historical linguistics

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Historical linguistics LING 200 Spring 2006

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Historical linguistics. LING 200 Spring 2006. Overview of unit. Some basic concepts in historical linguistics Examples of language families Types of language change Linguistic reconstruction Reconstruction and prehistory. What is historical linguistics?. Synchronic linguistics - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Page 1: Historical linguistics

Historical linguistics

LING 200Spring 2006

Page 2: Historical linguistics

Overview of unit

• Some basic concepts in historical linguistics• Examples of language families• Types of language change• Linguistic reconstruction• Reconstruction and prehistory

Page 3: Historical linguistics

• Synchronic linguistics– What is language (at a particular point in time)?

• Diachronic linguistics (a.k.a. historical linguistics)

– How does language change over time?• How do words change over time (etymology)?

– What aspects of language can be reconstructed?– What does a reconstructed language reveal

about the culture and/or location of its speakers?

What is historical linguistics?

Page 4: Historical linguistics

Overview

• Similarities between languages• Language families• Language change• Reconstruction and comparative method• Reconstruction and prehistory

Page 5: Historical linguistics

Observations'water' the ci:š tho thu'rope' t’e tkni t'o t'u

'3' thoq mta:t thaq'y thatt'e

'run' l-qc ‘sg./du. run’

wájti- l-qeç 'sg./du. run'

-t'e 'sg./du. run'

-n--yet ‘pl. run’

l-es 'pl. run'

-z 'pl. run'

‘jump’ l-th -tup l-th -thah ‘go fast’

Deg Xinag Sahaptin Witsuwit'en Sekani

Page 6: Historical linguistics

Similarities between languages

• May be due to:– borrowing– coincidence– inheritance from common ancestor

Page 7: Historical linguistics

Language families

ancestor language daughter daughter daughter

•Deg Xinag, Witsuwit’en, Sekani are daughters or descendants of Proto-Athabaskan

•Trees as a model of divergence over time

Page 8: Historical linguistics

… …

Page 9: Historical linguistics

Proto-Anglo-Frisian Old English Old Frisian Middle English Modern English Modern Frisian

Page 10: Historical linguistics

Proto-Romance (Latin) Spanish Portuguese Italian French Rumanian ...

Page 11: Historical linguistics

Some terminology

• Deg Xinag [the] ‘water’, Witsuwit’en [tho] ‘water’ and Sekani [thu] ‘water’ are cognate words (or cognates)

• Deg Xinag [the] ‘water’, Witsuwit’en [tho] ‘water’ and Sekani [thu] ‘water’ are reflexes of Proto-Athabaskan *thu: ‘water’

Page 12: Historical linguistics

Ancestor languages

Actually attested: Latin

Hypothetical, reconstructed: Proto-Anglo-Frisian, Proto-Romance

Page 13: Historical linguistics

Indo-European languages

Page 14: Historical linguistics

Indo-European language family

Page 15: Historical linguistics

Family time-depth

• How long ago was the ancestor language spoken?– Proto-Indo-European: 5000-6000– Proto-Germanic: 2500-3500

• Family of remote time-depth– phylum, stock

Page 16: Historical linguistics

More language families

each dot = 1 language family

Page 17: Historical linguistics

Africa

Page 18: Historical linguistics

Niger-Congo

languages

Page 19: Historical linguistics

China, Taiwan

Kam-Tai a.k.a. Tai, Tai-Kadai

Miao-Yao a.k.a Hmong-Mien

(Most western linguists don’t believe Kam-Tai and Miao-Yao are Sino-Tibetan.)

