Loans from European Languages in African Languages: Intercultural Relationships and Necessity

Edmond BiloaUniversity of Yaounde I, Cameroon

IntroductionEver since Europeans came to Africa, the cultures of the two continents have been in permanent contact. This contact is evidenced, among other things, through loans from European languages in African languages. More precisely, over the course of history, African languages have heavily borrowed from European languages. A descriptive and analytic explanation of this fact is attempted by looking at the sociolinguistic situation of Cameroon (Africa), the consequences of multiculturalism and multilingualism, the intralinguistic study of loans, the thematic distribution of loans, and their linguistic explanation.

Sociolinguistic Situation of CameroonCameroon is generally looked at as the microcosm of Africa. From a

variety of perspectives, it is Africa in miniature. Historically, it is a zone of confluence and convergence of the civilizations that have impacted on Africa. Linguistically, three of the four linguistic phyla attested in Africa are represented therein. To say the least, it is a linguistic melting pot or patchwork. Apart from the local languages, there arc two languages of European importation: French and English. On top of that, two hybrid languages are spoken in Cameroon: Pidgin English and Camfranglais.

The Languages of CameroonAccording to the 1983 preliminary inventory of the Atlas linguistique du

Cameroun (the Linguistic Atlas of Cameroon), 237 languages are spoken in Cameroon. In 1993, after more investigations, it was found that there were instead 248 languages. Research, lately conducted by Bitjaa Kody (2003), shows that 285 languages are attested in Cameroon, of which: - 3 languages, according to him, have no native speakers: French, English, Pidgin English. This statement is questionable, as Onguéné Essono (1999) has shown that in big cities like Yaounde and Douala, French is sometimes the native language of some children. Moreover, Pidgin English appears to be the native language of some children in the English-speaking provinces of Cameroon (the South-West and the North-West).

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- 20 languages are dead or their native speakers passed away between 1983 and 2003: Bikya, Bishuo, Bung, Busuv, Dama, Dek, Dull, La’bi, Lwo, Mbonga, Mano, Mumuye, Nagumi, Ndai, Ngong, Oblo, Pam, To, Yeni, Zumaya. - 262 living languages

Bitjaa’s publication (2003), Annuaire des langues du Cameroun, is an up date of the data provided in Michel Dieu, Patrick Renaud and al. (1983), in Roland Breton and Bikia Fohtung (1991) and in Barbara F.Grimes (1996), on the basis of recent investigations conducted by a team of sociolinguists from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) between 1998 and 2002.

All African languages belong to the following four phyla: a. The Afro-Asiatic phylum which comprises the languages of Cameroon, of Niger, of Sudan and of Chad; b. The Nilo-Saharan phylum that covers the languages of Ethiopia and Ancient Egypt, Arab, Berber; c. The Niger-Kordofanian phylum that covers the languages of the biggest part of black Africa; d. The khoisan phylum that gathers the languages of Southern Africa.

Of these four linguistic phyla, three are represented in Cameroon, the Khoisan phylum excepted. Thus, the Afro-Asiatic, Nilo-Saharan and Niger-Kordofanian phyla are attested in Cameroon. Following Boum Ndongo-Semengue and Sadembouo (1999: 67-95), let us talk about these phyla in detail (see also Biloa, 2003). The Afro-Asiatic phylum

It is also called the Mito-Semitic phylum. It has two families concretised by 58 languages. These two families are the following:

The Semitic family, solely represented by Arab Choa language. - the Chadic family is manifested through 57 languages that are subdivided

in the following 5 branches: a. the West branch b. the West central branch c. the South-east branch d. the South branch e. the East branch

Here are the subgroups and the groups of the 5 branches of the Chadic family: a. the West branch, of which Hausa is the sole representative; b. the West central branch contains five subgroups:

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- the Gbwata subgroup, of which the languages are Jimjïmen, Gude, Ziziliveken, Sharwa, Tsuvan, Njanyi, Gbwata;

