J E R E M Y W A L K E R + A S S O C I A T E S, I N C.

presents

A Moxie Firecracker Production

A Film by Rory Kennedy

GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIBPreliminary Press Notes

WORLD PREMIERE: AMERICAN DOCUMENTARY COMPETITION,2007 SUNDANCE FILM FESTIVAL

HBO PREMIERE: Thursday, February 22, 2007, 9:30pm

Running Time: 81 Minutes

“When you give an order and you give the signal for a little bit of torture, it spreads like wildfire. There’s no such thing as a little bit of torture.”

-- Alfred McCoy, Author, A Question of Torture

PRESS CONTACT: FOR HBO:Jeremy Walker Lana Iny / Jessica ManziJeremy Walker + Associates HBO160 West 71st St. #2A 1100 Avenue of the AmericasNew York, NY 10023 New York, NY 10036Telephone 212-595-6161 Telephone 212-512-1462 / 212-512-1322Mobile (at Sundance) 917-597-7286 Mobile 917-992-4794 / 917-553-8625

jeremy@jeremywalker.com lana.iny@hbo.com, jessica.manzi@hbo.com

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FILMMAKERS

Director / Producer.....................................................RORY KENNEDYProducer.....................................................................LIZ GARBUSWriter / Producer........................................................JACK YOUNGELSONEditor..........................................................................SARI GILMANDirector of Photography............................................TOM HURWITZOriginal Music...........................................................MIRIAM CUTLERLine Producer.............................................................JULIE GAITHERStory Editor................................................................MARK BAILEYCo-Producer...............................................................GIL SHOCHATAssociate Producers...................................................KEITH MALONE....................................................................................CAITLIN McNALLYProduction Coordinator..............................................HILLARY BYRUMPost Production Supervisor........................................MATTHEW JUSTUSAssociate Producer for Development........................MICHAEL R. SCHREIBERAdditional Photography.............................................MICHAEL CHIN....................................................................................EDWARD MARRITZ....................................................................................WOLF TRUCHSESS von....................................................................................WETZHAUSENSecond Camera..........................................................MIGUEL DIAZ....................................................................................GABRIEL MONTS....................................................................................HUTTEMBERG NASSAR....................................................................................STEVE NEALEY....................................................................................MICHAEL K. ROGERS....................................................................................BURAK SENBAK....................................................................................JACK YOUNGELSONSound.........................................................................SARA CHIN....................................................................................DAVID CHUA....................................................................................METIN ÇORNIK....................................................................................GABRIEL MILLER....................................................................................JOHN O’CONNOR....................................................................................ALEX SULLIVANGaffer.........................................................................STEVEN KAYEField Producer Germany............................................NADJA KORINTHOperations Consultant, Turkey..................................REMY GERSTEINTravel.........................................................................NYNA THREADGOULDTranslators..................................................................HUSSEIN SADDIQUE....................................................................................SASHA SPEKTOR....................................................................................EMNA ZGHALAnimator....................................................................TODD RUFF....................................................................................SUBVOYANTStills Animation.........................................................AARON CURRANAssistant Editors........................................................AARON CURRAN....................................................................................KEN YAPELLIAdditional Assistant Editors......................................RICH JOYCE

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....................................................................................DAVID RIVELLO

....................................................................................DAN WINIKURResearchers................................................................MICHAEL BISBERG....................................................................................LIBBY KREUTZ....................................................................................SHEILA MANIARProduction Assistants.................................................SUZANNE ANDREWS....................................................................................JACOB HUDDLESTONInterns........................................................................AMANDA HOLT....................................................................................BARBARA KONTAROVICH....................................................................................PEARLY LEUNG....................................................................................ARIANA VAZQUEZOff-Line Facility........................................................MOXIE FIRECRACKER FILMS, INC.On-Line Editor & Colorist.........................................SCOTT DONIGER....................................................................................FULL CIRCLE POSTSound Editors.............................................................MARGARET CRIMMINS....................................................................................GREG SMITH....................................................................................DOG BARK SOUNDRe-Recording Mixer..................................................TONY VOLANTE....................................................................................SOUND LOUNGEMusicians...................................................................STEPHANIE BENNETT....................................................................................IRA INGBER....................................................................................NOVIOLA....................................................................................DEBORAH SEALOVE....................................................................................LARRY TUTTLELegal..........................................................................VICTORIA COOK. ESQ. ....................................................................................RICHARD HOFSTETTER. ESQ. ....................................................................................FRANKFURT, KURNIT, KLEIN....................................................................................AND SELZAccountant.................................................................BARRY KORNBLUM, CPA....................................................................................H.S. POMERANTZ & COMPANYBookkeeper………………………………………....ABRAHAM RONQUILLO

ADDITIONAL CREDITS BEGIN ON PAGE 26

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GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB

GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB examines and contextualizes the abuses that occurred in the fall of 2003 at that notorious Iraqi prison, abuses documented in photographs that are etched in our national consciousness and will remain so for years to come. The documentary asks: what do those events say about America, our government, our military, and human nature? The film is built on the direct, personal narratives of the perpetrators, witnesses, and victims of the abuse and probes the psychology of how typical American men and women can come to commit atrocious acts. On a parallel track, the film explores the chronology of recent policy decisions that have eroded our compliance with the Geneva Conventions and that contributed to making this abuse a reality.

If news can claim to be the first draft of history, then nonfiction cinema is the compelling, carefully constructed argument that can claim to most truthfully get at the whole of the “how” and “why” behind our most extraordinary events. Rory Kennedy’s GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB is just such a film, one that will further illuminate key aspects of this history changing event, even for those who think they know all there is to know.

With GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB, producer-director Kennedy, working with HBO Documentary Films, tackles the how and the why behind one of the greatest scandals to rock the US Military, the Pentagon and the Presidency since the events of Viet Nam: the prisoner abuse scandal at Iraq’s Abu Ghraib prison.

The scandal was triggered by a single CD of photographs that became public in April 2004, after an MP named Joseph Darby turned it over to a superior officer in the Criminal Investigation Division. The Pentagon and the administration have maintained that the abuses documented in the photos were the result of “a few bad apples” or an “animal house on the night shift” aberration, an explanation reported and perpetuated by most mainstream media outlets.

GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB shows that not only were MPs put in charge of torturing and humiliating “high value” detainees at Abu Ghraib, but also that the abuse was by a culture of torture and humiliation that was sanctioned by the Pentagon and the Bush administration.

For the first time, we hear detailed accounts from those most directly involved in the abuses -- U.S. soldiers, both Military Police and Military Intelligence, as well as eyewitnesses – who were “on the tier” at Abu Ghraib, and also from a handful of Iraqi detainees who report their own harrowing experiences on the tier during that time.

