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Page 1: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

NARODNI MUZEJ CRNE GORE ATELJE DADO

Igor Toševsk iBrisani prostori | Erased spaces

Page 2: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

Brisanje granica

„ U ovom trenutku, bez obzira na to gdje se nalazili, okruženi smo političkim previranjima koja nas strmoglavo vode prema liberalnom autoritarizmu, fašizmu i graničnom stanju euforije u kojem su humanističke vrijednosti ozbiljno ugrožene. Zbog toga je izuzetno važno identifikovati sve što nas povezuje i na tome graditi naše djelovanje.“ Katrin Koenning u tekstu „Novi građani“ (izložba Organ vida, Zagreb, 2017.)

U dobu sebičnog individualizma1 kada je društvo globalizacije “zapalo u globalizaciju ravno- dušnosti”2 usmjereno iskuljučivo na zadovoljenje ličnih interesa, pet minuta lažne slave i virtuelne popularnosti, ideje kolektivnog dobra imaju sve manji uticaj na oblikovanje dominantnih društvenih paradigmi. Postmodernistička relativizacija vrijednosti, spuštena na nivo primarnog političkog/ideološkog instinkta masa, dovela je do, do juče nezamislive, reafirmacije ideja i ide- ologija koje smo (optimistički? naivno?) smatrali pobijeđenim. Našom političkom i društvenom svakodnevicom vladaju autoritarizam, religiozni fanatizam i ksenofobija, (često suptilno zaodjenuti u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji ne može više ničemu vjerovati ne može da se odluči. Njemu nije uskraćen samo kapacitet za bilo kakvu akciju, već takođe i kapacitet da misli i sudi. I s takvim narodom onda možete da radite šta hoćete.”3 Jasno je naša civilizacija počiva na nejednakostima i da, kako to ističe Fuko (u knjizi Rađanje biopolitike), neoliberalni koncept ljudskog kapitala ima utopijsku dimenziju – da je zapravo utopijski horizont savremenog kapitalizma i individualno ljudsko prestaje biti viđeno samo kao član radne snage koja se prodaje na tržištu4. Angažovano djelovanje predstavlja jedan od poslednjih vidova suprotstavljanja praksi da se sve pa i ljudi tretiraju kako roba (asset).

U uslovima „političkog kapitalizma“ aktivizam u svim segmentima života igra više nego važnu ulogu, možda čak predstavlja jednu od poslednjih snaga društva sposobnog da mu se suprotstavi. On se znatno razlikuje od onoga što je aktivizam podrazumjevao nekada, jer posredno novo doba traži i novu vrstu angažovanosti. Shodno tome se treba razmatrati i pozicija savremene angažovane umjetnosti (umjetničkog aktivizma), kao (ponovo) važan prostor za društveno/političko djelovanje. Ovakva umjetnost postaje sredstvo za ostvarivanje različitih ciljeva van uskog polja umjetnosti, što ponovo otvara niz starih pitanja među kojima je društvena odgovornost umjetnika svakako među najvažnijim.

„Za mnoge umjetnike i kustose ljevice, Deborova kritika (društva spektakla, prim. aut.) pogađa u srž zašto je participacija važna kao projekat: ona rehumanizuje društvo koje je lišeno emaptije i fragmentirano represivnim instrumenalizmom kapitalističke produkcije. S obzirom na ukupno kretanje repertoara slika, umjetnička praksa ne može više da se okreće oko konstrukcije objekata koje će konzumirati pasivni prolaznik (bystander). Umjesto toga mora postojati umjetnost akcije, koja je suočena sa stvarnošću, i preduzima korake – koliko god da su mali – da bi se popravile društvene veze.“5