- the Daba subgroup represented by the Buwal, Gavar, Besleri, Daba,Mbondam languages;

- theWandala subgroup illustrated by the Wandala,Gelvax-dexa, Parakwa, Xedi, Guvoko, Mabas languages;

- the Mafa subgroup that covers the Matal, Pelasla, Mbuko, Wuzlam, Muyang, Mada, Melekwo, Zelgwa, Merey, Dugwor, North-Giziga, South-Giziga, North-Mofu, Baldamu, Cuvok, Mefele, Mafa languages.

c. the East central branch is made up of the following 5 groups: - the Yedina group represented by the Yedina language; - the Mandage group which counts the Mpade, Malgbe, Maslam, Afada,

Mser, Langwan languages; - the Mida’a group which counts the Jira and Majera languages; - the Munjuk group whose sole language is Munjuk; - the Kada group illustrated by the Kada language. d. the South branch attested by the Masana, group which comprises

the Masana, Zumaya, Museyna, Zime languages; e. the East branch of which Kwang is the group and Kera the

language. The Nilo-Saharan phylum

In Cameroon, two languages that belong to two different families represent this phylum. These two languages are:

a. Kanuri of the Saharan family b. Sara-ngambay of the Chari-Nil family.

The Niger-Kordofanian phylumThe Niger-Kordofanian phylum is the mostly represented phylum in

Cameroon. It is attested by three families, which comprise 188 languages. a. the West Atlantic family:

It has one language, which is Fulfulde; b. the Adamawa Ubangi family: It contains 40 languages distributed

in two subfamilies: - the Ubangi subfamily - the Adamawa subfamily

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The Ubangi subfamily contains three languages: Gbaya, Baka, Bangandu. The Adamawa subfamily counts 37 languages divided in 8 groups: 1. the Samba group of which the language is Samba-leeko; 2. the Daka group which has one language: Dega-Mumi; 3. the Kobo-Dii or Vere-Duru which has ten languages: Kobo, Komandera,

Gimnime, Gimne, Dooyaayo, Lonto , Perre, Duupa, Pa’no and Dii; 4. the Mumuye group whose unique language is Mome; 5. the Mbum group with 12 languages: Tupuri, Mundang, Mambay, Dama,

Moro, Pam, Ndai, Mbum-west, Mbum-east, Kali, Kwo, and Gbete; 6. the Fali group that is made up of 6 languages: Fali-doumbeye, Fali-bossum,

Bveri, Koang, Fali-bélé, Fali-tinguelin; 7. the Nimbari group of which the sole language gave its name to the Nimbari

group; 8. the languages which make up this group are dying out: Gey, Duli, Obolo,

La’bi, To; c. The Benue-Congo family: 146 languages that are divided in 4 subfamilies

make up this family. - the Jukunoid subfamily of which the 9 languages are: Juken, Mbembe,

Kutep, Uhuum, Beezen, Busuu, Kum, Nsaa, Bishma; - the Cross-River subfamily has two languages: Efik and Korop; - the Bendi subfamily with one language: Boki; - the Bantoïd subfamily with 134 languages divided in 2 branches (details

are provided below). The two branches of the Bantoïd subfamily are the following:

1. The Mambiloïd branch which comprises 5 languages:Mambila, vute, konja, Suga, Njonyama. 2. The Bantu branch with 129 languages divided in 8 sub branches:

- the Jarawan sub branch of which the three languages are Mbonga, Nagumi and Ngong;

- the Tivoïd sub branch counts 13 languages: Tiv, Esimbi, Njwande, Iyive, Iceve, Evand, Ugara, Batomo, Ipulo, Eman, Ihatum, Caka, Manta;

- the Ekoid sub branch with one language (Ejagham); - the Nyang sub branch with three languages (Kenyang, Denya, Kendem);

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- the Beboid subbranch that counts 9 languages: Bebe, Naki, Nonne, Koshin, Kemezung, Ncane, Nsari, Bu, Misong;

