. Despite the significant improvement in the quality of life in urban Bengal, large capital - which alone has a significant multiplier effect - has been hesitant to re-enter a state that it fled between 1967 and 1971. This is not entirely Mamata's fault, although her whimsical style of attracting investments hasn't helped matters. There is a larger problem of perception that neither political formation appears to be in a position to address.

There is, of course, the stereotype of the lack of a work culture in Bengal, including the thrust on entitlements that have little or no bearing on productivity. At one time, this was also linked to the bandh culture but, to be fair, Mamata has brought this under control. Also, with the Left in retreat at the national level, militant trade unionism appears to have waned quite significantly.

What has not waned, however, and in fact appears to have been strengthened is the over-politicization of daily life. The Left created the culture associated with a standing army of political cadres and Mamata inherited it and gave it a new life. The veritable army of under-employed youth who spend their time observing festivals (paid for by public subscriptions) and playing carom in clubhouses subsidized by the state are a direct consequence of the lack of economic growth. So too is the culture of political violence that has made Bengal seem as a state to avoid to outside investors. This too was the Communist movement's gift to Bengal, although today that same violence has been used quite effectively to uproot the Left from rural Bengal.

Indeed, looked from a longer perspective, most of the distortions visible in today's Bengal have their origin in the destructive political culture that the Left introduced and which was glorified by Bengali intellectuals. The early Communist intellectuals were often products ofbhadralok civility but in their distaste for bourgeois mores, they helped nurture a cultural coarseness that now finds expression in popular culture. In its own way, the TMC has imbibed many of these facets of popular culture better than the Left. At the same time, Mamata's party hasn't entirely been able to internalize and give positive expression to the unfulfilled aspirations that determine its rough edges.

The hangover of a Left intellectual culture that romanticized deprivation and stigmatized entrepreneurship has marred Bengal's political evolution. Whether the enhanced confidence that comes with a less-burdened state and re-election will facilitate a new Mamata is a project outside rational expectations. However, the possibilities of a forward movement for Bengal seems greater under a chastened TMC than under a curious Left-Congress dispensation that is likely to use any unexpected victory to convert West Bengal as a base for a political war against the Narendra Modi government. For a crumbling Left, the West Bengal poll is the last hope against impending irrelevance.

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TELEGRAPH, APR 16, 2016

Valley of errors - The Congress, Sonia Gandhi and Kashmir

Politics and Play- Ramachandra Guha

Both during and after the 2014 general elections, Narendra Modi told voters that they had given the Congress 60 years in power, and all he asked for was 60 months. His supporters on social media use that same trope, albeit in more forceful language. All that is wrong with India, they assert, is the product of 60 years of Congress (mis)rule. The Congress, for its part, retorts that all that is right with India must likewise be a product of their years, or decades, in power.

One place where things have mostly gone wrong for India since Independence in 1947 is the Valley of Kashmir. The place has always been troubled; many, and at times perhaps a majority, of its residents have never been entirely comfortable with being part of our republic. Now the Valley is seething with discontent once more. There is deep resentment at the paltry compensation given to the victims of the terrible floods of 2014. The attempts to enforce a beef ban in the Valley have been (rightly) opposed. The promises made by the Bharatiya Janata Party when they formed a coalition government with the People's Democratic Party have been violated (which is why it took so long for a fresh government to be formed after Mufti Mohammad Sayeed's death).

As I write, a fresh controversy has erupted after a clash between Kashmiri and non-Kashmiri students at the National Institute of Technology in Srinagar. It does appear that the non-Kashmiri students were treated harshly by the police. Yet the cure prescribed by their supporters seems to be worse than the disease. Posting more than a thousand paramilitary troops inside a college campus is surely a gross over-reaction. If even the educational institutions in Kashmir become armed garrisons, what hope is there for peace with honour in the Valley?

In the two years it has been in office, Narendra Modi's government has not handled Kashmir or Kashmiris with either wisdom or compassion. From a long-term perspective, however, the Congress hold greater responsibility for the failure of the Indian State to effect an emotional reconciliation with the people of the Valley. Jawaharlal Nehru put Sheikh Abdullah in prison for more than a decade. Nehru released him in 1964, but then Lal Bahadur Shastri placed the acknowledged leader of the Kashmiris back in detention again. In 1966, Jayaprakash Narayan urged Indira Gandhi to release Abdullah in time for the 1967 election, so that Jammu and Kashmir could have a credible government at last. She declined to do so, only releasing him several years later when the Sheikh was old and tired, and willing to become a vassal of New Delhi's.

In 1982, Sheikh Abdullah died, and was replaced by his son, Farooq. The following year, Indira Gandhi, angry that Farooq Abdullah was in dialogue with other non-Congress chief ministers, engineered a split in the National Conference and had Farooq replaced by his more pliant

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brother-in-law. Then Indira Gandhi was assassinated, and her son, Rajiv, succeeded her as prime minister. Rajiv Gandhi's government rigged the J&K state elections of 1987, provoking massive anger, which fuelled the insurgency that began shortly afterwards.