1 Alain Badju, Kapitalizam je bolest čovečanstva, razgovor vodila Neda Valčić Lazović, Politika 2014. http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/311564/Kapitalizam-je-bolest-čovečanstva.2 Iz govora pape Franja na Lampetuzi 2013. godine „U ovom svijetu globalizacije, zapali smo u globalizaciju ravnodušnosti. Navikli smo na patnje drugih, nije nas briga, ne tiče nas se...“ Corriere della Sera, No a globalizzazi-one dell'indifferenza, http://www.corriere.it/cronache/13_luglio_08/papa-lampedusa_451dd034-e7bd-11e2-898b-b371f26b330f.shtml3 Hannah Arendt, O totalitarizmu, lažima... https://pescanik.net/o-totalitarizmu-lazima/4 Boris Groys, In the flow, Verso, London-NY, 2016. 57-585 Claire Bishop, Artificial Hells, participatory arts and politics of spectatorship, Verso, London, NY, 2012. 11

Page 3: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

Shodno tome ni „zadatak umjetničkog aktivizma nije jednostavan. Postavlja pitanje o po-tencijalu umjetnosti za društvenu promjenu, a istovremeno mora zadržati političnost i po-etiku unutar vlastitog medija. Mora funkcionirati i unutar polja umjetnosti i kao društveni angažman.  Praksa umjetničkog aktivizma ne znači ilustraciju problema i naglašavanje po-stojećeg stanja stvari. Ona treba djelovati prema promjeni zatečenog stanja, donijeti pomak. Istovremeno, umjetnički rad koji je progresivan i kritičan unutar samog medija i umjetničkog sustava ne smije ostati hermetičan i čitljiv samo profesionalnoj umjetničkoj publici.” 6

Igor Toševski više decenija je aktivan na savremenoj umjetničkoj sceni Makedonije, a prisutan je i na važnim internacionalnim smotrama, ne samo na polju umjetničkog djelovanja već i kao filmski stvaralac – dizajner produkcije i art direktor. Kroz samostalne projekte, u saradnji sa drugim umjetnicima i umjetničkim kolektivima Toševski istražujući različite aspekte angažovanog likovnog jezika stvorio je prepoznatljiv rukopis zasnovan na oštroj kritici društvenih prilika, zbog kojeg je nerijetko bio i žrtva cenzure, prije svega sredine iz koje dolazi. Danas Makedonija oslikava stereotip čitavog regiona Balkana (koji je uvijek percipiran od strane zapada kao dio orijenta, dakle “drugosti”) gdje vladaju nesređene društvene prilike, korupcija, nepotizam, kriminal generisani nikad završenim tranzicionim procesima. Iako je zemlja uglavnom ekonomski veoma nisko pozicionirana i sama pomisao na to da u uslovima opšte krize umjetnost može uticati i na bilo koji način promjeniti opštu letargiju i malodušnost je skoro utopijska. Međutim, projekti koje je Toševski realizovao u saradnji sa umjetničkom grupom Zero odigrali su važnu ulogu u razvoju alternativne scene 80-tih godina prošlog vijeka, da bi u kasnijim godinama djelovanje usmjerio ka složenim društveno-političkim prilikama. Osnivanjem kolektiva Kooperacija, “radikalne” umjetničke grupe čija je glavna strategija realizovanje programa – izlaganje umjetničkih radova, javne debate i umjetničke akcije van institucionalnog okvira, za koje je često pisao tekstove dodatno je osnažilo nezavisnu umjetničku produkciju. Iako može djelovati tako, ova asocijacija nije apriori protiv institucija kao takvih, ali jeste protiv institucionalne kontrole koju sprovode vladajuće strukture, koje su u jeku ultra nacionalnih stremljenja pokrenule grandiozni graditeljski projekat Skoplje 2014. Gradsko jezgro je pretvoreno u kulisu koja treba da simulira viševjekovnu istoriju nacije izmišljajući nasljeđe koje nikada nije postojalo u gradu, sa svrhom da se negiraju (njegovi) orijentalni i modernistički slojevi.7

Populistička retorika, otvoreni nacionalizam, uzurpacija javnih prostora – narušavanje i nekontrolisana urbanizacija gradova razmatra se možda njegovim najprepoznatljivijim radom Teritorije8 pokrećući raspravu o teritorijalnom određivanju granica u formalnom i stvarnom smislu, odnosno o preispitivanju ideoloških konstrukata u ime pronalaženja i rekonstruisanja jedne nove vrste kolektivnosti kao i pitanja vlasništva nad javnim/privatnim prostorom9.