We hear from such administration insiders as Alberto Mora, General Counsel, Department of the Navy, who served in that capacity between 2001 and 2006; and John Yoo, who served in the Office of Legal Counsel in the Department of Justice from 2001 to 2003.

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Finally, we hear from three experts on the legal, moral and psychological meaning, definition and impact of torture on those who experience it and on those who perpetrate it, and how the perpetrators likely came to become practitioners of torture. The experts are Scott Horton, Chairman, Committee on International Law for the New York City Bar Association; Mark Danner, author of Torture and Truth: America, Abu Ghraib and the War on Terror; Alfred McCoy, Author, A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation from the Cold War to the War on Terror; Col. Janis Karpinski (retired), who was in charge of every prison in Iraq, including Abu Ghraib; and Rear Admiral John Hutson, a retired Judge Advocate General of the US Navy.

One thing becomes crystal clear as we hear what all of these people have to say: that in the summer and fall of 2003, Abu Ghraib prison was just about as close as you could get to hell on earth.

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DIRECTOR’S STATEMENT

A year ago I set out to explore how ordinary people, given certain circumstances, are capable of carrying out extraordinary acts of violence.

Historically, across cultures, there are many examples of this -- genocides where neighbor turned against neighbor, friend against friend. For me, the unanswered question linking all of them was, what were the factors, the precise circumstances that made such destruction and horror possible? Starting with this broad inquiry, I soon narrowed the focus of the film. It became apparent that the story that needed to be told was the story of Abu Ghraib. Not only was this a story of violence and torture and acts of real evil, but it was also a contemporary story, here and now -- a story about ourselves. My intention would be to look at the personal and psychological make ups of those most directly involved. How could our American soldiers be capable of such monstrous acts? What could possibly have motivated them?

The photographs that emerged from Abu Ghraib were so shocking that they instantly became the defining images of all that has gone wrong with the war in Iraq (and perhaps America, too). And yet, at the same time, we know very little about their genesis. They are images that each of us has been forced to fashion our own narratives around, to formulate our own explanations, because too many questions have remained unanswered. Who were the people in the pictures? Who were the victims? Who chose to participate in the abuse and why?

As I did more research and interviewed those directly involved with the abuses at Abu Ghraib, it became impossible to avoid the fact that policies had been put into place that allowed for this culture of torture to percolate. The story of what went on at Abu Ghraib is very complex and layered, far from black and white. I hope that this film sheds some light on what exactly took place at the prison and how those horrific acts and the photographs of them came to be. If the images are a mirror of America, a window into our potential to morally transgress, then we need to look at them more deeply, to face them, to try to understand them. If we are to exorcise the ghosts of Abu Ghraib, we can no longer turn away from what we might see. Otherwise, it may just happen again.

-- Rory Kennedy, December 2006

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CONTEXT: HUMAN NATURE

GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB begins with archival footage of an experiment conducted in 1961 by Yale psychologist Dr. Stanley Milgram. The purpose of the Obedience Study was to observe an individual’s willingness to inflict pain when ordered to do so. The participants – who responded to a newspaper advertisement – did not know that the “victim” was an actor and that the shocks they were administering were not real. Although some participants showed real concern, all of the subjects administered shocks. The majority did so at the maximum level: 450 volts.

Producer-director Rory Kennedy came upon the footage as she was researching a documentary that had a wider scope than GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB, one that would explore the psychological roots of genocide.

“Originally, the film would examine how ordinary people could be driven to commit acts of extraordinary evil, from the perspective of the perpetrators. Instead of looking at the outward forces – at leaders and the historic events that seem to precipitate war and genocide, I wanted to look inward. As I was doing research, two behavioral experiments kept coming up: the Stanford Prison Study (that had to be shut down when the prison guards became overly abusive) and Milgram’s ‘Obedience Study’ at Yale.”

It was during this time, around 2004 and 2005, that the first official reports on how the abuse at Abu Ghraib came about, implicating Specialist Charles Graner, Army PFC England and nine other “bad apples,” were made public. Widely reported military Courts Martial started taking place. As she followed the news, it became clear to Kennedy that the themes of abuse at Abu Ghraib dovetailed with her genocide project.

“It seemed like an open and shut case,” Kennedy recalled recently. “The way the military was dealing with it was, these are people who turned. Let’s throw them in prison. My interest in them was strictly behavioral: it was really about these men and women and what within them brought them to do what they did. Like many, I assumed that they had behaved badly and I wanted to know why. I had,” Kennedy adds, “no other agenda.”

Kennedy began by trying to interview the key players accused of the abuse: Staff Sergeant Ivan Frederick, Graner and England. However, she was denied access to these individuals because they were confined to military prisons and were prevented from speaking to the press. “That was really disappointing,” Kennedy said recently. “I felt it was a first amendment issue, but there was no way around the military justice system.”

Kennedy knew there were a number of other MPs and MIs on the tier. Some had received sentences of only a few months, some had been punished with a reduction in rank. Some, who merely witnessed the abuse, weren’t punished at all.

With the Yale and Stanford studies in mind, and with the idea that she would narrow the focus of her film to Abu Ghraib, Kennedy began conducting interviews.

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CONTEXT: ABU GHRAIB PRISON

As she researched the film, producer-director Kennedy “really tried to understand the context in which those photos were taken,” she said recently, just days before finishing work on the film. “So many of us saw the photos and had an immediate, visceral judgment, myself included. The images represented nothing short of abject evil.

“I went through my own journey to try to understand the people involved – both the prisoners and those in charge of them – and the first step was to understand the harrowing conditions in which they were living and working. Were all of the people charged and implicated with abuse simply evil people or was something else going on? I quickly found, however, that many of us are much more capable of harming others than we would be willing to admit. That’s a really hard idea to accept if you haven’t looked closely at what daily life was like at Abu Ghraib.”

Kennedy describes what it was like to meet and interview MP Javal Davis and MP Megan Ambuhl. Davis had completed a six month sentence for his role in the abuse, while Ambuhl had been punished with a reduction in rank. Kennedy interviewed both of them where they were living at the New Jersey and Virginia homes of their respective parents.

“When I first met Javal – he was the first interview I conducted for the film – I was immediately disarmed by him,” Kennedy says. “I did not see a monster, I saw a human being with a sweet smile and eyes you can connect with. He’s a well-spoken, decent guy-next-door.

“Javal and Megan both believe in this country. They are both patriotic. They have aspirations and went to war after September 11th to protect us.

“In general, the dozen or so Americans I interviewed who were at Abu Ghraib were a great contrast to what we all saw in those images, and none of them would have known themselves to be capable of torture.”

Kennedy was struck by another common thread she observed among the MPs and MIs she interviewed for GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB: their youth.