Page 20: Historical linguistics

Proto-Chinese

Mandarin Wú Gàn Xiāng Southern group

N. NW SW E. Kejia Yue Min

Peking Shānxi, Sìchuān, Shànghai E. Hunan Chéngbù Hakka Cantonese Xiāmen,

(Beijing) Xian Kunming Taiwanese

Page 21: Historical linguistics

Athabaskan (Athapaskan, Athabascan) family

Estimated time-depth: 2500 years

Page 22: Historical linguistics

Na-Dene Tlingit Proto-Athabaskan-Eyak Eyak Proto-Athabaskan

CAY S. AK Tset CBC PCA NW Can Sar Apache

Deg Xinag Witsuwit’en Sekani

CAY = Central Alaska-Yukon; S. AK = S. Alaska; Tset = Tsetsaut, CBC = Central BC, PCA = Pacific Coast Athabaskan; NW Can = NW Canada; Sar = Sarcee

Page 23: Historical linguistics

Penutian

Proto-Sahaptian

Sahaptin Nez Perce

Page 24: Historical linguistics

Language isolate

• No known related languages– Zuni– Haida– Basque– Sumerian

Page 25: Historical linguistics

Haida

Zuni

Page 26: Historical linguistics

Language change

• How languages change/types of language change– phonetic, phonological change– morphological change– semantic change

Page 27: Historical linguistics

• Phonetic change: change in pronunciation of phonemes

• Phonological change: change in phoneme inventory. May result from:– phoneme merger or split– several phonetic changes– borrowing of words with new sound

Phonetic vs. phonological change

Page 28: Historical linguistics

Phonetic change

Babine-Witsuwit’en language (western B.C.)

Takla, Babine dialects

Witsuwit'en, François L. dialects

Affrication isogloss

Page 29: Historical linguistics

Witsuwit'en Babine

[cs] [cs] 'hook'

[chs] [chs] 'down feathers'

[tinc’j] [tinc’j] '4'

[ts’ac] [ts’ac] 'plate'

Babine/Takla dialects: added an allophonic rule of Affrication

/c ch c’/ --> [c ch c’] / syllable[____

[c] = voiceless palatal stop; [c] = voiceless palato-alveolar affricate

Page 30: Historical linguistics

Consonant inventoryAll Babine-Witsuwit’en dialects

lab alv pal lab-vel uvu glot

stops p t th t’ c ch c’ kw kwh kw’ q qh q’

aff ts tsh ts’

aff-lat t th t’

fric s z ç xw h

fric-lat

nasals m n

apx y w

apx-lat l

Page 31: Historical linguistics

Phonological change

• Change affecting phoneme inventory• Merger

– e.g. *t, *d > /t/• Cf. synchronic neutralization

– e.g. /d/ [t] / ___ # (not phonetically distinct from /t/ word finally)

Page 32: Historical linguistics

Examples of phonological change

1. Development of Proto-Athabaskan consonant inventory in Tsek’ene

2. Development of Proto-Athabaskan vowel inventory in Tsek’ene

Page 33: Historical linguistics

Proto-Ath consonant inventorylabial alveolar retroflex palato-

alveolarpalatal uvular labio-

uvularglottal

  t th t'     c ch c' q qh q' qw qwh qw'

  ts tsh ts'

t th t’

č čh č’        

  t th t'

           

  s z š ž w w h

  l            

m n          

w       j      

Page 34: Historical linguistics

Reflexes of retroflex, palato-alveolars in Tsek’ene

*ts’, t’, č’ > ts’

Proto-Athabaskan Sekani

*ts’a:t’ ‘diaper, cradle’

ts’at ‘swamp moss’

*t’’t’ ‘kidney’ -nsts’ze

*č’n ‘wing, side’ -ts’nè ‘bone, side’

Page 35: Historical linguistics

Reflexes of retroflex, palato-alveolars in Tsek’ene

• alveolar sibilant, retroflex sibilant, palato-alveolar sibilant > alveolar

• place merger only– stops > stops– fricatives > fricatives– voiceless aspirated stops remained voiceless,

etc.