6 http://www.maz.hr/2016/09/25/kako-promisljati-umjetnicki-aktivizam/ 7 Elena Marchevska, Solidarity and self-organization as generators of change: The role of self-organized art initiatives in Macedonia, 2015, http://openengagement.info/dr-elena-marchevska/ 8 Prve Teritorije realizovane su 2004. godine u Skoplju, a nakon toga u mnogim drugim gradovima i zemlja-ma sve do 2011. uz naglasak na promjenjivosti njihovog značenja, u zavisnosti od sredine u kojoj su rađene, a neke poput teritorije iscrtane u Skoplju na mjestu gdje je na gradskom trgu trebala „nići“ crkva su brutalno uklonjene, ali on što je mnogo važnije je da je „ideja o radu preživjela“ (I.T.). 9 Jedna od Teritorija realizovana je u okviru V Cetinjskog bijenala, Love it or leave it, kustosi Rene Blok i Nataša Ilić, 2005. godine

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Iz serije Rekolekcija, V Cetinjski bijenale, Love it or leave it,2004. Njegošev parkFrom the series Recollection, V Cetinje Biennial, Love it or leave it, 2004, Njegoš's Park

Page 5: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

Ranije proklamovana otvorenost zemalja ka ukidanju granica na kojoj je počivao kon- cept unije evropskih zemalja, veća propusnost teritorija pod dejstvom talasa izbjeglih pretvorila se u svoju suprotnost – u homofobični strah od pridošlica, drugog, nepoznatog, potencijalno opasnog i skrenulo u potrebu za potenciranjem zaštite sopstvenog identiteta kao superiornog, manifestovanog kroz sve izraženije aspiracije pojedinih oblasti (i zemalja) ka odcjepljenju... Sve to indirektno je moguće pročitati kroz performativni čin markiranja površine žutom bojom - bilo da je intervencija na otvorenom ili u galerijskm prostoru, svaki put u novom kontekstu. U poslednjoj verziji fotografije tih mjesta, crteži, dokumenta i predmeti sakupljani godinama postaju zaokružena cjelina u radu pod nazivom Rekolekcija10. Linije koje markiraju određeni prostor nestaju, lako se premještaju i ponovo uspostavljaju kao i granice naših sloboda - kretanja, stvaranja, mišljenja. Možda baš ovaj rad sublimira život savremenog čovjeka u potrazi za sobom - identitet spakovan u koferu, promjenjiv, nestalan. Nevažan. Pozivajući se na Maljeviča i Rodčenka posredno propituje značaj i ulogu umjetničkog angažmana i mogućnosti da umjetnost utiče na promjene u društvu. „Po Adornu umjetnost je uvjek i unutar i van društva, a njen status i autonomija zavise od stepena slobode određenog društva“.11 U kakvom okruženju Toševski preispituje problem pozicije umjetnika - nomada u društvu u odnosu na institucije, kao i pitanje lične slobode pojedinca (njega samog) i individualnu poziciju u odnosu na složene prilike u kojima se (Makedonija, ali i čitav ovaj region) nalazimo predugo?

“Odjek” djela ključnih umjetnika ruske avangarde prepoznaje se i u radovima iz serije Topologije, kolažima nastalim spajanjem i preklapanjem djelova različitih geografskih karata i formiranje kompozicija koje imaju jasne reference na koncept suprematističkih radova koji razdavajaju svaku komponentu na predstavi - liniju, formu, prostor, boju, površinu. Ovim radom se rekontekstualizuju aktuelne političke protivrječnosti koristeći mape koje referiraju na “sporne” zemlje širom svijeta u kojima postoje težnje za samostalnošću (Katalonija, Kurdi, Škotska, Bosna, Yucatan itd.)

Složeni i ambivalentni semantički konstrukt (pozicija u odnosu prema drugome, prema sebi samom, odnos prema sopstvenom istorijskom nasleđu, (ne)naučenim lekcijama i mogućnosti promjene u ograničenim okolnostima itd.) nazire se u radu Nebidnina koji je izmjenjena verzija djela Neodređena ljubav. Uz paletu (koja se tehnički naziva EU paleta zbog propisanog standarda veličine) koja “nosi” čitavu instalaciju - crnu zastavu simbol anarhizma12 zabodenu među hrpom kofera, koja vijori uz pomoć kretanja ventilatora, postavljen je neonski znak koji potencira snagu cjeline natpisom Nebidnina (ništavnost, nepostojanje, neizvjesnost), preuzetog iz istoimene pjesme makedonskog pjesnika i prvoborca Aca Sopova.