“The other thing that was incredibly disarming as I talked to these people: they are all really, really young. Israel Rivera was nineteen years old, actually in an algebra class, when the planes hit on 9/11, which means he was only 21 when he witnessed the abuse at Abu Ghraib. What twenty-one-year old, especially under such harrowing circumstances, would question their leaders? At first I couldn’t imagine how someone could commit the evil I saw coming out of Abu Ghraib. But I found, as I looked at the context and the people, that I began to understand a little bit better about how it might have come to pass.”

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Early in GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB, we learn about the physical space of the place, and about the population it housed, from three Military Intelligence officers, all of whom worked there in 2003, the year that the abuses depicted in the photos took place.

Military Intelligence (MI) officer Roman Krol “heard that over 30,000 people were executed [at Abu Ghraib] during Saddam’s Regime. And they were buried right there, most of them were, very horrible stories of torture. There are pictures of Saddam everywhere…wild dogs are always digging up human bodies.

“How many lost souls,” Javal Davis wonders, “displaced souls, are walking around here?”

“I will never forget the smell of Abu Ghraib,” adds MI officer Israel Rivera.

Two Military Police officers who served at Abu Ghraib in 2003, Sabrina Harman and Javal Davis, share harrowing stories about the dangers of the prison and its surrounding area.

Davis talks about how the road outside the prison “is the most dangerous in the world,” while Harman talks about noticing a hole in one of the prison walls the day she arrived there. It had been made the day before by a mortar round, which had “killed a bunch of prisoners while they were praying.”

Janis Karpinski, who was Brigadier General in charge of every prison in the theatre and famously “took the fall” for the Abu Ghraib scandal, suffering a reduction in rank to Colonel and before her retirement from the military, explains how desperately understaffed Abu Ghraib was in particular.

“Someone had the crazy idea,” she tells Kennedy, “that they could restore the prison system and re-train Iraqi corrections officers in 90 days or less. There was no plan for anything.”

That’s when the 372nd Military Police (MP) Company, which was trained to support combat operations, was tapped for duty at Abu Ghraib.

As MP Javal Davis remembers, “We get there and we’re told ‘put your weapons and trucks away, you are going to be prison guards.”

Adds another MP at Abu Ghraib, Ken Davis, “If there was ever a turn in morale it was right there. Everything hit rock bottom.”

Then, its population exploded. As Karpinski recalls, in July and August 2003, the population was “pretty stable: its highest numbers were less than 1000. But by end of September, it went to over 6000 – with just under three hundred MPs to guard these thousands of prisoners.”

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The prisoners were segregated into three different populations.

The general population was “a huge mass of humanity in a mud pit surrounded by concertina wire,” as MI officer Samuel Provance puts it.

The “hard sites” inside the prison were divided into tiers 1A and 1B. Tier 1A held male prisoners who were thought to be of high intelligence value, as well as for hardened criminals and the insane. Tier 1B, which was actually more secure, held women and children, often immediate family members of the “high intel” prisoners in 1A. MP Sabrina Harman remembers that she worked a lot in Tier 1B “because they needed females” there, especially when her colleague, MP Megan Ambuhl, was off duty.

Ambuhl remembers that “six or seven guards” were in charge of “1000 detainees. If they got organized, the guards inside would have been dead. It was a really scary place.”

At the time MP Javal Davis believed that the prisoners in the hard site were “the lowest scum of the earth – the Al Qaedas, the Talibans, the Saddam Hussein Fedayin, all terrorist bad guys. They were American-killers.”

MP Megan Ambuhl adds, “We were told these detainees were the worst of the worst and the info we would get [by interrogating them] would save lives and have global implications.”

Adding to the confusion at Abu Ghraib was the sheer volume of detainees.

As MI officer Tony Lagouranis tells Kennedy, “The interrogators I worked with at Abu Ghraib were all frustrated by the lack of intel they were getting during interrogations,” Lagouranis says. “Most attributed this to the fact that they were questioning prisoners who had nothing to offer, so they got nothing.”

“I think the MI personnel were caught by surprise by the numbers of prisoners who had to undergo an interview, at least, or a full interrogation,” Col. Janis Karpinski (ret.) says at one point in the film. “Their assessment was, most had no information. Maybe 75-80% really had no information about terrorism at all.”

This practice of scattershot imprisonment is echoed in Kennedy’s interview with “Mohammad Talal,” an Iraqi prisoner at Abu Ghraib in 2003. Talal talks about the day the Americans came into his house, separated women from children, used dogs, destroyed property and took gold and money from the house. “They took the men, tied them up and left them sitting for everyone to see.”

“Omar Rashid” [Kennedy identifies the Iraqi detainees she interviewed for the film with aliases, at their request] – another detainee at Abu Ghraib in 2003, recalls how the Americans “took me for 7 months with my children and I don’t know why I was imprisoned. I was charged with making explosives, but there was no proof. Someone in the neighborhood had denounced me.”

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CONTEXT: MESSING WITH THE RULES

“Part of the film’s mission is to explore the nature of evil and contextualize human nature and our ability to do really horrific things,” Kennedy said recently. “One thing I took away as I was making it is that our societal institutions need to protect us from the evil that is in most of us. One of those institutions is government, and especially in times of war, when killing and chaos is the norm, it’s even more imperative that these institutions – laws, language, and the order of the chain of command – be kept in place. It’s terribly, terribly dangerous to change course mid-stream.”

At one point in GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB, Rear Admiral John Hutson, a retired Judge Advocate General of the US Navy, offers that “War is a terrible thing, and it’s always right on the edge of falling apart, of awful things happening. And the only way -- sort of ironically-- the only way to conduct a war in a civilized manner is to ensure that everybody understands what the rules are to the maximum extent possible. And when you start messing around with those rules…you’re dealing with unlimited warfare.”

Indeed, GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB points out how unclear the rules were to begin with to those who were meant to follow them – namely the MPs who were guarding the prisoners and the MIs who were interrogating them.

As MP Ken Davis, who served at Abu Ghraib in 2003, puts it, when he first arrived in Iraq he asked for the “rules of engagement.”

He remembers being told, simply, “If it looks like the enemy, shoot it.”

“You know,” he recalls saying “I’ve never really been out of the Unites States. Everything looks like the enemy to me.”

Later, Davis adds, “It was never clear to me what was allowed and what wasn’t allowed in Iraq. No one could ever make anything clear to me. When the questions were asked, it was, like, ‘hey I don’t know.’ No one could answer questions for us.”

“There were so many changes in policies, what kind of stress positions you can use, for how long, it was kind of confusing,” reports MI officer Roman Krol later in the film.

Each of the experts interviewed for the film provides Kennedy with a kind of “view from the top” context, what was happening within the administration and at the Pentagon in the months leading up to the Abu Ghraib scandal. Recently, Kennedy talked about why she sought out these particular experts.