Sonia Gandhi once said she entered politics only to honour the sacrifices made by Nehru, Indira and Rajiv. In the matter of Kashmir, she has certainly followed in their footsteps. In her time as Congress president, she has been party to, or instrumental in, some key decisions that have deepened the alienation of Kashmir and Kashmiris from India. I list four such below:

1. In April 2003, Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Srinagar - the first prime minister to do so in more than a decade. A PDP-Congress government was then in power in the state, after the first free and fair assembly elections in 25 years. In a petty display of partisanship, the Congress ministers in the state government (almost certainly directed by the high command in Delhi) boycotted the prime minister's speech. Vajpayee had come with a healing hand, speaking of how any solution to the Kashmir dispute "within the bounds of humanity [insaniyat ké daire mé]" would be considered. This was a time of hope in and for Kashmir; militancy was down, and tourism was on the rise. But when the Opposition needed most to stand behind the prime minister, it boycotted him instead.

2. Mufti Sayeed had been a reasonably competent chief minister, and with a Kashmiri party in power and relative peace in the Valley, some hope remained. Had Sonia Gandhi had the wit and the will, or had she been better advised, she would have let Mufti continue for the full term of six years. But, in 2005, the Congress insisted that it was now time for them to occupy the post of chief minister. So Mufti stepped down, and the First Family loyalist, Ghulam Nabi Azad, was sworn in as chief minister instead. Once more, partisanship had triumphed over common sense and the national interest.

3. In 2004, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance had come to power in New Delhi. It won a fresh term in 2009. The next year, it decided to appoint an interlocutor for Kashmir. There had been serious protests in 2008, featuring stone-throwing by young boys. The attempt to appoint an independent person or body to reach out afresh to the Kashmiris was well-judged. It was suggested to both the prime minister and the home minister that Gopalkrishna Gandhi, a distinguished former high commissioner and governor, be appointed the sole interlocutor. Gopal Gandhi had worked in conflict-torn Sri Lanka and South Africa, spoke decent Urdu, was deeply knowledgeable about modern Indian history, and had a most engaging personality. He would have been a fantastic choice; as a former home secretary who knew Kashmir well told me, "Even the Hurriyat leaders would have come out to meet Gopal Gandhi."

In the event, a team of three interlocutors was appointed, whose collective expertise in conflict-resolution fell short of Gopal Gandhi's. The Hurriyat refused to meet them, and the initiative came to naught. It was speculated that, while her son was taking his first steps in politics, Sonia Gandhi was reluctant to give prominence to a Gandhi related not to her family but to the great Mahatma himself. Whatever the reason, the failure to appoint a credible interlocutor set back the possibility of peace in Kashmir once more.

4. In 2012, and again in 2013, the J&K chief minister, Omar Abdullah, urged the Central

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government to consider a limited, phased, withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. Because it gave total immunity to the army, the AFSPA was widely resented in Kashmir (as also in other border states like Manipur and Nagaland). Omar Abdullah suggested that at least in districts away from the border, and at a time militancy was on the retreat, the AFSPA be withdrawn. These areas could return to civilian control, allowing theaam admi and aam aurat of Kashmir to breathe more freely. Sadly, the Congress government at the Centre was too timid to go ahead with this confidence-building measure. They were reluctant to assert themselves against the army, confirming the view - held by many in Kashmir - that the security establishment, and not elected politicians, largely determined New Delhi's attitudes towards, and policies in, the Valley.

There are many reasons why the 'Kashmir Problem' has persisted for so long. The malevolent hand of the Pakistani State/army is one. The supplanting of a syncretic Kashmiri Islam by fundamentalist Wahabism is a second. The expulsion of the Pandits is a third. The apathy of Indians outside the Valley to the sufferings of Kashmiris is a fourth. The human rights violations of the Indian army and paramilitary forces are a fifth. And the errors and crimes of the Congress are a sixth.

That the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or Modi does not recognize the deep roots of Kashmiri discontent is not surprising. Pluralism, whether religious or cultural or intellectual, is antithetical to Hindutva. But freedom, democracy, tolerance and pluralism were once absolutely integral to the charter of the Congress. These values and ideals were promoted by the greatest of Congressmen, M.K. Gandhi, and encoded by a Constitution framed and passed by an assembly a majority of whose members were from the Congress. Tragically, with regard to Kashmir, those values and ideals have been erratically applied by Congress leaders such as Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and, not least, Sonia Gandhi.

POVERTY

BUSINESS LINE, APR 22, 2016Govt aims to remove poverty by 2032Grand plan: 10% GDP growth; 175 million jobs; $10-trillion economyArchis Mohan, Jyoti Mukul & Nivedita Mookerji 

Pro-rural push on govt agenda The near death, and revival, of MGNREGS Is the worst over for

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rural economy? Rural Electrification Corporation hits 52-week low; turns ex-dividend Nokia ties up with IIT-Madras to boost rural broadband connectivity

Transforming India, an ambitious action plan finalised after two months of brainstorming

shepherded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has recommended a slew of reforms to be

implemented by ministries and departments if India has to grow by 10 per cent per annum until

2032. This, according to the action plan, will totally eradicate poverty from India in the next 16

years and also create 175 million new jobs.

"Growing at 10 per cent will transform India - India will be a $10 trillion economy with no

poverty in 2032," the plan states. In 2015-16, the size of the Indian economy was a little over $2

trillion and the gross domestic product growth was around 7.6 per cent. As part of first steps in

this grand plan, the government has set out to implement WTO-compatible procurement norms

by 2017-18, achieve 100 per cent rural electrification by May 2018, increase rural teledensity to

100 per by 2020, reach broadband connectivity through optical fibre to all gram panchayats by

December 2018 and have 175 million broadband connections by 2017.