“Putovao sam dugo, putujući za vječnost od tebe do moje nebidnine. …A sada sam, ispred ovog brda bola i čovječanstva na putevima koje ne poznajem.“13

Ironična subverzija potencirana je samim pozicioniranjem dva ključna elementa instala-cije-zastave i ventilatora neraskidivo (fizički i simbolički) povezanih trupom palate: uprkos zajedničkim naporu svako kretanje je nemoguće (III Njutnov zakon).

10 Rad je nedavno prvi put predstavljen u Edinburgu na izložbi Captured state Jon Blackwood – Captured state text https://jonblackwood.net/2017/09/27/captured-state-new-art-from-macedonia/11 Suzana Milevska, Primary Documents: A Sourcebook for Eastern and Central European Art Since 1950. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2002.18612 Crna zastava je symbol anarhizma od 1880-tih. Često je imala “A” ili “O” kao reference na Prudhonov citat “An-arhija je poredak bez moći” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_black_flags13 http://ilike.mk/diary/nebidnina/

Iz serije Rekolekcija, V Cetinjski bijenale, Love it or leave it,2004. Njegošev parkFrom the series Recollection, V Cetinje Biennial, Love it or leave it, 2004, Njegoš's Park

Page 6: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji
Page 7: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

Napred, ka prošlošću! je varijacija rada iz 2011. godine koji takođe predstavlja komentar o apsurdnosti i retrogradnosti koncepta “antikvizacije” Makedonije. Već sami naziv je očigledna ironična referenca na (antimodernu) opsesiju makedonske političke elite, ali i globalne trendove fascinacije “zlatnim vremenima”, idealizovanom prošlošću koja oblikuje našu budućnost. Serija slika junaka na konju predstavljenog u konturama koji u podignutoj ruci umjesto mača (kako je na originalnoj skulpturi Aleksandra Velikog u centru Skoplja – najmonumantalnijoj a ujedno i najskupljoj od svih, koja je zbog spora oko imena zemlje sa Grcima, preimenovana u “Ratnika na konju”) nosi zastavu – različtih boja, jasno aludirajući da boja te zastave-vrijednosti koje iza nje stoje nije bitna dok god je konjanik tako veličanstven i naravno “naš”. Ovo je još jedno precizno seciranje stanja političke svijesti i društvenih vrijednosti sredine iz koje dolazi Toševski, ali je sasvim primjenjivo i na blisko okruženje: političke elite govore istim jezikom i manipulišu istim taktikama (nacionalizam), da bi i same bile izmanipulisane od svojih političkih patrona iz viših centara moći.

Nakon bolnog suočavanja sa stvarnošću koje ukazuje na čvrste veze sa istorijskim toko-vima jasno je da društvo koje je tokom svog civilizacijskog hoda težilo progresu danas poka-zuje sve veće prisustvo regresije i podsvjesne sklonosti ka samouništenju. “Glavna karakte-ristika bilo kog događaja je ta da nije bio poznat unaprijed. Mi ne znamo budućnost ali sve što radimo, radimo za budućnost. Niko ne zna šta ga u budućnosti čeka zato što budućnost nastaje kao djelovanje “nas”, a ne “mene”.14 Možda je rješenje upravo onaj (imaginarni ?) “novi građanin” s početka priče, neko ka čemu bi svi trebali da težimo, neko ko podstiče progresi- vnu transformaciju sebe i društva, neko ko globalno misli i globalno djeluje.