- the Grassfield sub branch which comprises 50 languages, 26 of which belong to East grassfield (Bafut, Mundum, Mankon, Ngombale, Megaka, Ngomba, Ngyemboong, Yemba, Ewe, Ghomala, Féfé, Nda Nda, Kwa, Mungaka, Shupamem, Medumba, Mamenyam, Limbum, Dzodinka, Mfumte, Yamba, Mbe) and 24 belong to West grassfield (Ngwo, Ngishe, Ngie, Meta, Moghamo, Busam, Menka, Atoh, Ambele, Mundani, Ngamambo, Modele, Befang, Aghem, Mem, Kom, Bum, Babanki, Kuo, Lamnso, Veng, Kensweinsei, Bamunka, Wushi);

- the Mbam sub branch which has 14 languages: Tikar, Ndemli, Tunen, Tuki, Leti, Nyo’o Tuotomp, Numand, Nigi, Bati, Central Yambasa, Nugunu, Nubaca, Dumbule;

- the Equatorial sub branch with 36 langauges: Lefa, Rikpa, Ripey, Tibea, Dimbong, Hiyuk, Oroko-West, Oroko-East, Balong, Mbo, Nho, Nsose, Akoose, Bekoe, Wumboko, Mokpwe, Isu, Bubia, Duala, Batanga, Yasa, Lombe, Basaa, Bakoko, Beti-fang, Meka, So, Kwasio, Bagyeli, Koozime, Mpo, Baki, Pori, Kwakum, Asong, Kako.

Hybrid languagesPidgin English

Apart from the aforementioned local languages, two hybrid languages are spoken in Cameroon: Pidgin English and Camfranglais.

The origins of Pidgin English are Indo-European, and therefore, it does not fit in one of the phyla discussed above. It is not genetically related to one of the Cameroonian local languages. It was born out of the efforts of illiterate Africans along the Coast of West Africa to speak English. In Cameroon, it is mainly spoken in the English-speaking provinces of the country, notably the South-West and the North-West, as well as in the Western and Littoral provinces. It is a language of wider communication in those places. And since most of its speakers are believed to have native languages of their own, the question could conceivably be asked of whether there are native speakers of Pidgin English. The team of researchers teachers who wrote Atlas Linguistique du Cameroun nevertheless, considered Pidgin English as one of the Cameroonian languages since the variety spoken in Cameroon is different, in many ways, from the Pidgin English that is spoken in neighbouring countries like Nigeria.

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CamfranglaisThe contact in Cameroon between the local languages, Pidgin English and

the two official languages that are English and French has given birth, among hawkers, blue collar workers, unemployed Cameroonians, pupils and students, to a hybrid slang, lexically constituted of words from the local Cameroonian languages, Pidgin English, French, English, that is called Camfranglais. Various studies by Zé Amvela (1982), Tiayon Lekoubou (1985), Chia (1990), Mendo Zé (1990), Labatut Mbah Onana and Marie Mbah Onana (1999), Essono (1997), Efoua Zengue (1999), Fosso (1999), Biloa (1999, 2003), Echu (2001) and Kouega (2003) have shown that the structure of this slang either scrupulously respects the grammatical rules of the French language or distorts them.

The official languages of Cameroon: English and FrenchZé Amvela (1989) distinguishes four periods in the introduction, the

implementation and the evolution of foreign languages in Cameroon: i. From the abolition of slavery to the end of the First World War; ii. From 1919 to 1960: British Cameroon and French Cameroon; iii. From 1960 to 1972: Independence and Reunification; and iv. From 1972 to this date: Unification and the Republic of Cameroon. i. From the abolition of slavery to the end of the First World War

When slave trade was abolished, English missionaries and businessmen signed several treaties with the local dignitaries between 1840 and 1852 (see Imbert (1952) who is cited by Zé Amvela (1989)). Thus, English became the first foreign language to be more or less spoken by the local people of this territory. This was favoured by the fact that the Baptist Mission opened schools in which both English and local languages were taught.