Page 36: Historical linguistics

Tsek’ene consonant inventorylabial alveolar palato-

alveolarpalatal velar labio-

velar

 p t th t'   k kh k' kw kwh kw'

  ts tsh ts' č čh č’        

  t th t'          

  s z š ž x xw h

  l          

m n        

    j    w  

Page 37: Historical linguistics

Morphological change•Morphemes are added

French > Witsuwit'en

'table' la table ltap

'devil' le diable lyap

French > Sekani

‘angel’ les anges lìzãs

Page 38: Historical linguistics

•Morphemes disappear

Proto-Athabaskan

Witsuwit'en Sekani

‘forehead' *-tha:q' -nthaq --(-ts’è)

‘daughter’ *-thme --(-yez ‘woman’s child’

-thuè

‘man’s daughter’

*tshe -tsh --

Page 39: Historical linguistics

•Morphemes change lexical category

Proto-Athabaskan Witsuwit'en*q(e) 'fork, cleft' (noun)

-iqz 'between' (postposition)

*-ze:q' 'inside of mouth' (noun)*-ze:q', *-zq' 'burp' (verb)

-zeq 'inside of mouth' (noun)(-kw'aq 'burp')

Proto-Athabaskan Sekani

*qš ‘dirt, grime’ (noun) -kãš ‘be dark’ (verb)

Page 40: Historical linguistics

•Reanalysis of two(+) morphemes as one

Proto-Athabaskan Witsuwit'en

*qh-n-e:-ç 'speak' hnc, -qhnc 'word, language'

Page 41: Historical linguistics

•Analogy (paradigm leveling)

Proto-Athabaskan

Central BC

Proto-Babine-Carrier

Carrier Babine-Witsuwit’en

Page 42: Historical linguistics

Proto-Babine-Carrier

Witsuwit'en

progressive future progressive future

1sS *i-s- *th-i-s- is- thas-

2sS *a-n- *th-a-n- in- than-

3sS *i- *th-i- i- tha-

Future vowel > uniformly [a]

Progressive vowel > uniformly [i]

Page 43: Historical linguistics

Semantic changeNarrowing (hyponym formation)

Page 44: Historical linguistics

NarrowingProto-Athabaskan Sekani

*-m ‘snore, growl’ -h-xõh ‘snore’

Proto-Athabaskan Witsuwit’en

*n-ta':c ‘dance’ n-tec ‘(white people) dance’

*t 'blood' tl ‘blood clot, “gunshot meat”’

*-ta':n' ‘defecate’ -tshan ‘(insect) lays eggs’

Page 45: Historical linguistics

Broadening Hypernym formation

Page 46: Historical linguistics

Broadening

Proto-Athabaskan Sekani

*ci’:ce: ‘blueberry’ čìče ‘berry’

Proto-Athabaskan Witsuwit’en

*-a:t' ‘fish meat’ -yet ‘flesh, weight’

(*-wa:n'- ‘edge’ -yepen’ ‘strip of fish meat’)

Page 47: Historical linguistics

Semantic shift

or

Page 48: Historical linguistics

Semantic shiftProto-Athabaskan Witsuwit’en

*yu ‘beads, clothes’ yu ‘medicine’

*the': ‘mat’ the ‘basket’

Proto-Athabaskan Sekani

*ts’a:t’ ‘diaper, cradle’ ts’at ‘swamp moss’

*l-t’a: ‘trot, go in herd’ -t’a ‘sg./du. run’

*ts’’-we: ‘spruce’ ts’pe ‘swamp’ts’pe lè ‘black spruce’

Page 49: Historical linguistics

Conservative vs. innovative

• Languages are a mixture of conservative and innovative characteristics

• cf. 'old’: All the (modern) daughters of a proto-language are of equal time-depth

Page 50: Historical linguistics

Conservative vs. innovative

Proto-Athabaskan

Witsuwit’en Sekani

*q ‘rabbit’ q kah

*-cht ‘take, grab’

-cht -cht

*-tshi ‘head’ -tshe-chn ‘neck’ (head-base)

-tshì

*ya:--thc ‘speak’

ye--tc ya--thic ‘(dog) barks’

Page 51: Historical linguistics

Language change summary• Language change over time is normal• Languages may change on various levels

– phonetic– phonological– morphological– semantic– syntactic

• Languages are a mixture of conservative and innovative features

Page 52: Historical linguistics

Reconstruction

• The comparative method– assemble cognate sets– infer:

• representation of the proto-language• set of rules which can predict attested forms

Page 53: Historical linguistics

Navajo

Page 54: Historical linguistics

Reconstructing the Proto-Athabaskan consonant inventory

Tsetsaut Deg Xinag

Navajo Sekani Wit.