“I did a lot of reading,” Kennedy says. “McCoy’s book gives us a great deal of history and perspective on how the US has handled policies on torture over the last fifty years.

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“Danner broke certain details of the Abu Ghraib scandal in his reporting for New York Review of Books. He knew the narrative of the story, which I think really helps audiences walk through what happened, and when.”

Kennedy points out that Mora had been honored with the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation’s “Profiles in Courage” award in May of this year, which is how she was able to approach him about an interview. “He said yes right away,” she notes.

Of the Department of Justice’s John Yoo, Kennedy observed recently that “I think he really believes in the administration’s Iraq policy, in executive power, and that we needed new rules so that we could really ‘take the gloves off’ after September 11th. He basically provided the legal framework that helped the United States government loosen its bond with the Geneva Conventions when it came to the war on terror.

“We tried to represent a range of perspectives,” Kennedy adds. “Visually, we used public statements made by the President and the Secretary of Defense to represent the administration, its policies and actions, but I am really glad John Yoo talked with us. I think the arguments he makes in the film come across as very reasonable, but they don’t add up in the end.”

Kennedy sets up the time period with a clip of that famous “Mission Accomplished” speech President Bush gave aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln on May 1, 2003.

As Mark Danner points out, that summer the insurgency became more organized, more emboldened, and more deadly: the Jordanian embassy was bombed on August 7th, while the United Nations headquarters was hit on August 19th.

“The American military,” Danner says, “had no idea who these people were…There was a degree of panic about lack of intel and the lack of knowledge about the insurgency.”

Scott Horton talks about an intelligence briefing at the Pentagon in the summer of 2003 at which Defense Secretary Rumsfeld was reportedly “openly irritated…pounding his fists on the table” and asking, “Why does Guantánamo get me good intel, while I’m getting nothing out of Iraq? Get Miller out there and ‘gitmoize’ the situation.”

Major General Geoffrey Miller had been running prison operations at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, where the US kept “high value detainees” from the war on terror.

Danner adds, “A lot of what we know about what went on” at Guantánamo “is from FBI officers, counterterrorism officials, who reported on what they saw” there.

We see one FBI email that says, “on a couple of occasions…I entered interview rooms to find a detainee chained hand and foot in a fetal position on the floor, with no chair, food or water…most times they had urinated or defecated on themselves, and had been left there for 18 to 24 hours or more.”

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In 2004, under pressure, the Bush administration released a formerly classified document that showed Rumsfeld had approved many extreme techniques. The memo, dated December, 2002, discusses such enhanced interrogation techniques as “stress positions”; efforts to “undermine self confidence”; “sexual humiliation”; and “nudity.”

At the bottom of this memo Rumsfeld, in his own hand, notes: “However, I stand for 8-10 hours a day. Why is standing limited to 4 hours? D. R.”

On camera, interviewed by Kennedy, Mora interprets “this handwritten comment by Secretary Rumsfeld” as something that “could be considered like a wink and a nod to the interrogators, suggesting that, ‘never mind the actual limitations contained in the memorandum, do what you have to do to get the information requested.”

In his interview with Kennedy, MP Javal Davis remembers, back in Abu Ghraib, thinking to himself, “What’s going on with the nakedness? Why are all these people naked?” “I’ve never seen anything like that before in my life. Naked prisoners with panties on their heads and in compromising positions, locked up? What’s going on with that? I don’t understand that.”

In August, 2003, eight months after Rumsfeld gave his approval for harsher interrogation tactics at Guantánamo, General Miller was sent to Iraq to, as Karpinski, who was in charge of the prison system in Iraq, puts it, “help them get more actionable intelligence from these thousands of security detainees.”

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CONTEXT: THE DETAINEES

Kennedy was committed to representing perspectives from all sides of the Abu Ghraib scandal in her film, including the Iraqi side.

“In this whole war,” Kennedy said recently, “we’ve almost never heard from the Iraqis, they are simply not part of the dialog when it comes to our mainstream media, which I feel is disrespectful, un-strategic and un-American. Most of what I’d read and seen had no sign of the people most impacted by the abuse. We’d seen redacted pictures of them but hadn’t heard from them. And I didn’t want to perpetuate that.

“I really wanted to take a holistic approach, to hear from varying perspectives.”

It was not easy for Kennedy to make these voices heard. They were challenging to find and, once identified, they were naturally afraid to talk.

Kennedy discovered a law firm in Philadelphia that was organizing a class action lawsuit against an American company contracted by the Defense Department. Some of the plaintiffs in the suit were Iraqis who had been held prisoner at Abu Ghraib in the late summer and fall of 2003.

A number of these individuals had agreed to on-camera interviews but, fearing for their safety, would not conduct these interviews in Iraq.

“Interestingly” Kennedy notes, “they feared that the American military would find out that they were talking.”

“I arranged for them to go to Jordan,” Kennedy continues, “and was about to get on a plane to meet them there, but just before the plane left I got a phone call from the law firm’s person on the ground. The Iraqis had been stopped at the Iraqi border and we had to cancel the trip.”

Kennedy’s next step was to arrange to get cameras inside Iraq, so that the former prisoners could film themselves as Kennedy interviewed them by phone, but the subjects balked at the suggestion.

“They were afraid, saying no one was safe in Iraq. They all had neighbors. People talk.”

Finally, Kennedy worked with the Philadelphia law firm to get the group into Turkey. The group made it through security on the Iraqi side but one man, who did not have the right paperwork, was stopped at the airport in Istanbul.

“Two of his relatives, who were traveling with him and had also been at Abu Ghraib, refused to leave him alone at the airport.”

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Once again, Kennedy was about to get on a plane.

“Our Iraqi fixer told me nothing could be done from his end. I decided to get on the plane, but before I did I remembered meeting a family friend at my mother’s house that previous weekend, an Italian gentleman who had worked in Turkey. I called him begging for help, and it turned out he had a friend who had a friend who had a friend who had contacts at Istanbul airport.” The father was allowed to enter the country.

“There were six men in the group, and five ended up in the film,” Kennedy continues. “All wanted us to use aliases when we identified them and all but one wanted their faces obscured. When I asked what they were scared of, that was when they said they feared the retaliation of American soldiers who might see the movie.”

Kennedy is telling this story as she is supervising the final mix of GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB. It is at the end of a long day in December and as she talks about the Iraqi detainees represented in the film it becomes clear that she has empathy for them. And while Kennedy clearly thinks it is way too simplistic to call those MPs and MIs the villains of the story, she is clear about who the heroes are.

“To me, the detainees are the heroes of this story,” she offers. “First and foremost, they are heroes for what they went through. The fact that they were willing to talk to me, an America, is astonishing, but also that they were so forgiving. It was extraordinary to see that and to be a part of that. On some level, the Iraqis were risking their lives to tell their story.