The 23-page action plan also envisages reforms in the agriculture and allied sectors, including

deregulation of genetically engineered (Bt) insect-resistant pulses by 2017-18, creation of

buffer stock for pulses by 2017-18 and target 15 million metric tonnes of fish production by

2020. It also plans to implement seeding of Aadhaar number in 90 per cent of ration cards by

the end of FY17. PAN (Permanent Account Number) is to be made mandatory for all

businesses and entities and serve as unique business identifier also by the end of FY17.

"The entire process from ideation to action took barely two months," NITI Aayog Chief

Executive Officer Amitabh Kant said. The process was initiated with the PM holding a meeting

with all the secretaries to the government in December. At the meeting, Modi called for radical

thinking which could take India forward, cutting across the silos of line departments and

ministries.

The PM identified eight themes and decided to constitute eight groups of secretaries to come

out with recommendations and a road map for each of the themes. The objective of the action

plan was to foster development but with inclusive growth and efficiency. According to a

secretary, the PM was happy with the finalised action plan. He told the secretaries that no

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expert group could have made such recommendations because these have come from people

who think the plan is doable.

However, not all agreed with the ambitious target of India achieving 10 per cent growth for the

next 16 years. "While desirable, 10 per cent growth is wishful thinking when we are struggling

to maintain even 7.5 per cent increase in gross domestic product per annum," a secretary, who

was part of the process, said.

Kant said the recommendations by the groups of secretaries were circulated among all

ministries. "Every ministry examined it and prepared an action plan based on what can be

implemented. Some of these actions were announced in the budget. The remaining we have put

together in sub-themes which have target dates," Kant said. NITI Aayog has been assigned the

responsibility to monitor the implementation of these action plans and would be creating a

dashboard for this.

The eight themes identified by the PM were - accelerated growth with inclusion and equity;

employment generation strategies; universal access to quality health and education; good

governance; farmer-centric Issues in agriculture and allied sectors; Swachh Bharat and Ganga

Rejuvenation; energy conservation and efficiency and innovative budgeting and effective

implementation.

The government plans to have proactive consultations with the states as they "have an

important role in implementation of a number of these initiatives on pan-India basis."

CENTRE'S ACTION PLAN FOR TRANSFORMING INDIA

Seeding of Aadhaar number in 90% ration cards by March 2017

Increase rural teledensity to 100% by 2020

175 million broadband connections by 2017

Deregulation of genetically engineered (Bt) insect-resistant pulses by March 2018

WTO-compatible procurement norms by March 2018

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Third-party scrutiny of road project execution agencies by end of 2016

VC funds for start-ups by end of 2016

PAN mandatory for all businesses - to serve as unique business identifier by March

2017

PRESIDENTS

STATESMAN, APR 22, 2016Who is best for India? - IKrishnan Srinivasan

The big prize in the recent New York primaries was 291 delegates for the Democrats and 95 for

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the Republicans. It is the home state of both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Clinton stopped Bernie Sanders’ run of victories in six of the last seven contests to move strongly towards the Democratic candidacy, while Trump won 60 per cent of the votes and the lion’s share of the Republican delegates on offer, which somewhat reduces the chances of a contested nomination at the Republican Party’s Philadelphia  convention in July. With more than five state elections still to go, Trump could now argue that he should be the party’s nominee even if he does not win the 1,237 delegates necessary to claim the nomination outright.

The presidential elections in the United States are a complex and long drawn-out process but there are four main contenders -- the Republican Party represented by  Trump and Ted Cruz in that order, and the Democrats by Clinton and Sanders. The election itself is on 8 November but the preliminaries have attracted wide interest not only because of the central position of the USA in global affairs, but because of the identities of the four contestants.  Senator Cruz, 47, is on the far right of the political spectrum, so far to the right that he is one of the most disliked men in Washington. Trump, 71, is a lapsed Democrat, now independent Republican, but has never held political office. He is a billionaire real estate businessman who has funded his own campaign. Clinton, 70, contested for the presidency in 2008 and was foreign minister under Obama. She will be the first woman President if elected. Senator Sanders, 74, is a self-proclaimed anti-capitalist.

In Indian conversations on the elections, supporters of Trump, aged 70, are derided with disbelief and scorn, but the moot question is, which of the candidates would be best for India? There is no easy answer, but one assessment could be that Trump would be the best choice for India.

To begin with trade , all four candidates are exercised about ‘outsourcing’ and the deficit, namely, that America buys more foreign goods than it sells abroad which they see as a result of unfair trade agreements where the US is losing out. This is in contrast with the view of mainstream economics that trade liberalisation is beneficial for all that do it. By removing barriers that raise the cost of imported goods, countries can specialise in producing what they do best, and consumers and businesses can buy goods more cheaply. But a protectionist backlash, like an immigration backlash, is one of those things that has been coming in America. “I have voted against and led the opposition to every one of these disastrous trade agreements,” Sanders said. “Clinton has supported virtually every one.” The issue of international trade deals has swayed blue-collar voters in favour of Sanders because the North American Free Trade Agreement, which incorporates the US, Canada and Mexico, cost American 850,000 jobs and trade relations with China following its accession to the WTO led to the loss of another 3.2 million jobs.