 

Mirjana Dabović Pejović 

14 Hannah Arendt, O totalitarizmu, lažima... https://pescanik.net/o-totalitarizmu-lazima/

←Iz serije Zastave, 2018. | From the series Flags, 2018akrilik na platnu, (poliptih) | acrylic on canvas, (polyptych), 117 x 88 cm

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Iz serije Topologije, 2018. | From the series Topologies, 2018kolaž | collage, 40 x 30 cm

Page 9: Igor Toševski - WordPress.com · u lako svarljivu priču o identitetu nacije), teorije zavjere i opšte nepovjerenje čak i u fundamentalne društvene vrijednosti. „Narod koji

Erasing the Borders

“Right now, no matter where we are, we find ourselves in a fireball of political confusion that sees us descending rapidly into liberal authoritarianism, fascism and border-euphoria, and in which humanism is under grave threat. It seems all the more important then to find and draw on what connects us.” Katrin Koenning in the Open Call essay “New Citizens” (Organ Vida exhibition, Zagreb, 2017)

In the age of selfish individualism1 when the globalized society has “fallen into globalized indifference”2, directed exclusively to the satisfaction of personal interests, five minutes of false fame and virtual popularity, the ideas of common good have less and less influence on the forma-tion of the dominant social paradigms. The postmodern relativization of values, reduced to the level of the primary political/ideological instinct of the herd, has led to the, until recently unthink-able, reaffirmation of ideas and ideologies that we (optimistically? naively?) regarded as defeated. Our political and social environment is dominated by authoritarianism, religious fanaticism and xenophobia (often subtly embedded in the easily digestible story of the identity of the nation), conspiracy theories and widespread distrust even in the fundamental social values. “People who can no longer trust anything cannot decide. They are not only deprived of the capacity for any ac-tion, but also of the capacity to think and judge. With such people you can do what you want.”3 It is evident that our civilization rests on inequalities and that, as pointed out by Foucault (in his book The Birth of Biopolitics), the neo-liberal concept of “human capital” has a utopian dimension, that it is the utopian horizon of contemporary capitalism, with the human being seen as not only labour but also an asset.4 Socially engaged practice represents one of the last forms of opposition to the practice of treating everything, including people, as commodities.

In the conditions of “political capitalism”, activism in all spheres of life plays a vitally important role, possibly even representing one of the last forces of a society capable of opposing it. Activ-ism today differs substantially from what this term once used to imply, since indirectly a new age requires a new kind of engagement. Thus, the position of contemporary engaged art (artistic ac-tivism) should be considered accordingly, as (again) an important space for social/political action. This kind of art becomes a means for achieving various goals beyond the narrow field of art, which again raises a set of old issues, among the most important of which by all means is the social re-sponsibility of artists.

“For many artists and curators on the left, Debord’s critique [of the society of the spectacle] strikes to the heart of why participation is important as a project: it rehumanises a society rendered numb and fragmented by the repressive instrumentality of capitalist production. Given the mar-ket’s near total saturation of our image repertoire, so the argument goes, artistic practice can no longer revolve around the construction of objects to be consumed by a passive bystander. Instead, there must be an art of action, interfacing with reality, taking steps – however small – to repair the social bond.”5

1 Alain Badju, Kapitalizam je bolest današnjice (Capitalism is the Disease of the Present Day), interview conducted by Neda Valčić Lazović, Politika, 2014. http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/311564/Kapitalizam-je-bolest-covecanstva.2 An excerpt from Pope Francis’s homily in Lampedusa in 2013: “In this globalized world, we have fallen into globalized indifference. We have become used to the suffering of others: it doesn’t affect me; it doesn’t concern me...” Corriere della Sera, No a globalizzazione dell'indifferenza, http://www.corriere.it/cronache/13_luglio_08/papa-lampedusa_451dd034-e7bd-11e2-898b-b371f26b330f.shtml3 Hannah Arendt, O totalitarizmu, lažima... https://pescanik.net/o-totalitarizmu-lazima/4 Boris Groys, In the Flow, Verso, London-NY, 2016, 57-585 Claire Bishop, Artificial Hells: Participatory Art and the Politics of Spectatorship, Verso, London, NY, 2012, 11.

