Terr i tory and Form Combined

The gate simultaneously engages f o r m and ter­

r i tory I t encloses and connects physically de­

fined spaces. The way i n which settlement

draws boundaries w i l l determine whether or

not it has territorial meaning.

Even when the gate does not constitute an

actual entrance into territory, its f o r m conveys

protection, separation, seclusion, or the begin­

n ing o f another space. I n the suburban house,

for instance, the entry door is not the terri torial

gate. Nonetheless, as the entry into a home, it

is sturdier, more solid than the interior doors.

Even when other perimeter doors present vul­

nerable glazing to terrace, garden, or yard, the

f ron t door is treated as a symbol o f strength and

security, belying its lack o f terri torial func t ion .

Exploring the roles a gate can play be¬

Seven Gates tween f o r m and territory reveals the mul t ip le

interactions between f o r m of enclosure and

control o f space. A matrix w i l l server to orga­

nize our inquiry, to map the range o f meanings

related to the gate f o r m .

Gated space, when covered by a roof, is

denoted as "inside"; otherwise, i t is "outside."

This terminology conveys strictly physical—

nonterritorial-—meaning. Combinations o f "in­

side" and "outside" establish the three columns

o f the matrix. Examples, i n sequence, are the

exterior house door (in/out) , the door between

two rooms ( in/ in) , and the garden gate (out/

out).

Ambiguous situations w i l l predictably be

encountered; some interpretations that rely on

conventional wisdom may prove debatable at

10.1 Suzhou, China—Moon gate, Zt)UO Zheng (Humble

Administrator's) Garden (page 180).

G a t e s

•p f

the l imi ts o f the defini t ion. Thus, the interpre­

tation o f what constitutes "covered" space may

vary. What, for instance, is one to make o f the

giass-covered street, the passage o f nineteenth-

century Paris, w i t h its celebrated equivalents i n

Mi lan and Brussels? Is the exterior door open­

ing onto a partially enclosed covered porch an

inside/outside gate?

The horizontal rows correspond to three

ways a gate may be territorially defined. I t is ei­

ther a gate wi th terri torial meaning, or i t is not.

I f territorial, i t may establish a vertical connec­

t ion (i.e., between public and private space) or

a horizontal connection (i.e., between neigh­

bors), Accordingly, nine kinds of gates can be

distinguished.'

i n any thematic way nor specifically articulated

i n any architecture.

The open-air horizontal territorial gate

(i) , however, does serve a clear purpose. The

border between nations, guarded by customs

agents i f not by the military, is also doubled,

opening only when both sides agree. On a lower

level, this k ind o f gate is atypical and anecdotal,

and i t is not developed themafically Between

fr iendly neighbors, a garden gate or an opening

i n a hedge may offer unrestricted passage, par­

ticularly for children and pets. Adults may casu­

ally visit as well .

Thus, o f the nine possible gates, two do

not generally occur, because they destabilize

environmental balance. Our world therefore

knows seven gates, which seems just right.

Seven Gates

The top o f the matrix highlights the reluctance

of buil t environment to allow horizontal rela­

tions: two cases have not been numbered be­

cause they are extremely unlikely to occur:

Internal doors between neighbors ( in / in

horizontal) rarely exist. The closest environ­

mental approximation occurs i n communicat­

ing doors between hotel rooms, permi t t ing

them to be joined into a single suite. The hori­

zontal nature o f their relationship is confirmed

by the presence typically o f two opposing doors

set w i t h i n the single frame: to open passage i n

a horizontal terri torial situation, both parties

must agree. Yet the example is weak: once the

doors open to create a uni f ied suite, terri torial

and vertical distinctions vanish. Otherwise, the

doors remain closed.