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Clinton is the only candidate who has held an executive position, and is the best known in India, She has a calculating, hawkish reputation, with her votes for interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, and preference for such tactics in Libya and Syria. She can be described as a hold-over from the Cold War, and it was during her time as foreign minister that the US ‘tilt to Asia’ was initiated, whereas India has traditionally opposed great power presence in Asia. She has opted to play the woman-power theme and feminism to prove her ‘progressiveness’ against Sanders whose left-wing credentials are far stronger than her’s. Her weakness is among three key voting blocs: working-class white men, independent voters and reaching out to voters who feel betrayed by the Democratic Party’s embrace of free trade and left behind by the forces of globalisation and deregulation

Her platform is opposition to racial and sexist and homophobic inequality. But it is not likely that her’s will be a pro-woman presidency, since her record of female advocacy is uneven -- she has evaded the abortion and maternity leave debates in the past and expediency is her watch-word. She has not hesitated to cry ‘sexism’ in dodging uncomfortable questions. Women are 52 per cent of the electorate, of which single women are 25 per cent, but her popularity is with minority voters of both sexes rather than females, other than educated white women. Corporations and foreign governments that made donations to the Clinton Foundation received preferential treatment from the State Department during her tenure, which her opponents have used to attack her. 

Though Trump and Sanders differ widely, they both claim that the political system is broken and that this calls for new leadership and radical measures. Sanders focuses on class and income inequality; he promises to make university education free and medical care universal. Many young women back him. Sanders makes attacks on Clinton’s six-figure-payment speeches to Wall Street firms, her foreign policy views and her position on environmental issues. “I think we’ve got a lot of young people’s vote, working-class people’s vote,” Sanders said, “this campaign is about creating a political revolution.” He calls for European allies to contribute more financial support to NATO, echoing Trump, and though Jewish, he said the US cannot continue to be partial in solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Sanders will need to attract black, Jewish and Hispanic votes in numbers he has not yet achieved. If he cannot do that, Clinton is the clear front-runner. New York, however, showed that Sanders’s campaign is stumbling. When asked about Israel, he said he did not know the answer or was not qualified to respond. He did not know the right policy to deal with IS. He demurred on whether the US government has the authority to order the break-up of banks that the President determines are too powerful. After his New York defeat by Clinton, he may have

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to consider withdrawing from the race.

(To be concluded)The writer is India's former Foreign Secretary.

STATESMAN, APR 23, 2016Who is best for India? - IIKrishnan Srinivasan| 23 April, 2016

Donald Trump (AFP)

Trump’s arrival was manna from heaven to a US media in decline with competition from the Internet and social media. Trump used Twitter to energise his supporters and his $2 billion free media coverage was because journalists found to their horror they were distanced from the pain of working-class Americans and the jobless. They no longer had control over what was acceptable for a candidate to say in public, and they realized that big institutions like political parties or media outlets were not trusted. Trump is leading the race to be the Republican candidate because he does not talk or act like a typical politician.

After 2012 and the rise of the Tea Party, the Republicans felt they had to appeal to the youth, women and minorities. Trump is unpopular with all those groups, popular with Tea Party diehard conservatives, older less-educated whites and disaffected blue-collar Democrats. He is on the verge of a hostile take-over of the party. He is the ‘candidate of grievances,’ not least the move of the US from a manufacturing to a services economy. The Republican Party had engineered an electoral process to assist establishment candidates like Jeb Bush, but Trump’s celebrity has brushed these obstacles aside despite questions about his bankruptcies, tax returns and charitable donations. His is a protest campaign which appeals to those who want change.

What Trump has to say on abortions, waterboarding, Muslims and a wall against Mexican immigration is the American electorate’s business, as is his call to make America great. We may note in passing that India has constructed a fence against Bangladeshi illegal immigrants, and Israel has one against Palestinians.

Trump wants better relations with Russia and eschews interventions abroad, which should be welcome to New Delhi. “We cannot be the policeman of the world,” he says, “unfortunately we have a nuclear world now.” For that reason, he said, Japan and South Korea may want to build nuclear arsenals so that they can protect themselves. He is not the only advocate of the deterrence theory. He wants Europe, Japan and South Korea to pay for the cost of keeping US

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troops stationed in their countries. He would refrain from America guaranteeing regional security abroad. Instead of NATO, he is open to the possibility of a new kind of Europe-based organization that focuses on fighting militant groups. He said that if the US decided to send troops to Syria, he would want other countries to participate in the undertaking, the essence being burden-sharing of fighting IS with other countries.

Cruz is described by a member of his own party as ‘a jackass’. Yet he is highly intelligent, a skilled debater, and takes insults as a badge of honour to show he is not part of the Washington élite, rather that he is an insurgent fighting the ultra-conservative battle. He is a hard-charging, hard-headed conservative who once delivered a 21-hour speech in the Senate to oppose Obama’s health programme. His platform is to abolish the tax administration, levy a flat-rate tax, restrict abortion and immigration, and dismiss the risk of man-induced climate change. Like Trump, he opposes any Middle East interventions.

The Republican Party is deeply worried that any Cruz administration would be packed with activists further to the right than the Party itself. However a number of senior Republicans back him, fearing that Trump would be a weak candidate in the November election without the support of swing voters, women, Latinos and Afro- Americans.