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Consequently, “the task of artistic activism is not simple. It raises the question of the po-tential of art to effect social change, while at the same time it must keep politicalness and poeticality within its own medium. It must operate both within the field of art and as so-cial engagement. The practice of artistic activism does not mean illustrating the problem and emphasizing the current state of affairs. It should strive to change the situation, to bring about a shift. At the same time, artistic work which is progressive and critical within the me-dium itself and the art system must not remain hermetic and readable only to the profes-sional art audience.”6

For several decades now, Igor Toševski has been active on the Macedonian contemporary art scene, participating also in major international events, not only in the field of fine arts but also as a filmmaker – production designer and art director. Through individual projects, in collaboration with other artists and art collectives, exploring various aspects of engaged visual language, Toševski has created a recognizable oeuvre based upon fierce criticism of social circumstances, due to which he has often been a victim of censorship, primarily in the environment he comes from. Today, Macedonia represents the stereotype of the entire Balkan region (which has always been perceived by the West as part of the Orient, hence “otherness”) characterized by disorderly social circumstances, corruption, nepotism, crime generated by never-ending transition processes. Since the country’s economy is generally quite weak, the mere thought that in the conditions of a general crisis art can influence or in any way change the general lethargy and despondency is almost utopian. However, the proj-ects realized by Toševski in collaboration with the art group Zero played an important role in the development of the alternative scene in the 1980s; at some later stages, he directed his activity to complex social and political circumstances. Independent art production was fur-ther strengthened with the foundation of the Kooperacija (Cooperation) collective, a “radical” art group the main goal of which is the realization of programmes – exhibition of artworks, public debates and artistic activities outside the institutional framework, for which he often wrote texts. Even though this may sound so, this association is not a priori against institu-tions as such, but it is against institutional control exerted by the ruling structures, that at the height of the ultra-nationalist tendencies launched the grandiose Skopje 2014 construction project. The city centre has been made into a stage simulating the centuries-long history of a nation, inventing the heritage that was never present in this city, with the purpose of negat-ing the oriental and modernist layers that dominated Skopje’s urban landscape.7

Toševski’s possibly the most recognizable work Teritorije (Territories) 8 focuses on populist rhetoric, overt nationalism, the usurpation of public spaces, the devastation and uncontrolled urbanization of cities; in it, he initiates discussion about the territorial demarcation of borders in formal and real terms, or about the re-examination of ideological constructs in the name of finding and reconstructing a new kind of collectivity and the issue of ownership of public/pri-vate space9. The formerly proclaimed openness of countries towards the abolition of borders that the concept of the European Union rested on, greater permeability under the influx of

6 http://www.maz.hr/2016/09/25/kako-promisljati-umjetnicki-aktivizam/ 7 Elena Marchevska, Solidarity and self-organization as generators of change: The role of self-organized art initiatives in Macedonia, 2015, http://openengagement.info/dr-elena-marchevska/ 8 The first Territories were realized in Skopje in 2004, to be followed by others in many other cities and countries up until 2011, with an emphasis on the variability of their meaning depending on the place itself. Some of them, such as the territory delineated in Skopje right at the spot where a church was to “crop up” at the city square, were brutally removed, but, more important, “the idea of the work survived” (I.T.). 9 One of the territories was realized at the 5th Cetinje Biennial - Love it or leave it, curated by René Block and Nataša Ilić, 2005.

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Slobodna Teritorija, Gdanjsk, 2012. | Free Territory, Gdansk, 2012

refugees has turned into its opposite – the homophobic fear of newcomers, of the other, the unknown, potentially dangerous – creating the need to emphasize the protection of one’s own identity as superior, manifested through the increasingly evident aspirations of certain areas (and countries) to secession… All this can indirectly be read through the performative act of marking the surfaces with the yellow colour – whether this was done in the open or in a gallery space, each time in a new context. In the latest version, the photographs of these places, drawings, documents and objects collected over the years become a complete whole in the work Rekolekcija (Recollection)10. Lines delineating a certain area disappear, they are easily moved and re-established just like the boundaries of our freedoms – the freedom of movement, creation, thought. Perhaps this work epitomizes the life of modern man in search of himself – identity packed in a suitcase, changeable, fickle. Unimportant. Making reference to Malevich and Rodchenko, the artist indirectly examines the importance and role of artistic engagement and the possibility of art effecting change in society. “According to Adorno, art is always both inside and outside reality, and its status and autonomy are dependent on the level of social freedom in a given society.”11 In what kind of environment does Toševski re-ex-amine the problem of the position of artists – nomads in society in relation to the institutions, as well as the issue of the personal freedom of an individual (himself ) and the individual posi-tion in relation to the complex circumstances Macedonia and the entire region have found themselves in for too long?