Gates or doors giving directly onto a

neighbor's garden or courtyard f r o m w i t h i n

one's own house (in/out horizontal) may exist

here and there. But this f o r m is neither present

10.2 Matrix of gates.

in/ in/ out/ out in out

horizontal territorial 1

vertical territorial 2 3 4

not territorial 5 6 7

Inside/Outside, Type 2

Gate 2, leading f r o m the outside i n , crossing a

vertical territorial boundary, appears to be the

most straightforward example o f what gates are

about. Yet unambiguous residential examples,

i n which one passes into the bui ld ing r ight at

the boundary, are not easily found. As dis­

cussed i n chapter 9.1, the terri torial boundary

seldom coincides exactly wi th the physical gate.

I n decidedly urban environmental fabrics such

as the Amsterdam canal house, the Georgian

terraced house, or the Bolognese arcade house,

terri torial boundaries simply do not coincide

wi th the door or gate into the bui lding.

Shops and zero setback townhouses, as i n

the eighteenth-century Paris o f Turgot (see

figure 8.1) do create a street wall w i t h doors

leading directly into houses, shops, and work-

Terr i tor ial Gates places, w i t h i n that urban environment, which

consistently exhibits such gates, there are also

many courtyard bui ld ing types, which do not:

i n the latter, the gate is usually o f the outside/

outside type.

Architecture generally recognizes both

the territorial boundary and the actual gate, and

creates distance, some transition zone, between

them. This zone combines architectural articu­

lation and territorial meaning. The complete

coincidence of territorial boundary and gate

eliminates the possibility o f meaningful archi­

tectural elaboration.

Examples o f such coincidence are found

in the otherwise exuberant residential architec­

ture of the Amsterdam School. I n many cases,

house doors are placed flat into the plane o f t h e

street wall , without mediation between public

and private space. This poverty o f expression is

init ial ly surprising, because the overall archi­

tecture is so highly articulated—consistently

elaborated and expressively detailed at win­

dows, corners, roofs, chimneys, and so on. But

on reflection, we realize that the complete coin­

cidence o f boundaries at the door is a territorial

rip-off: the architectural elaboration does not

represent inhabitation. Rather, we see archi­

tects engaged i n lively but purely formal , dem­

onstrations o f design prowess.^

Inside/Inside, Type 3

To label the inside/inside passage a "gate," wi th

all o f t h e territorial meaning that implies, does

not fol low common daily usage. Yet even the

boarder's modest door constitutes a true territo­

r ia l passage. The landlady must knock before

opening i t . She is not to cross its threshold un­

invited. I t is equally reasonable to also attach

territorial meaning to a household member's

bedroom door Adolescents as well as parents

have persona! territories that others may not ca­

sually penetrate.

Unambiguous inside/inside vertical

gates abound i n the workplace. Offices along a

corridor all have vertical gates. These doors

have nameplates and w i l l be closed or opened

to the pubhc as the inhabitant decides. Simi­

larly we see inside/inside gates i n the shopping

mall , where each shop abuts covered pubhc

space.

Finally, st i l l discussing examples o f type

3, we have the apartment door. Typically, there

is no ambiguity: territory begins at the apart­

ment's gate. Corridor, stairs, and elevator land­

ing constitute public space i n the bui ld ing .

Both public and private space are inside. Oc-

10.3 Amsterdam South—Amsterdam School entrance

doors to apartments. The building's edge coincides

exactly with its territorial boundary.

casionally, recesses in the corridor wall may

constitute private space, separating territorial

boundary f r o m actual gate.^

Outside/Outside, Type 4

Doors set flat i n a street wall are also found in

outdoor covered spaces o f courtyard houses,

whether i n Tunisian urban fabric, classical ex­

amples f r o m Pompeii and Delos, Chinese com­

pounds, or French hotels particuUers.

Determining whether the transition f r o m cov­

ered passage to street constitutes an outside/

outside gate w i l l depend on the way the pas­

sage is configured as much as on individual

judgment.