‘plate’ ts'a t'oc ts'à: ts'à ts'ac 'stick' -čhe -čhn -tshìn -čhin -chn

'ear' -tse: -tsee -čà: -tse -tsq

‘lower leg'

-pfa -to -čá:t -tsate -tset

'rabbit' kax q kàh kah q

Page 55: Historical linguistics

Consonant correspondencesTsetsaut Deg

XinagNavajo Sekani Wit.

ts t ts ts tsč č(/c) ts č c

ts ts č ts ts

pf t č ts ts

k q k k q

PA

*ts

*c

*t

*q

Page 56: Historical linguistics

Na-Dene family

Na-Dene Tlingit Proto-Athabaskan-Eyak Eyak Proto-Athabaskan

Page 57: Historical linguistics

Consonant correspondences

PA Eyak Proto-Athabaskan-Eyak*ts ts *ts*č č *č*t c *cw

*c c *c*q q *q

Page 58: Historical linguistics

Reconstruction of morphemes

*ts'a:c' 'plate'

*-chn 'stick'

*-č 'ear'

*-ta:(te) ‘lower leg'

*q 'rabbit'

Page 59: Historical linguistics

Sound changes, Proto-Athabaskan to daughter languages

• Tsetsaut (root initial sound changes)– *c > c – *č > ts – *t > pf – *q > k

*ts'a:c' ts'a 'plate'

*-chn -čhe 'stick'

*-č -tse: 'ear'

*-ta:(te) -pfa ‘lower leg'

*q kax 'rabbit'

Page 60: Historical linguistics

• Deg Xinag – *ts > t – *c > c, č (unconditioned split) – *č > ts

*ts'a:c' t'oc 'plate'

*-chn ‘stick’ tčhn ‘coffin'

*-č -tsee 'ear'

*-ta:(te) -to ‘lower leg'

*q q 'rabbit'

Page 61: Historical linguistics

PA *c > DX c, č

*--ct --čt ‘be rotten’

*-ch’tl’e: -čhdl ‘younger brother’

*ci:'ce: cec, cac ‘berry’

*ct c ‘mittens’

*-cm' -c ‘tickle’

Page 62: Historical linguistics

• Navajo – *c > ts – *t > č – *q > k

*ts'a:c' ts'à: 'plate'

*-chn -tshìn 'stick'

*-č -čà: 'ear'

*-ta:(te) -čá:t ‘lower leg'

*q kàh 'rabbit'

Page 63: Historical linguistics

• Sekani– *c > č – *č > ts– *t > ts – *q > k

*ts'a:c' ts'à 'plate'

*-chn -čhin 'stick'

*-č -tse 'ear'

*-ta:(te) -tsate ‘lower leg'

*q kah 'rabbit'

Page 64: Historical linguistics

• Witsuwit’en – *č > ts– *t > ts

*ts'a:c' ts'ac 'plate'

*-chn -chn 'stick'

*-č -tsq 'ear'

*-ta:(te) -tset ‘lower leg'

*q q 'rabbit'

Page 65: Historical linguistics

Sound changes, Proto-Athabaskan-Eyak to daughter

languages

• Eyak– *cw, *c > c

• Proto-Athabaskan– *cw > *t

Page 66: Historical linguistics

Reconstruction and prehistory

• Where was Proto-Athabaskan spoken?

Page 67: Historical linguistics

Where was Proto-Athabaskan spoken?