Trump’s insurgent presidential candidacy has proven extremely successful in besting a fractured Republican field, propelling him to a commanding lead in the race for the nomination. He will go to the Cleveland convention with more delegates than Cruz, with many more votes than Cruz, and the moral high ground for saying he and nobody else should be the candidate. Without a majority of declared supporters, however, the convention could become a free for all with any amount of backstairs manoeuvering. For believers in democracy it will be deeply unsettling, and for Trump it might mean defeat. If Trump falls short of the number of delegates needed to secure the nomination before the convention, that would result in a ‘contested convention’ where voting for candidates starts again from scratch.

The majority present will be diehard conservatives, so Cruz could win from second place as did Abraham Lincoln in 1860. Mitt Romney and Mitt Ryan are spoken of as ‘white knights’ coming at the eleventh hour to the rescue of the party, but if Cruz is a close second to Trump in a contested convention, he might well emerge the winner.After New York, Cruz is now in the business of  ensuring that the convention is packed with loyalists who in a nominating free-for-all will stand by him. Should that happen, Trump’s supporters would have every right to feel aggrieved. It would be like the Republican Party saying, ‘thank you for your millions of votes and your exercise of democracy these past months, but we know what’s best’. In this contentious US primary season, the veneer of

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accountability is rubbing off, exposing the unseemly mechanisms that drive the US political system. It is difficult for anyone, whether Democrat or Republican, to claim the moral high ground.

Should the final round for the US presidency turn out to be Clinton versus Trump, it will not be a walk-over for Clinton. There are already signs that Trump’s previously brash campaign is being retuned for the remaining months. He has tapped into a huge popular groundswell of dissatisfaction with the American political establishment, and will also draw disaffected Democrats away from Clinton. There may be long odds against him, but he may still be India’s best bet.(Concluded)

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

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TELEGRAPH, APR 19, 2016

Maximum governance - What ails the Indian civil services?

Brijesh D. Jayal

The ultimate responsibility for governance in the Indian parliamentary democracy rests with the elected representatives who are ministers in the state or Central government. They, in turn, are assisted by the civil services that form the backbone of the entire administrative machinery. Hence, the ministers are expected to lay down policy and priorities and it is for the civil services to implement these in letter and spirit within laws and governance rules so established. The Indian administrative service, police service and foreign service are the three all-India civil services set up under constitutional provision. They, in turn, are supported by the Central civil services group A & B and the state/provincial civil services.

It is Vallabhbhai Patel, the first home minister of the country and referred to as the "Iron Man" for his role in the integration of various states into the Indian Union, who is also considered the patron saint of the civil services for having conceived and brought into effect their modern day versions. Patel referred to these services as the "steel frame" and on April 21, 1947, first addressed probationers at the All India Administrative Service Training School at Metcalfe House, Delhi. Fittingly, this day has come to be commemorated as the annual Civil Services Day. According to Wikipedia, in an unprecedented and unrepeated gesture, on the day after Patel's death in Mumbai, more than 1,500 officers of India's civil and police services congregated at his residence in Delhi to mourn and pledged "complete loyalty and unremitting zeal" in India's service.

It is the fading of the spirit of this pledge, and indeed of the memory of Patel's vision of governance, that has resulted in the people at large now viewing the Indian bureaucracy in somewhat indifferent terms - a perception not divorced from reality, as some recent studies would show. In 2012, the Hong-Kong- based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy had rated the Indian bureaucracy as the worst in Asia, rating it at 9.21 out of 10. In the same year, a paper prepared by the ministry of personnel, public grievances and pensions reported that corruption was prevalent at all levels in civil services and was institutionalized. To any individual outside the charmed circle of the Indian bureaucracy, none of this was new.

As chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, now the prime minister, had embarked on a project to build a Statue of Unity dedicated to Patel to inspire people to inculcate Patel's visionary ideologies of unity, patriotism, inclusive growth and good governance. Subsequently, during his campaign in the run-up to the 2014 parliamentary elections, Modi's promise of "minimum government, maximum governance" was alluring to many who were fed up with the daily dose of bureaucratic corruption, high-handedness and sloth in governance.

But as the National Democratic Alliance government settled in to take on the onerous task of fulfilling its electoral promises, it must have dawned that the tools of administration through

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which it can attempt "maximum" governance are the very ones that enjoy constitutional protection, which make it impossible for civil servants to be dismissed or demoted by the elected representatives. While the spirit of these constitutional provisions was to enable an independent and impartial bureaucracy, within our system of governance this stands distorted with politicians controlling policy outcomes by using the unorthodox tool of the indiscriminate transfer of civil servants. This, in turn, has had the deleterious effect of the politicization of large sections of the bureaucracy. Ashok Khemka's 44th transfer in 20 years of service, which caught national attention some years ago, was merely the tip of the iceberg. The current chief minister of Uttar Pradesh created his own record of sorts when he reportedly transferred nearly one thousand officers within his first month in office.

Such examples abound in our administrative system and are taken as routine. The authors, Lakshmi Iyer and Anandi Mani, from the Harvard Business School in a 2009 study titledTraveling Agents: Political Change and Bureaucratic Turnover in India indicate that their micro-economic analyses of the interaction between politicians and bureaucrats (using unique data for the IAS) indicate significant political influence on the bureaucracy, despite constitutional insulation provided to them against political pressures. They conclude that this results in two types of inefficiencies: first, that not all important posts are given to the most competent bureaucrats and second, given that competence is not the only consideration for obtaining important positions, junior officers under-invest in developing competence. The study suggests instituting limits on the politician's power to frequently transfer bureaucrats, and points to the fact that these are included in the proposed public services bill, which will reduce the politician's ability to appoint loyal bureaucrats to important positions.