In Spanish colonial courtyard houses o f

Latin America, the zagudn or connecting pas^

18 6 sage provides unobstructed views between

courtyard and street. The passage is perhaps a

room deep. A dark space connecting two lighter

spaces, i t constitutes an extended gate. Indeed,

the Spanish word zagudn denotes the entire

configuration. The entrance itself is often a

double wooden door, each leaf o f which has a

hinged wooden plank behind a single pane o f

etched glass. To facilitate surveillance f r o m

w i t h i n , the kitchen door is often placed on axis

w i t h the zagudn, at the rear o f the courtyard.

The zagudn conflguration allows visitors to

gaze w i t h i n as m u c h as i t allows inhabitants to

moni tor the street: an unblocked view through

the pane signals that inhabitants are at home.

The Middle Eastern courtyard house, by

contrast, can best be classified under type 2.

Here, the passage f r o m street to court is never

straight, for reasons o f privacy. Visitors tu rn

two times before arriving i n the courtyard. This

transitional device reinforces the experience o f

leaving the street and entering a building, al­

though the actual distance between court and

street may be no more than we find i n the Latin

American zagudn.

In fact, the passage may not lead male vis­

itors to the courtyard at all. Before reaching it ,

there may be a door, or a flight o f stairs, leading

to the room where the master o f the house en­

tertains guests and conducts business. Fre­

quently, only relatives are allowed in to the

courtyard.

The classical Beij ing courtyard house

clearly fits i n type 4. Its gate leads directly into

the first courtyard, where a gate bui ld ing stands

i n the axis o f t h e main court. The two gates—

one at the street and one between forecourt and

ma in court—are not aligned on axis. The re­

sulting offset prevents evil spirits f r o m enter­

ing. The Chinese entrance gate is a beautiful

example o f an architectural gate i n an otherwise

unadorned wall. I t is usually decorated and i n

more elaborate cases has a curved roof o f its

own. I n rura l areas, the house gate also enters

directiy into a yard.

Town gates throughout history may also

be classified under this type. Medieval gates o f

smaller towns i n France and Italy often stand

i n the axis of a major street. But there are also

more elaborate examples; one may flrst be led

in to a forecourt, f r o m which the town is entered

through a second gate. Invaders who penetrate

the first gate, trapped before they can proceed,

can be assaulted by defenders atop the massive

walls. This common ancient defensive prin­

ciple shaped the Lion Gate o f Mycenae and is

also found in the remains o f the gates o f

Pompeii.

However, as already noted, municipal ter­

r i tory generally extends beyond the town's pe­

rimeter walls, just as the estate extends

territorially by virtue o f its open lands. The

town gate's defenses are real, but become terri­

torial only at night, when the actual boundary

withdraws to coincide w i t h the town wall.

10.4 LeftBank, Paris—View from the street into a

courtyard.

10.5 Village near Teheran, tran—Entry gate to courtyard

house. Within the entrance building a Z-shaped path

ensures visual privacy for the courtyard.

10.6 Village near Taiyuan, Shanxl Province, China—Gate

leading to the yard of a newly constructed home. From

the air, scores of new rural villages In the surrounding

land can be seen. All houses faithfully follow an age-old

vernacular typology.

10.7 San GImlgnano, Italy—Town gate.

Inside/Outside, Type 5

1 0 . 3 Gates w i t h o u t Terr i tor ia l Meaning

Doors opening onto a balcony are clearly in­

side/outside nonterritorial gates. A m i n i m a l in ­

terpretation o f this variant is found i n the

"French window," a narrow double door that

opens inward and leads out to a balcony re­

duced i n depth to no more than a foot.

Patio and garden doors are famil iar rendi­

tions o f the inside/outside nonterri torial gate.

They mediate inside and outside hving space

and invite various methods o f softening con­

trast. Awnings, vines, or trees may shade the

opening. Flagstone, tile, or wooden planking

may separate grass f r o m carpet. Glazed doors,

fo ld ing or shding, may open entire wall

sections.