Michael Krauss (University of Alaska):the PA homeland (Urheimat) "was in

eastern Alaska, interior, perhaps extending into Canada already".

Page 68: Historical linguistics

Considerations1. Areas where languages are deeply

differentiated suggest long occupation of territory. Areas where languages are closely related suggest recent spread into territory.

Languages of Alaska and western B.C. show most differentiation within the family (as opposed to Mackenzie R. drainage languages, Apachean and Pacific Coast languages, which form subgroupings).

Page 69: Historical linguistics

NW Canada

Tsetsaut

Central Alaska-Yukon

S. Alaska

Central B.C.

Apachean

Sarcee

8 daughters of Proto-

Athabaskan

Page 70: Historical linguistics

2. Languages which are genetically related are usually spoken in nearby geographical areas.

Eyak is spoken at mouth of Copper R.

(Alaska); Tlingit is spoken along Alaska panhandle.

Page 71: Historical linguistics

Eyak

Tlingit

Page 72: Historical linguistics

3. The reconstructed lexicon of a proto-language may also provide information about the Urheimat.

Reconstructed lexicon of PA suggests northern origin.

Page 73: Historical linguistics

(Some) reconstructed lexical items

• Mountains and snow– *Âu: ‘ice, icicle, glacier’ – *qe:t ‘ice flat’ – *a:ç ‘snowshoe’ – *ts«Â ‘mountain’

Page 74: Historical linguistics

• Water– *-qhe: ‘go by boat’ – *t'i:ç ‘canoe’ – *-th«s ‘portage’ – *te: ‘river, sandbar’ – *han()e: ‘river’ – *w«n ‘lake’

Page 75: Historical linguistics

• Fish– *qe:s ‘king salmon (Chinook)’ – *si:ye: ‘dog salmon (chum)’ – *u:q’e: ‘fish, salmon’– Jim Kari, University of Alaska Fairanks: no

reconstructable term for ‘sockeye salmon’ (more restricted distribution; not found in Yukon R.)

Page 76: Historical linguistics

Continental divide

king salmon

sockeye

Page 77: Historical linguistics

• Plants– *a:q ‘fern’ – *t«n«ç ‘arctostaphylos, bearberry’ – *ci':ce: ‘blueberry’

Page 78: Historical linguistics

• Birds– *ta:-č«e: ‘loon’ – *th«Äs(-Â) ‘merganser’ – * ‘Canada goose’ – *te:Â ‘crane’

Page 79: Historical linguistics

• Mammals– *w«č«ç ‘caribou’ – *ç...ts' ‘grizzly bear’ – *ç«š~*ç« ‘black bear’ – *t«-we: ‘mountain sheep’ – *n«-Â-thi/:s ‘wolverine’

Page 80: Historical linguistics

Not reconstructable

• ‘cactus’• ‘sagebrush’• ‘dry river’

Page 81: Historical linguistics

Semantic changes in plains languages

• *-qhe: ‘go by boat’ > ‘glide’ (Navajo)– Navajo [pi sits'ánkh] 'I have been sleepless'

(lit. ‘sleep glided away from me’) – Navajo [chahalxe:l ji ná:khé:í] 'owl (sacred

name)' (lit. ‘the one who comes gliding back with darkness’)

– Sarcee 'go to trade, go by foot or horseback in order to shop; travel by canoe (archaic)'

– Chiricahua Apache 'several run, trot'

Page 82: Historical linguistics

• PA *ys 'snow lying on ground' > Navajo– zas, yas 'snow' – sisas 'the seed lies' – na:sas 'I scatter seed, I let mass of fine particles

spill, I sprinkle'

Page 83: Historical linguistics

Historical linguistics summary

• All languages change over time• Change occurs at all levels of grammar• Earlier stages of the language can often be

reconstructed• Trees model historical divergence of

languages from common ancestor

Page 84: Historical linguistics

For further learning

• LING 454: Methods in comparative linguistics

• LING 404: Indo-European