In July 1884, the German explorer Nightingale signed a treaty with local chiefs. By so doing, Cameroon became a German protectorate. Germans thus occupied the territory from 1884 to 1918 and called it “Kamerun”. During the period of German occupation, the German language was used in the administration as well as in the educative circles; whereas in the so-called missionary schools, local languages are still taught. When Germany lost World War I and was forced to leave “Kamerun”, the influence of the German language diminished. ii. From 1919 to 1960: British Cameroon and French Cameroon

After the Versailles treaty of July I, 1919, the League of Nations granted France and Great Britain the trusteeship of Cameroon which became at the same time a French mandate and a British mandate. 4/5 of the territory was under French influence and France called this territory “Cameroun”; and one fifth of the territory was under British protectorate and Great Britain called it “the

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Cameroons”. The British and French mandate ended in 1940, but the two European powers continued to administer their respective colonies thanks to an agreement with the League of Nations after World War II. In the territory under French domination, French was the language of administration and education; in the territory under English protectorate, English enjoyed a similar status. The two Cameroons lived, side by side as separate States until 1960. iii. From 1960 to 1972: Independence and Reunification

On the first of January 1960, East Cameroon, the one administered by France and in which French was spoken, became independent. In October 1961, the two Cameroons were united and adopted one flag and one anthem. The Federal Republic of Cameroon was thus born, the unique State in Africa in which two foreign languages were spoken: English and French. In fact, the federal constitution of 1961 assigned to these two languages the same status: English was the language of the administration and of education in West Cameroon, while French fulfilled the same function in East Cameroon.

In 1963, the federal government decided to promote bilingualism by opening a bilingual federal secondary school in Man O War Bay, a school later transferred to Buea. This school, in which pupils from the two linguistic communities were admitted, is the sine qua non proof that the two cultures can coexist. Following the Man O War Bay experience, other bilingual secondary schools will be opened in Cameroon. iv. From 1972 to this date: Unification and the Republic of Cameroon

The Referendum of May 20, 1972, that was called the “Pacific Revolution” united East Cameroon and West Cameroon and gave birth to the United Republic of Cameroon. The constitution of the United Republic of Cameroon confirmed French and English in their roles/statuses as official languages and chose to promote bilingualism.

On the 4th of February 1984, by law N°84-1, the United Republic of Cameroon became the Republic of Cameroon, a unitary state in which French and English remained the official languages of the country. The Republic of Cameroon was divided into ten provinces, eight of them being French-speaking (Francophone) and two being English-speaking (Anglophone). Thus, 80% of Cameroon’s population has French as its first official language, whereas English is the first official language of 20% of the population. However, in spite of the fact that English and French are the languages of State institutions and are used in administration and in education, they are mostly used by a minority of the population, the bulk of linguistic communication being carried out in local languages.

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From the linguistic picture painted above, it can be inferred that Cameroon is a multicultural and multilingual State. This state of affairs has consequences which will be examined in the following lines.

Consequences of Multiculturalism and Multilingualism The presence of many cultures and languages makes Cameroon a cultural

and linguistic melting pot. However, the many languages existing within the territory do not enjoy the same social status. It is known that there are 9 languages of wider communication in Cameroon, although only 5 are spoken by an important number of speakers. The major languages are the following:

a. Fulfulde in the three northern provinces (Adamawa, North, Far North);

b. Beti-fang in the Centre, South and East provinces; c. Pidgin English in the North-West, South-West and Littoral

provinces; d. Basaa in the areas where Bakoko and Tunen are spoken and in the

Littoral, Centre and South provinces; e. Duala in the Littoral and South-West provinces: More and more,

Duala is being replaced by Pidgin English.

Minor Languages of Wider Communication a. Mungaka used to be a language of wider communication in the North-

West province, but it is loosing grounds to the benefit of Pidgin English; b. Wandala is competing with Fulfulde in the Mandara Mountains; c. Kanuri, which is mostly spoken in Nigeria, has speakers in the Mora region; d. Arab Choa is a language of wider communication in urban centres in the

North of the Logone and Chari division; e. Hausa, which is a language of wider communication in Nigeria, is also

spoken in Cameroon in a few villages along the border. A few other languages are becoming languages of wider communication: Fefe in the Mungo division and Ghomala in the Noun division.