“As we were putting GHOSTS OF ABU GHRIAB together, we had to find a way to tell the full the stories of the Iraqi prisoners without exploiting the images of their abuse.

“The Geneva Conventions generally prohibit the military from photographing prisoners of war.

“I thought it was important to show photos without manipulating them,” Kennedy continues. “I want this film to present the facts, and I feel like we as Americans have been constantly manipulated with information and disinformation, especially through imagery. I wanted to try to present, in their purest form, original interviews, original documents, and original photos, then let the audience decide what to make of it all. I don’t want to tell anyone how to read anything.

“That said, we were very careful, as we were making the film, to respect the privacy of those who had been abused. When it was necessary, we digitally disguised the faces of some detainees.”

As Kennedy notes in a title card at the end of the film, the Iraqi prisoners interviewed in the film were held at Abu Ghraib for up to five months. All were released without charge.

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TORTURE AND HUMILIATION AT ABU GHRAIB

In Kennedy’s interview with Alfred McCoy, the author reports that at the close of General Miller’s visit to Iraq, Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez, overall commander of US forces for Iraq, “issued a memorandum for extreme [interrogation] techniques, techniques that can be seen to be in violation of both U.S. and International law.”

A central question asked by GHOSTS OF ABU GRAIHB is whether the MPs were asked to abuse the prisoners and if that abuse was authorized up the chain of command. If you believe all the MPs and MIs and witnesses heard from in the film, the answer is a resounding “yes.”

We see the memo – dated 14 Sept. 2003 – and that it includes such practices as dietary manipulation, isolation, presence of military working dog, sleep management, and stress positions. Adding to the confusion, just one month later, Gen Sanchez issued a new memo officially rescinding some of the techniques he’d just approved.

The Justice Department’s John Yoo offers, “I believe they thought they were interpreting the Geneva Conventions and applying them. I don’t think they thought, well, the Geneva Conventions don’t apply. And so what I think they thought they were doing was following those standards and trying to create interrogation methods based on them.”

But Kennedy’s interviews with detainees paint a different picture, particularly when it comes to stories of personal humiliation and assaults on dignity, which are specifically prohibited by the Geneva Conventions.

“Abu Abbas” tells Kennedy, “Most of the time, the first 4 or 5 days the inmate would be totally naked. With the interrogations, the feeling was when they torture you, that meant they would interrogate you the following day. As if they were getting you ready for interrogation.

“In truth, we believed that the interrogator was ordering the torture.”

“Muhammed Faraj” tells Kennedy, “I was in the hard site for 25 days. Naked, with just underwear. I was in the cell with no bed, no blanket, no sheets. Nothing.”

With all of this going on around them, one might wonder why the MPs that were in charge of guarding the detainees did not take issue with the treatment of their charges.

“I didn’t feel like it was my place to question anything,” says MP Megan Ambuhl. “I just got out of Basic, and it was like, if you question your orders, you and your battle buddy are going to die.”

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Samuel Provance, on the Military Intelligence side, remembers that “It just blew my mind how it was ‘normal.’ It was no big deal. It was just like a day at work to say, ‘OK, we’re going to do this to this guy, this to that guy, and I’m sitting there, saying to myself, ‘My God, what is happening to this place?’

A key answer to Provance’s question lies in the shift of the duties of the Military Police at Abu Ghraib in the wake of General Miller’s visit to Iraq.

Per McCoy: “We know that after General Miller’s visit to Abu Ghraib prison and to Iraq in August/September of 2003, that the MPs were removed from the control of General Karpinski, who was the commander of military police for Iraq, and placed under the control of Military Intelligence. The MPs were then no longer a part of -- if you will -- the incarceration staff, they were moved to be a part of the interrogation staff. So the MPs now have the job essentially of softening up, of creating the conditions for effective interrogation -- by the military interrogators. The MPs have got the task of actually doing the psychological torture.”

McCoy’s assessment is confirmed by MP Ken Davis: “What happened when we got to Abu Ghraib is that Military Intelligence was placed in charge of us. MI and OGA [an acronym for ‘Other Government Agency’] who was CIA and then all these other corporations, these civilian contractors who didn’t answer to anyone…would come in and tell our MPs, ‘this guy needs to have a bad night.’ ‘What kind of bad night?’ ‘Use your imagination. You can do this, this, this, this, stress positions, loud music, do whatever you want to do to them, just make sure they don’t sleep. We need that information.’”

MP Megan Ambuhl remembers that “The MI people, the specific handlers, would have me give whichever detainee lots of showers during the day. They’d say, this guy’s really dirty, why don’t you give him lots of showers. They were there at certain points, while I was standing there, we would point and laugh. He was aware that I was standing there, while he was fully nude.”

Things also changed at Abu Ghraib with the arrival of Sergeant Charles Graner who, Karpinski tells Kennedy, “was sent specifically to work the night shift” at Abu Ghraib “as he was told, because of his civilian prison experience, and they needed someone with that kind of experience.”

MP Ken Davis tells Kennedy perhaps the most significant anecdote about Graner who, after all, is currently serving the harshest sentence in connection with the Abu Ghraib abuse scandal. “Early on in October,” Davis says, “Graner was hoarse. He had a real raspy voice. And I said, ‘What’s the matter Graner, you sick?’ And he goes, “No, I’m having to yell at detainees.’ And he said, ‘I have a question.’ He said, ‘MI, OGA, are making me do things I feel are morally and ethically wrong. What should I do?’ And I looked at him and said, ‘Don’t do it.’ And he goes, ‘I don’t have a choice.’”

But Davis also seems to understand what might have been going on in Graner’s head as he spent more time at Abu Ghraib: “Get a little bit of power, you know what, ‘this feels

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pretty good, actually,’” Davis explains to Kennedy. “You get a little bit more power, and, ‘wait a minute I need more, I’m addicted to this power’ and it just starts building and building and I believe that’s what Graner had. He got free reins from people and got all this power, and you’re not going to turn the reins back over. It becomes who you are. It becomes what you’re known for.”

The Iraqis that Kennedy interviewed who were held prisoner at Abu Ghraib at the time have their own memories of Graner.

“All matters were in the hands of the interrogators,” “Abu Abbas” tells Kennedy. “Nothing happens without an order from the interrogator. In fact, when Graner ordered that I hang from a chain, there were interrogators present. The torture was in front of them!”

Although Kennedy’s film helps to contextualize the abuses committed by the MPs, she doesn’t shy away from graphically detailing that abuse. “No one should think this film is trying to excuse this behavior, or say that the MPs weren’t responsible for it,” she says.