10 Presented in Edinburgh at the Captured State exhibition curated by Jon Blackwood – Captured state text https://jonblackwood.net/2017/09/27/captured-state-new-art-from-macedonia/11 Suzana Milevska, Primary Documents: A Sourcebook for Eastern and Central European Art Since 1950, New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2002,186.

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The “echo” of the works of key artists of the Russian avant-garde is also identified in Toševski’s works from the Topologija (Topology) series, collages created by merging and su-perimposing parts of different maps and compositions which have explicit references to the concept of suprematist works separating each component – line, form, space, colour, surface. This work recontextualizes the current political contradictions using maps which make refer-ence to the “disputed” countries around the globe where there are aspirations for indepen-dence (Catalonia, the Kurds, Scotland, Bosnia, Yucatan and so on).

The complex and ambivalent semantic construct (position in relation to the other, to one-self, attitude to one’s own historical heritage, (un)learned lessons and possibilities of change in limited circumstances, etc.) can be discerned in the work Nebidnina (Non-being), which represents a modified version of the work Neodređena ljubav (Indefinite Love). Next to the pal-let (technically called Euro-pallet due to its standardized size) which “carries” the entire instal-lation – a black flag, the symbol of anarchism,12 stabbed amid the pile of suitcases and flying with the help of a fan, a neon sign is put up emphasizing the strength of the whole with the inscription Nebidnina (non-being, non-existence, uncertainty), taken from the eponymous song of the Macedonian poet and participant in World War II Aco Sopov.

“I travelled for a long time, travelling for eternityFrom you to my non-being.…And now I find myself,In front of this hill of pain and humanity on the roads I do not know.”13

The ironic subversion is intensified by the positioning of two key elements of the instal-lation – the flag and the fan inextricably connected with the pallet (both physically and sym-bolically): despite the joint effort, movement is impossible (Newton’s 3rd law).

Napred, ka prošlošću! (Forward, To the Past) is a variation of a work from 2011 which also represents a response to the absurdity and retrogradeness of the idea of the “antiquization” of Macedonia. The title itself is an obvious ironic reference to the (anti-modern) obsession of the Macedonian political elite, but also to the global trends of fascination with the “golden times”, an idealized past which shapes our future. This is a series of paintings featuring a hero on horseback depicted in contours, who, instead of a sword (as is the case in the original sculpture of Alexander the Great in the centre of Skopje – the most monumental and at the same time the most expensive of all, which, due to the dispute with the Greeks over the name Macedonia, has been renamed “Warrior on Horseback”) holds a colourful flag in his raised hand, clearly suggesting that the colour of the flag – the values standing behind it – is not important as long as the horseman is so magnificent and, of course, “ours”. This is another precise dissection of the state of the political consciousness and social values of the envi-ronment Toševski comes from, but one which is quite applicable to its neighbourhood too: political elites speak the same language and use the same tactics (nationalism) in their ma-nipulation, while at the same time they themselves are manipulated by their political patrons from higher centres of power.

12 The black flag has been the symbol of anarchism since the 1880s. It has often featured the letter “A” or “O” as a reference to Proudhon’s quote “Anarchy is order without power” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_black_flags13 http://ilike.mk/diary/nebidnina/

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Iz serije Topologije, 2018. | From the series Topologies, 2018kolaž | collage, 40 x 30 cm

After a painful confrontation with reality which suggests strong links with historical flows, it is clear that a society which strived for progress in its path of civilization today shows a grow-ing presence of regression and a subconscious tendency to self-destruction. “The main fea-ture of any event is that it was not known in advance. We don’t know the future but whatever we do, we do it for the future. Nobody knows what the future has in store for him/her since future is the result of ‘our’, rather than ‘my’ action.14 The solution might lie in the (imaginary?) “new citizen” from the beginning of the story, someone we should all strive to be, someone who encourages a progressive transformation of him-/herself and of society, someone who thinks globally and acts globally.