The public services bill that the authors refer to, since changed to the civil services bill 2009, has in its introduction the aim to develop public services as professional, neutral, merit-based and accountable instruments for promoting good governance and better delivery of services to the citizens and to provide a statutory basis for the regulation of these services as enshrined in Article 309 of the Constitution.

In a piece written in 2011, titled "Is the IAS a steel frame or a steel cage?", Suvojit Chattopadhyay and Doug Johnson make the point that the "two positions - that the IAS itself is composed of exceptionally talented individuals and that it is hampering the development of modern day India - may seem slightly at odds, but they co-exist comfortably in this country." In their prescriptions for improving the IAS they quote the then professor of economics at Columbia University, Arvind Panagariya, an expert on the Indian civil service, offering two solutions. One was for more top positions in the government to be opened to competition from outside and the other that specialization among the civil services needed to be encouraged. It is fortuitous that Panagariya - a distinguished economist and author of several books, including his latest, India: The Emerging Giant and with vast experience of working in several international institutions - is now the vice chairman of the National Institute for Transforming India. One sincerely hopes that in this new avatar, his insights into transforming India's steel frame would further the cause of good governance.

Ever since the current government took office, there have been periodic reports of incremental

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changes being implemented towards streamlining of the administrative machinery. Secretaries of departments were asked each to identify and repeal at least 10 archaic laws towards faster decision-making and to restrict layers of file movements to a maximum of four. Inter-departmental strife during decision-making, a common ailment, was sought to be reduced through co-operation, failing which the intervention of the Prime Minister's Office was to be sought rather than the proverbial bureaucratic norm of sitting on a file. Digitization of files for the better management of data and submission of information online were some of the technological tools introduced for administrative transparency and efficiency. Amendments were incorporated to the 1968 All-India Service (Conduct) Rules, a charter for all civil servants bringing about various dos and don'ts. Along with these, there have been many more reported from time to time, all with a view to enhancing good governance. Whether or not, the elephant that is the bureaucracy has adopted these correctives in letter and spirit will only be known with passage of time.

It has now been reported that a task force of senior trusted bureaucrats from the cabinet secretariat, the department of personnel and training and the expenditure department has also been set up by the PMO to analyze manpower requirements and appointments in some 600 departments, over 2,000 subordinate offices and over some 10,000 aligned government organizations across the country. This exercise is not just to right-size the administrative machinery, but also plug the many loopholes that have crept into the system, like posts created merely as sinecures for retired bureaucrats or posts that remain long after programmes for which they were created have ceased to exist. Recruiting highly skilled professionals and dedicated and specialist technology or communications teams in each department is also reportedly part of this major reform exercise. The report of the task force is expected to be submitted by the end of April 2016. Such an exercise was long overdue and right-sizing is clearly aimed at the objective of "minimum" government. That people are impatient for results, having suffered immeasurably at the hands of Indianbabudom, be it at the state level or at the Centre, is not surprising. What is less understood is the very institutionalization of vested interests that have come to encompass our administrative and governance space, to dismantle which no other vehicle exists, but this very "steel frame", which now stands corroded. Therein lies the challenge to the government, which will find that there are no quick-fix solutions - more so, as the same administrative machinery is also essential to keep the wheels of governance moving to meet the enhanced expectations of an aspirational India. One contribution that our elected representatives in Parliament across the ideological divide can make to this endeavour of maximum governance is by debating and adopting a suitable civil services bill. One following, now forgotten, principles of professionalism, merit, accountability, integrity and devoted service to India's citizens. Not only will this help to eliminate the rot and rust in the "steel frame", but a confident and independent civil service will also be a fitting tribute to the memory of Patel.

The author is a retired air marshal of the Indian Air Force

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SOCIAL PROBLEMS

ECONOMIC TIMES, APR 16, 2016Delhi government bans pan masala, gutkha

NEW DELHI: The Delhi government has banned all chewing tobacco products, including pan

masala, gutkha, flavoured and scented tobacco and kharra, here for a year, an official said on

Friday. The Department of Food Safety issued a notification declaring that manufacture and sale

of gutkha, pan masala, zarda and khaini packed or unpacked are prohibited for a year as these

products damage public health. The ban came into effect from Wednesday. "The said food

products, if consumed, endanger human health," the government said in its notification, adding

that consumption will adversely effect the life of future generations. The government said that all

such forms of chewing tobacco, whether packaged or unpackaged, sold as one product, or

through packaged separate products that could be mixed by consumers, come under the ambit of

the ban.

STATESMAN, APR 21, 2016Prohibition as a ployAmulya Ganguli

The revival of the moves in favour of prohibition is not due to a deep desire among politicians to keep the unthinking and unwashed hoi-polloi on the straight and narrow path. Notwithstanding the failure of such experiments in Haryana recently and in undivided Bombay in the 1950s and ‘60s, not to mention America in Al Capone’s time, several states like Kerala and Bihar have decided to bar -- no pun intended -- the consumption of alcohol and Tamil Nadu is threatening to do the same.