Along the same lines, “I don’t think it’s necessarily true that someone said, ‘Put those people in a pyramid, a naked pyramid,’” offers Danner. “But they are part of a larger universe of other of other acts because there was significant sadism, and there was significant indiscipline, there was significant abuse. The problem is all of it took place because of an overwhelming or an over-arching doctrinal permissive environment that allowed you to also beat people up, and also keep them awake, and also subject them to stress positions that have been approved, in effect, by the Secretary of Defense and by the Theater Commander Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez.” “Mudhaffar Subhi” remembers that “After one or two in the morning, Graner and his buddies would bring four or five guards and start torturing prisoners, as if they were having a party.

“He used to perfect the art of hanging. He would hang people by their hands, in positions that aren’t bearable for even five minutes. The inmates would start crying. He would hang five or six in different positions. After a half hour or an hour, all of them were screaming together. Then he would walk by and say: “Now that’s the music I like to hear.”

In the fall of 2003, the already horrific conditions at the prison were rocked by two harrowing incidents: a riot broke out, and three Iraqi prisoners were accused of raping another.

Around the same time, many of the abuses were captured on digital cameras by MPs on the night shift.

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At least one MP acknowledges that this was when they went from “softening up” prisoners before interrogation with psychological manipulation or mere humiliation to physical abuse.

“When we had that riot, that just set everybody off, including myself,” recalls MP Javal Davis. “It was like, ‘that’s it, that’s the last straw.’ They gathered up the rioters, so we got them down to 1A, 1B. One guy threw his person on the floor, another soldier threw his person on the floor, then I threw my person on the floor. I was angry and upset. I was like, ‘why would you want to attack us? I know you were upset, we’re upset too.’ So I took my aggression out because, hey, well, it’s been OK this whole time.

“To my knowledge,” Davis adds, “those guys were going to be interrogated to get information about how the riot started, about what was going on, what would be next. So that lead me to be, OK, you all are going to be interrogated, so I can help now.

“So I stepped on the toe of one of the detainees, and then I stepped on the hand of one of the detainees, and I yelled at them, and I leaned on them with my body weight, and I fell on the pile, and when I fell on the pile, I was yelling at them.”

Davis is referring to the “human pyramid” of naked, hooded detainees, photos of which we have all seen.

MP Sabrina Harman adds, “I wrote the word ‘rapeist’ [sic] on one of them because the sheet said he was a rapist, which was common practice to write on prisoners, just writing it on them. I don’t even know why but I just wrote it on him.”

MP Megan Ambuhl tells Kennedy, “I saw the one detainee... standing in the simulated fellatio [position]. At that point [Staff Sergeant Ivan] Frederick took the sandbag off the head of the one and pointed at us to show that there were females watching.”

MP Harman: “They were stripped one by one and then stuck into a pyramid. If I saw something, I took a photo of it. The first thing I think of is, take a photo. That probably sounds really sick, but, I’m always taking photos. That’s just me. I’ve always taken photos. I was taking a photo from behind and Sergeant Frederick said, hey, get in the photo, or let’s take a photo or something to that effect, and Graner’s behind me and I just gave a thumbs up and a smile and I realized it was a pretty stupid thing to do right away but it happened.”

MI Israel Rivera tells Kennedy about what he observed at the beginning of the rape incident that also rocked Tier 1A.

“There was a soldier, with a sort of speaker box, and he was shouting things into this room,” Rivera remembers. “Hey what are you guys doing in there, what, are you guys fucking in there, are you faggots? Out come these three naked, petrified Iraqi men.”

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MP Ken Davis was there, too. “I go ahead and go in and Graner says, they’re interrogating these guys or whatever and so, they’re handcuffing them together and the entire time they’re yelling, ‘confess, you know you did it, confess.’ So I’m thinking, ‘OK, what’s going on here?’”

“They were asked to get down on their stomachs and, remember, they are completely naked,” Rivera tells Kennedy. “They were asked to get down on their stomachs and crawl on the floor. Specialist Graner was shouting, ‘that’s not good enough, go down far enough to where your genitals are scraping on the floor.’ And they were made to crawl on their stomachs from that door to the end of the hall and back.”

“I have seen it with my own eyes,” an unidentified prisoner tells Kennedy. “There’s the photo with the three of them in it. They were handcuffed one to the other. He stripped them naked, handcuffed them and started dragging them in the hallway. That evening, the torture went on. And we couldn’t sleep. He was taking them, and dragging them down the hallway.”

MI Rivera tells Kennedy, “They arranged the detainees into a position to where they were mimicking having sex. They were shouting, they were crying, there were just a lot of ‘please,’ a lot of ‘Allahs.’ ‘Please mister, please, please.’”

MP Davis reports that Graner got a commendation from his superior officers about two or three weeks after the incident. The commendation read, in part: “You are doing a fine job in Tier 1 as the NCOIC [officer in charge] of the MI hold area. You have received many accolades from the MI units here and specifically from LT Col Jordan. Continue to perform at this level and it will help us succeed at our overall mission.”

“This commendation happened after most of the things pictured in the photographs that have become so notorious had already happened,” observes Danner. “And it simply beggars belief that military intelligence, working very closely with these people every day, simply was completely ignorant about what was going on on this tier which, after all, held all of their valuable prisoners.”

“As far as I can tell,” Kennedy says, “the MPs and MIs at Abu Ghraib were not specifically authorized to force prisoners to masturbate or to put prisoners in naked stacks. But nudity and sexual humiliation were clearly authorized. Add a riot, rape charges and at least one homicide, and you are talking about a very out of control situation.”

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MURDER AT ABU GHRAIB

The U.S. Military has not released the total number of deaths that occurred at Abu Ghraib. But, as New York City attorney Scott Horton points out, “We have one clear case of someone who appears to have been tortured to death at Abu Ghraib, who was kept in ice. Off the records. A ghost detainee. An investigation conducted about this ties this death to Navy Seals, and also CIA personnel.”

One of the Iraqi detainees Kennedy interviews tells her: “The most painful thing for the inmates, there, were the cries of the people being tortured. One day, they brought sheets or curtains to cover the cells in order for no one to see anything. They began torturing one of them and we could hear what was happening. We listened as his soul cracked. The sound of his voice really twisted our minds and made our hearts stop. We later learned that this man was Manadel al-Jamadi.”

MP Harman remembers encountering al-Jamadi’s body. Graner took the now notorious photo of Harman giving a “thumbs up” next to the body bag.

“We were told that a prisoner had just died,” Harman recalls in her interview with Kennedy, “and that he had died of a heart attack and was in the showers, and that was it. They weren’t going to come pick him up right away because they didn’t have the means to and that he was in a body bag, so of course Frederick and me were like, ‘OK, it’s just a dead body, right? He died of a heart attack.’

“So we went in and I believe corporal Graner took a photo of me. It was just a dead guy, it was supposed to be just a dead guy, and we didn’t realize until after these photos that he was bleeding in places that you wouldn’t bleed from getting a heart attack.” MP Ken Davis remembers the dead guy as well.