The so-called major languages that are French and English are the two official languages of Cameroon. They are the languages of the State that is of the Official Gazette and of administrative documents; business; public and private education; the print media; audiovisual media (National radio and television); administration; and international communication.

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It is well known that despite the official equality between French and English, public space is more occupied by the French language than by the English language. Thus for example, in the media, 90% of the print media is francophone. Cameroon Radio and Television programmes are broadcasted at the rate of 65% in French and 35% in English.

While French (under its many forms) is a language of wider communication in urban centres in Cameroon, English tends to be overwhelmed in this wider communication function by Pidgin English and is used mostly by intellectuals and in formal situations.

Loans in Contact Situations When many languages are in contact, like in Cameroon, they influence

each other to the extent that there is unavoidably a bi-directional transfer of adstrates from dominant languages, and vice versa.

Essentially, a superstrate is a language that overshadows another language in its area of influence. It may happen that the superstrate language disappears in the long run and still leaves behind traces of its existence.

All the same, the substrate language, that is the socially and institutionally dominated language, may die out as well in the long run. In Cameroon, it appears that French and English are superstrates.

Bitjaa Kody (1999) shows that English is a historical superstrate. Before colonization, in the eighteenth century, Englishmen who fought for the abolition of slavery established commercial ties with inhabitants of the coastal region of the present South-West province. In schools opened by the first English missionaries who lived in Bimbia and in the Wouri Bay, teaching was done in local languages. Commercial exchanges between the natives and the newcomers introduced new objects that local languages had to designate one way or another. These languages will therefore appeal to all word formation processes or neology processes in order to qualify new concepts that designate the realities born out of contact between Africa and Europe. Apart from the invention of new words, the attribution of new meanings to existing words, derivation, compounding, loan is a process that is overused in order to accommodate the new realities. In many languages of Cameroon, the existence of many words of English origin is attested. Even though the morphology of these words is slightly different from the morphology of the English words, their origin is obvious. In Tuki, an A60 Bantu language of Cameroon spoken in the Mbam and Kim division (cf. Biloa, 1992, 1995), English loans are frequently encountered:

Tuki English

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[sukuru] School

[dikasa] Ax

[hama] Hammer

[kumbu] Cup

[tawƐrƐ] Towel

[sovƐ] Savon

[wundi] Window

[basaku] Bicycle

[torosƐsa] Trousers

[sƐsa] Scissors

[bƐrƐtƐ] Bread

This data shows that English has had considerable influence on the local languages of Cameroon. This influence has greatly decreased due undoubtedly to the presence of French.

Tuki has equally borrowed from French, as the following paradigm shows:

Tuki French [tumatu] Tomate “tomato”

[kakaa] Cacao “cacao”

[misƆnƆ] Mission “church service”

[mƐsƐ] Messe “Church service”

[pasta] Pâques “Easter”

[para] Prêtre “priest” 

[tsƐnƐ] Chaîne “chain” 

[cimƐtƐ] Ciment “cement” 

[kiisini] Cuisine “kitchen” 

[matarasa] Matelas “mattress”

[lita] Litre “litre ”

In the following section, we will undertake an intralinguistic study of

loans from European languages in African languages.

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Intralinguistic Study of LoansWhen foreign words are inserted into a language, the latter must look for

ways of accommodating them, of integrating them phonetically and phonologically, morphosyntactically and semantically.

Phonetic and Phonological Integration of Loans It is usually postulated in lexicography that loans be totally integrated into

the borrowing language. This phonetic and phonological integration constitutes one of the criteria by which naturalized words are differentiated from simple citations. The phonic form of naturalized words would respect the system of the target language, whereas simple citations would phonetically preserve the features of the lending language. When Taber (1964) studied French loans in Sango (a language of the Central African Republic, Africa), one of the main criteria for selecting these loans was their degree of integration into the phonological system of this national and official language (for details, see Queffelec, 1998: 245-256).