The drive for inducing sobriety stems less from moral considerations than from the inability of the state governments to push ahead with their development programmes. Considering that large segments of the population have to live in conditions of deprivation and scarcity where the basic needs of life are concerned  --  safe drinking water, decent living conditions for the lower middle class, an assured supply of power, schools with good teachers, hospitals with reliable doctors -- the ruling parties are aware that the grievances about them are forever piling up.

The complaints are further enhanced by their hallmark insensitivity, demonstrated by what has come to be known as the “red light” culture where the official cars with red beacons and the posse of armed commandos escorting the politicians underline the wide difference between the rulers and their subjects. In general, the average person accepts these signs of the gulf between

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him and his lord and master as a decree of fate. But when the government fails to provide routine administrative services, the patience of the citizen is strained beyond limit.This is what has happened in Tamil Nadu where the exceptionally heavy rains last winter not only caused widespread inundation for days, but highlighted the callous disregard for environment by the builders, apparently acting in collusion with the government. The belief during the long periods of suffering faced by the waterlogged residents was that the calamity was the result of the reckless filling up of the shallow marshy lands by building construction, which prevented the drainage of water.

Not surprisingly, chief minister Jayalalitha was a target of the public disaffection, not least because the civic disaster highlighted her customary imperious behaviour. It may not be too far wide of the mark to suggest, therefore, that her announcement of the intention to introduce prohibition is an attempt to make up for the setbacks in her popularity which she suspects she has suffered.

Otherwise, there is no reason why a generally well-off state, compared to Bihar, should opt for a measure whose attendant woes -- loss of excise revenue, bootlegging and the consequent gangsterism, deaths from the consumption of illicit liquor -- are known. Jayalalitha has probably calculated that by the time these problems arise, she will be safely ensconced in power by unfurling the moral flag. Subsequently, she will try to tackle them by taking steps, including the lifting of prohibition as states like Haryana (which banned liquor between 1996 and 1999) have done.

Unlike Jayalalitha, who has promised to impose prohibition before an election, Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar has done so not only after winning an election, but winning handsomely. There is little doubt, therefore, about his popularity. If he has still felt impelled to impose prohibition, it is for that other reason which drives a politician -- cultivating vote-banks or groups of supporters devoted primarily to his party.

In this particular case, it is the women, mainly of the lower middle class, who have been victims of physical and financial maltreatment by their husbands. It is for their sake that Nitish Kumar has decided to forgo the excise revenue earnings of  Rs 4,000 crore in the hope that his party -- the Janata Dal (United) -- will get their votes.

He may indeed get them. But, in the process, Bihar may return to its familiar BIMARU status where it will be equated with Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh as an ailing or backward state. Bimar in Hindi means sick and BIMARU stands for Bihar, Madhya Pradesh,

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Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. The acronym was coined by an economic analyst, Ashis Bose, in the 1980s.

While securing the support of the lower middle class women, the Janata Dal (United) may lose the backing of the upper middle class. As is known, drinking is now quite common among the better-off sections of society where the earlier inhibitions about alcohol consumption have died out. The growing affluence of the middle class after the opening up of the economy has also enabled them to develop a taste for scotch and wines.

The upper middle class, therefore, may look for options other than the Janata Dal (United) at election time. The BJP is one, not least because a majority of this class comprises the upper castes who are naturally inclined towards the BJP.

Since Bihar will also be hurt by the revenue loss, its developmental projects will be stymied. The gains it made, therefore, by emerging from the dismal “jungle raj” of the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s years in power between 1990 and 2005 will be negated to a considerable extent.Unlike Bihar’s all-or-nothing approach --  it favours death penalty for violators -- Kerala is trying to have it both ways. Drinks are  available in five-star hotels, but not elsewhere. It is something like the status of Mumbai’s dance bars before the Supreme Court’s intervention when dancing was allowed in posh establishments, but not in middle or lower middle class eateries. As long as politicians feel unwanted because of their poor developmental record, they will bank on prohibition to cross the electoral waters.

The writer is a former Assistant Editor, The Statesman.

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TRAINING

STATESMAN, APR 22, 2016Govt to set up ASTIS to impart skill training

The Odisha government has decided to set-up Advance Skill Development Training Institutes (ASTIs) with a view to impart skill training to around 2 lakh youths in five years time. The decision was taken at the first general body meeting of Odisha Skill Development Society (OSDS) held under the chairmanship of chief secretary Aditya Prasad Padhi on Thursday, said L N Gupta, principal secretary skill development and technical education department. The meeting deliberated on the institutional structure and modalities for implementation of the project. 

Chief secretary Padhi directed the department to build in the quality elements in the programme from the very beginning. He directed that the bid document itself should emphasise on quality parameters. “In the process we must bring in the best quality training partner. The courses need to be in alignment with National Skill Quality Framework (NSQF) so as to facilitate smooth migration between vocational training and general education,” he said. 

Gupta said that it was decided to set up eight STIs in different parts of the state out of which 6 would on be Demonstration mode with major investment from government and 2 would be on PPP mode. 

The places like Angul, Balasore, Bhubaneswar, Berhampur, Jeypore, Bolangir, Jharsuguda and Rourkela were proposed for establishment of the ASTIs. These institutes would impart skill training in 142 courses of 12 priority sectors of the government.

The scheme targets to train 2 lakh youths, impart advanced and finishing skills to 50,000 ITI pass outs and support skill training to 5000 people for self employment. Besides, customised skill upgradation training and certification would be provided to 25,000 skill workforce in their respective trades under Recognition of Prior Learning provisions. 