“CIA put him on ice and they were going to try to get him out of there on a stretcher, with IV’s, to cover up a murder.

“But has anybody been brought to trial for that?” Davis asks Kennedy. “No, but Graner and Sabrina were charged with those pictures. That to me is ridiculous. We won’t charge the murderer even though it’s a homicide, but we’ll charge you with taking the pictures and exposing that a murder happened here. I don’t understand. There is a hole in this whole investigation. It’s a black, dark hole that says ‘cover up.’”

The murder of al-Jamadi was the only death at Abu Ghraib ruled a homicide.

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THE AFTERMATH

In spring 2004, The New Yorker’s Seymour Hersh and “60 Minutes II” broke the story of the documented abuse, torture and humiliation at Abu Ghraib, running and airing redacted images of the photos that MP Joseph Darby turned over to a superior officer in the Criminal Investigation Division at Abu Ghraib.

“When I first saw the photos,” Kennedy remembers thinking “’How could this happen? How can we have gone from being the moral voice of the world to this?’ I remember having a real sadness, a real sense of loss and thinking back about 9/11, how the world was so behind us. We really squandered an opportunity to pull people together.”

Most of the experts Kennedy interviews for GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB come to the conclusion that the Pentagon and Bush administration are largely responsible for the damage done to the image of the United States.

“Even suggesting that this was ‘animal house on the night shift,’” Scott Horton tells Kennedy in an interview, “was conscious disinformation. Is there any chance that these people were so self-actuated that they just came up with this as their own idea? No, there’s no chance of that whatsoever. There’s zero chance. What they’re doing are very precisely described techniques that were developed for use on Arab men in the global war on terror, were implemented at Guantánamo and were then brought to and used in Abu Ghraib.”

Adds Danner, “If you actually think about the ‘animal house on the night shift’ theory, you have a couple of problems. The big problem is this actually is a practice [Danner here refers to the iconic picture of the hooded prisoner standing on the box] that is well-known to interrogators. It’s called the Viet Nam. It was developed in Brazil. It combines stress positions, which is to say standing on, balancing on, a box, with electrocution, or in this case the threat of electrocution and sensory deprivation (the hood). So, this practice is quite well known. How exactly are some uneducated prison guards from West Virginia and Maryland -- how exactly do they know to use this technique, which was developed by the Brazilian military?

“Abu Ghraib is a great example of bureaucratic virtuosity in handling a scandal,” Danner continues. “None of these reports looked at the whole chain of command. There is this long chain that leads from what was done to prisoners in the cells up through military police to military intelligence…back to the Pentagon, back to the White House. You have this long chain. And until that whole chain is looked at in an authoritative way by someone who is empowered to ask questions of anyone, we won’t at the end of the day know actually what happened at Abu Ghraib.”

The fallout from the Abu Ghraib scandal is hard to measure. Have these photographs from Abu Ghraib indeed come to define the United States?

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Alberto Mora, who this year left his post as the General Counsel to the US Navy, a job he’d held for five years, says yes.

“The United States used to be the model but it is no longer,” he tells Kennedy in her interview with him. “If we adopt cruel treatment as some might want us to adopt it, we embrace torture as something that is expedient and necessary in the instant; we sacrifice our long term interests; we sacrifice our belief in human rights; we sacrifice our belief in the rule of law; and what law should govern and what law should prohibit; and we blur the distinction between ourselves and the terrorists.”

The photographs themselves will surely haunt the United States for generations. They are already iconic symbols of torture and dehumanization, shorthand for our government and how it relates to the rest of the world.

When asked if she chose GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB for the title of her film because of the lasting power of those images, Kennedy demurs.

“There were other titles, but [HBO’s] Sheila Nevins came up with ‘ghosts,’ and I really liked it. Not just because of the lasting impact of the images, but also because of terms I kept coming across in my research and interviews, terms like ‘ghost detainees.’ Graner worked on the graveyard shift. And yes, we will be haunted by this scandal for years.”

Kennedy also credits Nevins with the idea to open the film with the archival footage from the Yale ‘Obedience Study.’

“When I narrowed the focus of the film to Abu Ghraib, I knew I wanted to include Milgram’s influential study of obedience, but I wasn’t sure how. It was 100% Sheila’s very good idea to open the film with that footage,” Kennedy says.

“I read about a poll that asked people if they could ever take part in torture,” Kennedy points out, “and a vast majority of the respondents said ‘no.’ Yet in the ‘Obedience Study,’ 100% of the participants, normal Americans, followed orders to administer what they believed were real, painful shocks, simply because they were told to do so by a man in authority. I think the Yale study proves that there is an enormous discrepancy between what people think they would do and how they actually behave.”

Before Kennedy’s film ends, she shares a run-down of how eleven low-ranking soldiers were court-martialed and sentenced for their roles in the abuse depicted in those now iconic photos, a number of whom Kennedy was able to talk with for GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB.

MP Javal Davis was sentenced to 6 months in a military prison, as was MP Sabrina Harmon. MI Roman Krol served 10 months.

Specialist Charles Graner is currently serving a 10 year sentence, while Lynndie England will soon complete a sentence of 3 years.

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MP Megan Ambuhl was disciplined with a reduction in rank, while MP Ken Davis and MI Israel Rivera, who were witnesses to the abuse, were not charged.

Brigadier General Janis Karpinski was demoted to colonel and subsequently retired. She was the only high-ranking official to face significant penalties.

On the other hand, General Geoffrey Miller was promoted to deputy commanding general for detainee operations in Iraq, including Abu Ghraib. In 2006, he received the Distinguished Service Medal at the Pentagon Hall of Heroes.

Then Kennedy returns to the archival footage with which GHOSTS OF ABU GHRAIB began: Dr. Stanley Milgram’s Yale Obedience Study. Milgram narrates:

“The results, as I observed them in the laboratory, are disturbing. They raise the possibility that human nature cannot be counted on to insulate men from brutality and inhumane treatment at the direction of malevolent authority.

“A substantial proportion of people do what they are told to do, irrespective of the content of the act and without limitation of conscience, so long as they perceive that the command comes from a legitimate authority. If in this study an anonymous experimenter could successfully command adults to subdue a fifty year old man and force on him painful electric shocks against his protests, one can only wonder what government, with its vastly greater authority and prestige, can command of its subjects.”

Kennedy then chooses to end her film on a political note, reporting with a title card that “In October of 2006, President Bush signed the Military Commissions Act, further eroding the rights of prisoners guaranteed by the Geneva Conventions.”