A close look at English and French loans in the above-cited Tuki language spoken in Cameroon (Africa) reveals that they are phonetically and phonologically integrated into the system of the language. For lack of space and time, it is impossible to pay tribute to the whole range of phonological rules accounting for the integration of English and French words into the Tuki language. However, it suffice here to mention a few rules:

a. Substitution of accents and stress for tones. When English and French words leave their native languages, they acquire tones which are a distinctive feature of Bantu languages.

b. Substitution of /e/ for /r/[milk] [miriki]

c. Substitution of /f/ for / p/: [faθƏ:] [para]

d. Resyllabification: Once words are adopted by the new language, they are resyllabified and consonant clusters are simplified: Milk [milk] [miriki] Christmas [krismƏs] [kirisimεsε]

e. Substitution of /∫/ for /s/: Shirt [∫Ə:t] [sƆtƆ]

f- Substitution of /t∫/ for /s/

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Kitchen [ kit∫in] [kiisini] g- Adjunction of a final vowel that takes the factures of a preceding vowel (thanks to vowel harmony):

Satan [satan] [Satana]Cup [kup] [kumbu] Kitchen [kit∫in] [kiisini] Laine [lεn] [lεnε]Lampe [lãp] [rãmba]Mattress [matrεs] [matarasa]Table [tεbl] [tεvεrε]Vote [vƆt] [vƆtƆ]

h- Adjunction of the infinitive maker /Ɔ- / to form infinitives summon [snƏn] [ƆsƆmƆni]punish [pni∫] [ƆpƆnƆsi]sign [ sain] [Ɔsana]

Morphosyntactic Integration English and French words are well integration into the syntax of Tuki, to

the extent that they scrupulously respect the agreement rules of the language.In Tuki, as in many Bantu languages, each noun belongs to a noun class.

When a given noun is used in a sentence, the class prefix of the noun shows up on the verb as part of subject verb agreement. A noun like [matarasa] which is a loan from English mattress is no exception to the rule: Matarasa ma- mu na tsumba mattress class prefix is in room“the mattress is in the bedroom”

The above Tuki sentence shows that the loan from English is well accommodated and syntactically behaves as expected. This is in agreement with what is usually the case. Loans generally conform to the rules of the borrowing language (Queffelec, 1998: 253).

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Semantic Integration

Semantically, loans tend to preserve in the borrowing language traces of the meaning they had in the source language. Thus, loans from English in Tuki keep a good deal of the polysemy they had in English. A Tuki term like tasa from English tax keeps in this Bantu language the different acceptations it has in English:

1. “money, i.e. a percentage of a person’s income or of the price of goods taken by the government to help pay for the running of the state”2. “obligation”3. “ a strain or burden”

Surprising though it may be, the third meaning is attested in Tuki as sentences like the following are commonly heard:

Tasa I- mwenam vatu na nutu

Tax subject marker weights people on body

“taxes put a weight on people’s body”.

Similarly, the Tuki word kutu combines the various meanings of its English source coat:

1. “an item of outdoor clothing, with sleeves, that covers from the shoulders usually to the knees”.

2. “a jacket”.

However in this last case there are two meanings that the Tuki word kutu cannot account for:

3. “the hair or wool of an animal”.

4. “a covering (e.g. of paint)”.

So, it appears that the whole or parts of the meaning(s) of the source language word(s) can be transmitted to the target language naturalized word.

Nevertheless, it so happens that loans in the borrowing language develop connotative values of their own. For example, Tuki kuka from English cook (somebody who does the cooking, as an occupation) may carry some pejorative, ironic or insulting overtones.

In sum, the semantic integration of loans may involve semantic restriction, shift or extension over the course of time.