Mirjana Dabović Pejović

14 Hannah Arendt, O totalitarizmu, lažima... https://pescanik.net/o-totalitarizmu-lazima/

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Rođen 1963 u Skoplju, Makedonija (Jugoslavija)Diplomirao grafiku na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Helsinkiju, Finska (1988).Magistrirao skulpturu, na Fakultetu likovnih umjetnosti, Skoplje in 2011.

Jedan je od osnivača multimedijalne umjetničke grupe Zero iz Makedonije (1985-1990) poznate po eksperimentalnom pristupu slikarstvu, ranim video radovima i performansu. Kasnije, Toševski nastavlja samostalnu karijeru u polju konceptualne umjetnosti, istražujući njenu kritičku ulogu u post-socijali-stičkim društvima u ekonomskoj i političkoj tranziciji. Njegovi radovi su uglavnom instalacije, ispituju granice između umjetnosti i politike, jezika, institucionalnog nasuprot javnog prostora itd.

Rad je predstavio na nekoliko samostalnih i grupnih izložbi u Makedoniji i inostranstvu uključujući After the Wall (Moderna Museet, 1999); Love it or Leave it (Cetinje, 2004); 1st Balkan Biennial: Cosmopolis (Thessaloniki, 2005); 54th Venice Biennale (2011); Captured State (Summerhall, Edinburgh, 2017) itd.

Toševski je takođe i jedan od osnivača i aktivnih članova umjetničke inicijative Kooperacija (2012 – 2015), autonomnog kolaborativnog napora nekolicine etabliranih makedonskih umjetnika čiji radovi kritikuju konzervativne politike rigidnih institucija kulture koje kontroliše bivša autoritarna vlast u zemlji.

Toševski je i freelance dizajner produkcije i filmski i pozorišni reditelj.

Iz serije Zastave, 2018. | From the series Flags, 2018akrilik na platnu, (poliptih, x7) | acrylic on canvas, (polyptych, x7), 117 x 88 cm

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Born 1963, Skopje, Macedonia (Yugoslavia)Graduated printmaking at the Academy of Fine Arts in Helsinki, Finland (1988).Masters degree in sculpture, at the Faculty of Fine Arts, Skopje in 2011.

One of the founding members of the multimedia artist group Zero from Macedonia (1985-1990) known for their experimental approach in painting, early video and performance art. Later, Toshevski continues his individual career in the field of conceptual art, examining its critical role within post-socialist societies amid economic and political transition. His works mostly take the form of installation art, revisiting the boundaries between art and politics, language, institutional vs. public space, etc.

His works have been shown in several solo and group exhibitions in Macedonia and abroad, including After the Wall (Moderna Museet, 1999); Love it or Leave it (Cetinje, 2004); 1st Balkan Biennial: Cosmopolis (Thessaloniki, 2005); 54th Venice Biennale (2011); Captured State (Summerhall, Edinburgh, 2017) etc.

Toshevski was also one of the founding and active members of the art initiative Kooperacija (2012 – 2015), an autonomous collaborative effort of several established Macedonian artists whose works were a critique of the conservative policies by the rigid cultural institutions that were controlled by the former authoritative government in the country.

Toshevski works as a freelance production designer and art director in film and theater.

Kontakt | Contact:[email protected]://toshevski.weebly.com/

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Cetinje, april / maj | April / May 2018.

Izdavač | Publisher: Narodni muzej Crne Gore | Za izdavača | For the Publisher: Vjera BorozanKustos izložbe | Curator of the Exhibition: Mirjana Dabović Pejović | Prevod | Translation: Olivera Kusovac Fotografija | Photography: Igor Toševski | Grafičko oblikovanje | Design and prepress: Branka Radunović

Štampa | Print: DPC – Podgorica | Tiraž | Circulation: 300

Naslovna strana | Cover page:Nebidnina, 2018.

instalacija, kombinovana tehnika | installation, mixed media

Slobodana Teritorija, Skoplje, 2009. nasilno brisanje | Free Territory, Skopje, 2009, violent erasing