Gupta added that the targeted group of the scheme includes unemployed IT pass outs, engineers, general graduates and polytechnic graduates. 

The estimated cost of the project is around Rs.1051 crore of which the state government will provide one-third and the rest will be loan from the Asian Development Bank.

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TRANSPORT

HINDUSTAN TIMES, APR 21, 2016Move proposed to punish parents of child drivers involved in crashesMoushumi Das GuptaThe government is set to back a proposal to punish the parents of children who drive , a move aimed at curbing rising fatalities from the underage getting behind the wheel.The plan is to amend the motor vehicles (MV) act to introduce a provision to charge the parents of juvenile drivers involved in crashes and send the errant minors to do community service. The road transport ministry is likely to discuss the proposal at a meeting of state transport secretaries on April 22.

“If a minor is involved, it will be presumed that the parents know and willingly allowed or influenced the child. So, they should be held accountable for allowing the minor to drive,” a source said on Wednesday.

The quantum of punishment for parents and the duration of community service for errant minors will be worked out after consulting the states, the source said.

“Since road transport is on the concurrent list, states will have to agree. If there is unanimity, a decision can be taken at the April 29 meeting of the empowered group of state transport ministers reviewing road safety.”

The government’s push for stricter road safety comes amid a growing call to make parents accountable after a Class 12 student in north Delhi’s upmarket Civil Lines mowed down a 33-year-old marketing consultant with his father’s Mercedes car on Sunday.

The father of the teen, who turned 18 four days after the accident, was charged with abetment to culpable homicide not amounting to murder but was granted bail. The Juvenile Justice Board rejected the boy’s bail, saying it should be a lesson for all parents who give cars to underage children as their bad parenting endangers lives of people.

Existing provisions under the MV act penalise the owner or person in charge of the vehicle for allowing an unauthorised person such as a minor or someone without a driver’s licence to drive. The offence carries a maximum fine of Rs 1,000 and jail for three months or both.

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“In case the vehicle is registered in a company or somebody else’s name, it is difficult to hold the parents accountable. The law is silent on this aspect,” a ministry official said.Cases of underage drivers causing fatal crashes are on the rise in India, where a person dies every four minutes in road accidents. But weak laws and slack enforcement often mean a long wait for justice for the victims and their families.

The government began considering amending the existing law because a draft bill on road transport and safety, pending for over two years, will take some more time before it is approved by the Union cabinet and introduced in Parliament.

The draft bill is set to replace the 26-year-old MV act that was amended in 2001. It proposes to increase the quantum of punishment based on the gravity of the offence: a Rs 1 lakh fine for driving an unregistered vehicle, and a Rs 3 lakh fine and seven years in jail for killing a child in a road accident.

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WOMEN

ASIAN AGE, APR 21, 2016Navy to put women on selected warships

In the second major step towards enabling women officers in the armed forces to serve in combat roles in the past few months, it was the Navy’s turn on Wednesday to announce that it is “finalising” a policy for women officers “to serve on select warships that have appropriate facilities for women”.

In a path-breaking decision, the Navy also announced that “seven women officers from the batch of Short Service Commission officers of the education branch and naval constructor cadre, who joined in 2008-09, have been granted permanent commission” in service. The Navy also announced that “starting in 2017, women officers can choose to join as pilots of maritime reconnaissance planes — Boeing P8I, Dornier, etc. — as also in the Naval Armament Inspectorate cadre”, and that “a total of eight branches/cadres will be opened for women officers in the Navy”.

IAF chief Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha had recently announced that the first batch of Indian women fighter pilots, comprising three cadets, will be inducted in the Indian Air Force on June 18.

This marks a change in the positions of at least two of the three armed services compared to the positions they took about a decade ago. A report submitted by the Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC) — comprising the then service chiefs — to the government in 2006-07 had recommended exclusion of women from combat roles in the armed forces.

The report was submitted then after a study was conducted by the COSC “on all aspects related to women officers in the armed forces, including induction in combat roles”. The study had recommended “exclusion of women officers for the present in close combat roles where chances of physical contact with the enemy are high”.

But the outlook seems to have changed rather drastically in the past decade. In a statement on Wednesday, the Navy said, “In order to demonstrate that women are second to none in tough adventure activities, a crew of six naval women officers, including the skipper, is meticulously preparing for the first all-women circumnavigation of the world in 2017 by an Indian team in an indigenously built ocean sailing vessel, Mhadei II.”

Naval sources had said a few months ago that naval women officers may also be posted on warships in the next few months and that warships being built are being configured such that they have separate accommodation quarters for women officers.

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This is the second major step towards enabling women officers to serve in combat roles after the IAF and ministry of defence (MoD) decided last year to allow women IAF officers to serve as fighter pilots. Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha had recently said, “We inducted women as pilots in 1991, but on only helicopter and transport (planes). I must thank the defence minister for having approved the IAF’s proposal to induct women as fighter pilots. Very soon... On June 18, the Air Force will get women fighter pilots. ... As of now three women trainees have volunteered to join the fighter stream. They are under the second phase of their training. Once they complete their training... They are on par with their male colleagues and the passing out parade is scheduled on June 18.” The three women IAF cadets are Bhawana Kanth, Avani Chaturvedi and Mohana Singh. The three are expected to undergo advanced training for a year after they are inducted and are likely to be eligible to fly fighter aircraft from June, 2017.

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