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Thematic Distribution of Loans

An issue that is closely related to the meaning of loans is the attempt to find out what are the domains in which loans always occur. A study undertaken by a team of researchers at the University of Montreal in Canada, working within the framework of GRESLET (Groupe de recherche en sémantique, lexicologie et terminologie = research group in semantics, lexicology and terminology) found out that new items in the lexicon of African languages were predominant in the following areas (Bitjaa Kody, 2000: 268):

1. food2. religion3. clothing4. housing/household5. administration, business and professionsA preliminary study of loans in Tuki, patterned after the GRESLET

methodology, reveals the following results: 1. Food

Tuki English[biya] Beer[sika] Cigarette[bɛrɛtɛ] Bread[kofi] Coffee[tumatu] Tomato (or French ‘tomate’)AЛusu Onion[miriki] Milk

2. Religion

Tuki English[misɔnɔ] Mission[kristen] Christian[paro] Father[papasa] Pape (French)[kirisimɛsɛ] Christmas[satana] Satan[sista] Sister

Tuki French[komiyɔn] Communion

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[mɛsɛ] Messe “church service”[paska] Pâques “Easter” 

3. Clothing

Tuki English[sɔtɔ] Shirt[wasa] Watch[tawɛrɛ] Towel[kutu] Coat[tƆrƆsɛsa] Trousers[sitƆkƆ ] socks

4. House/householdTuki English[kɔmbɔtɔ] Cupboard[mɔni] Money[pana] Plate[t∫ɛnɛ] Chain[cimɛtɛ] Cement[kiisini] Kitchen[wundi] Window[hama] Hammer[tumbu] Cup[lɛnɛ] LaineRamba] Lampe[matarasa] Mattress[karasina] Kerozene[dikasa] Ax[sƆvɛ] Soap[tɛvɛrɛ] Table[matsina] Machine[girasa] glass

5. Administration, commerce, professions

Tuki English[ƆsƆmƆni] (to) summon[kilo] Kilogramme[lita] Litre[ƆpƆnƆsi] (to) punish[tasa] Tax

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[ƆdzƆsi] (to) judge[Ɔsana] (to) sign[vɔtɔ] Vote (noun)

Why loans?It has been said above that whenever languages are in contact, loans are

bound to appear. Whatever the social and institutional status of the languages involved in situations of contact, one language is going to borrow words from another and vice versa.

The sociolinguistic context talked about in this paper is the complex situation of Cameroon where English and French coexist with many local languages. As a result, diglossia is usually the rule of thumb in most communicative cases.

It so happens that the official languages of Cameroon, that is English and French, are the dominant languages that people have to learn one way or another, formally or informally, if they want to climb the social ladder or achieve socioeconomic mobility.

For the most part, local languages have no official status and play no important social function, despite public political rhetoric or what the State constitution says about integrating the teaching and learning of local languages into the school curricula. Moreover, apart from being the languages of international communication, English and French in Cameroon are the languages of administration, education, justice, and the media (print and audiovisual, books, advertising). And although local languages are used on the radio, they are not used for TV broadcast, nor are they used in newspapers.

As a result of this situation, English and French are (becoming) the majority languages spoken by the majority of the Cameroonian population. More explicitly, it is difficult to find one Cameroonian local language that has more speakers than the French language, for instance.

The weight of English and French in the Cameroonian context can be measured by the important volume of loans that local African languages borrow from these European languages, as opposed to the scanty number of loans in the latter languages from African languages (cf. Dictionnaire universel, 1995; Dictionnaire universel francophone, 1997).

In sum, everything being equal, in contact situations where dominant /majority languages/cultures coexist with dominated/minority languages/ cultures, the latter would tend to borrow heavily from the former. Borrowing is thus justified by the fact that new/dominant cultures would introduce into the local/dominated cultures realities that the latter are not linguistically equipped to

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handle. Borrowing therefore becomes a necessity if local languages want to adequately designate or describe these new realities.

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Dissertation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles. -------- (1995) Functional categories and the syntax of focus in Tuki, Newcastle

and München, Lincom Europa. -------- (1999) “Interférences morphosyntaxiques des langues camerounaises

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