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ABOUT THE FILMMAKERS

Rory Kennedy (producer-director) is co-founder and co-president of Moxie Firecracker Films. She is one of the nation’s most prolific independent documentary filmmakers, focusing on issues ranging from poverty to domestic abuse, human rights, and AIDS. Her work has been featured on many broadcast and cable outlets such as HBO, A&E, MTV, Lifetime, and PBS. She has directed and produced over 20 films including Pandemic: Facing AIDS, a five-part series that follows the lives of people living with AIDS throughout the world (nominated for two primetime Emmy Awards); AMERICAN HOLLOW, which documents an Appalachian family caught between tradition and the modern world (nominated for a Non-Fiction Primetime Emmy Award and Independent Spirit Award); and A BOY’S LIFE, about the troubling forces shaping the life of a young child from impoverished Mississippi. She executive produced STREET FIGHT, which was nominated for an Academy Award for best documentary feature in 2006.

Jack Youngelson (writer-producer) In spring, 2007, Youngelson’s film TIERNEY GEARON: THE MOTHER PROJECT, about the controversial art photographer, will premiere on Sundance Channel after being seen at film festivals throughout the world.  In addition, he has collaborated with Rory Kennedy and Liz Garbus’ Moxie Firecracker Films on four documentary projects including The Homestead Strike for the History Channel’s ‘Ten Days that Unexpectedly Changed America’ series; Indian Point: Imagining the Unimaginable for HBO ‘America Undercover’ and The Nazi Officer’s Wife for A&E.  Jack also wrote and produced Connecticut: Seasons of Light, a historical documentary about the artists and art colonies in turn-of-the-century Connecticut.   The film, narrated by Brian Dennehy, won the 2003 Regional Emmy Award, Boston / New England Chapter for Outstanding Cultural Affairs Program.  

Liz Garbus (producer) Academy Award Nominated Director/Producer Liz Garbus co-founded Moxie Firecracker, Inc., an independent documentary production company, with filmmaker Rory Kennedy in 1998. Her directorial credits include THE FARM: ANGOLA, USA, which was nominated for an Academy Award, won two Emmys and the Sundance Grand Jury Prize; THE EXECUTION OF WANDA JEAN (HBO); THE NAZI OFFICER’S WIFE (A&E); GIRLHOOD (Wellspring/TLC), and XIARA’S SONG (HBO).  Most recently she produced “YO SOY BORICUA!, PA QUE TU LO SEPAS” for IFC, a film about Puerto Rican Culture -directed by Rosie Perez.   This year, Ms. Garbus, along with Rory Kennedy, Executive Produced the Academy Award nominated Film, STREET FIGHT. She is currently in production on a documentary for HBO.

Tom Hurwitz (cinematographer) is one of our country’s most honored documentary cinematographers.  Winner of two Emmy Awards, and a Sundance Award for Best Cinematography, Hurwitz has photographed films that have won four Academy Awards and several more nominations.  His television programs have won literally dozens of awards, Emmy, Dupont, Peabody, Directors Guild and film festival awards for Best Documentary, over the last 25 years. His credits include: HARLAN COUNTY USA, WILD MAN BLUES, MY GENERATION, DOWN AND OUT IN AMERICA, THE TURANDOT PROJECT, LIBERTY, FRANKLIN and FAITH AND DOUBT AT GROUND ZERO for PBS; for ABC, I HAVE A DREAM. He is presently producing and directing a film, in development with Lumiere Productions, on world wide religious fundamentalism.

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Sari Gilman (editor) has been a documentary film editor for more than a decade.  She was the editor of the Emmy-nominated BLUE VINYL (Judith Helfand and Dan Gold), which premiered at the Sundance Film Festival and was broadcast on HBO's critically-acclaimed “America Undercover” series in 2002.  Her work has appeared on HBO, AMC, A&E and PBS, and includes a recently-broadcast history of Las Vegas and a forthcoming history of New Orleans -- both for PBS’ “American Experience.”  Ms. Gilman contributed to such award-winning films as REGRET TO INFORM (Barbara Sonneborn, Janet Cole), which won Best Director at Sundance in 1999 and aired nationally on PBS, and PARAGRAPH 175 (Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman), which won Best Director at Sundance in 2000 and aired on HBO.  She also produced and directed two radio documentaries, which aired on NPR’s “All Things Considered.”  She is currently directing a film about a retirement community in Florida that has a population of 15,000 people.

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FILMMAKERS, Continued…

Special ThanksACLU

ROCKY ANDERSONHASSAN BEYAHHELEN BLATT

NATASHA BOISSIERSUSAN BURKE

BILL CHASEDAN COGANKEN DAVIS

RACHEL DRETZINGERALYN WHITE DREYFOUS

SARAH EDELSTEINVIVIANE EISENBERG

KATE FRUSCHERROBERT GARRISONMELINDA GOMEZ

BARAK GOODMANMICHAEL HALATYN

JUSTINE HARRISKIM HAWKINS

HUMAN RIGHTS FIRSTSTEVEN JOHNSON

ANDREW S. KARSCHANNIE KEATING

DR. ALLEN KELLERMRS. ROBERT F. KENNEDY

BOB KERREYEDWARD KLARISMONA MAHMOUD

ALPER MATILKER MAT

JANE MAYERRICCARDO MONTITHE NEW SCHOOLROBIN POGREBINKIMBO PRICHARDJONATHAN PYLE

PETER RIENECKERRICHARD ROBBINSALEXA ROBINSON

ALEXANDRA STYRONSHARON WERNER

DR. PHILIP ZIMBARDO

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Archival FootageABC NEWS VIDEOSOURCE

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BBC MOTION GALLERYCNN IMAGESOURCEF.I.L.M. ARCHIVES

GLOBAL IMAGE WORKSHISTORIC FILMS

ITN SOURCEJOURNEYMAN PICTURES

MBC/AL ARABIYA UAE TVNBC NEWS ARCHIVESSTREAMLINE FILMS

SWISS CINEMATHEQUE

OBEDIENCE © 1965 BY STANLEY MILGRAMDistributed by THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE MEDIA SALES

Courtesy of ALEXANDRA MILGRAM

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CORBISGETTY IMAGES

JD LEIPOLD, Courtesy of U.S. ARMY

DEVELOPMENT AND OUTREACHTransParency World Wide

Produced in Association with The Fledgling Fund

For The Fledgling FundExecutive Producer, DIANA BARRETT

For Home Box Office

Senior ProducerNANCY ABRAHAM

For Home Box Office

Executive ProducerSHEILA NEVINS

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Copyright © 2006 Home Box Office, Inc. All rights reserved. First publication of this motion picture (sound recording and film): United States of America 2006.Home Box Office, Inc. is the owner of the copyright in this motion picture.

This motion picture is protected by the copyright laws of the United States of America and other countries. Any unauthorized duplication, copying or use of all or part of this

motion picture may result in civil liability and/or criminal prosecution in accordance with applicable laws.

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