Lack o f territorial meaning may dissolve

the gate f o r m into a transition zone. In other

cases, such a zone may become quite extensive,

tracing a building's entire footprint , as is beauti­

fu l l y articulated by the overhanging eaves and

the extended pla t form surrounding the tradi­

t ional Japanese house, si t t ing i n its own garden.

Recessed paper sliding doors, combined w i t h

sliding shutters, pe r form the physical gate

func t ion .

This transition zone can become more

and more immaterial . In Malaysia, woven bam­

boo screens allow the tropical breeze to pass

through the house and also filter l ight . Here en­

closure itself articulates transition, i n a differ­

ent way than i n the Japanese house. Among the

more formal pavilions is the pendopo, used by

Javanese royalty for audiences w i t h common­

ers, courtiers, and foreign dignitaries, as wel l as

for performances o f dance and music. I n the

shade of a large tiled roof, held up by slender

wooden posts, screens have dissolved: there is

only a cool t i led floor raised a few feet above

ground, open to all sides. The last vestiges

G a t e s

10.8 Paris—Boulevard elevation witii so-called French

windows. The windows reach the floor and have double

casements opening as doors behind a metal banister

of a gate f o r m have disappeared. But the tran­

sition f r o m one place to another remains

unmistakable.

Inside/Inside, Type 6

The inside/inside variant includes any house­

hold door devoid o f territorial meaning. This

type becomes particularly interesting when i t

ritualizes the uses o f space. I n the Victorian

house, we often flnd pocket doors between the

parlor and dining room, A n opening no more

than six feet wide is sufflcient to make a single

space out of two. The pocket doors are drawn

together or apart to serve daily family l i fe as use

demands. But they also allow more ceremonial

interpretation—as, for instance, when enter­

taining guests, the doors are thrust apart to dis­

play an ar t ful and elaborate dinner service.

The inside/inside gate serves purely sym­

bolic purposes. I t neither responds to terri torial

needs nor provides shelter. I n many Catholic

churches, the choir screen and screens i n f ron t

o f chapels serve this function.-*

Outside/Outside, Type 7

The f ina l type is, as much as the previous one,

an invitation for architectural play and pomp.

The Arc de Triomphe, adapted f r o m the Roman

ceremonial gate, clearly belongs to this type. So

do many o f the arbors, pergolas, and additional

gate forms found i n gardens solely for reasons

o f spatial delight.

The ancient Chinese, who mastered the

subtleties o f t h e gate f o r m , invented the "moon

gate" by making a circular opening i n a garden

wall . This pure and del ight fu l expression o f

the nonterri torial external gate type cannot be

closed, which is appropriate for a gate wi thout

terri torial meaning. I n making the wall con­

tinue by our feet as well as above our head, the

designer lets us know that the opening enters

into another world.

i g o

In and Out of Terr i tory

In teract ion Between Terr i tory and

Supply Forms

I I . I Supply Form and

Terri tory

The relationship between f o r m and territory is

inherent i n forms of enclosure: housing com­

pounds, halls, and rooms are defined by perim­

eter walls. Network forms, such as the street net

that defines urban blocks, st i l l represent enclo­

sure forms. But at a scale larger than physical

enclosure, networks and supply forms may in ­

vite territorial interpretation i n their own right.

I n the city, real estate desirability and value in­

crease w i t h proximity to a metro stop or access

to a freeway. I n the country, we bu i ld close to

highway, canal, or railway station.

Settlement adjusts to l i n k wi th favorable

topography: the flow of a river, solar orienta­

t ion, prevailing winds, and site slope all i n f o r m

territorial decisions. New development simi­

larly sites itself to l ink w i t h existing settlement

infrastructures, i n an t i c ipaüon o f tapping into

access and supply lines. As new settlements de­

velop, hues extend to feed f r o m existing infra­

structure, which is itself extended.

Connections to nearby supply forms are

inevitable. I n formal development, roads, sew­

age lines, water, gas, and communications are

made available right after lots are subdivided

and put up for sale. But at the informal fringes

of the urban world, terri torial decisions occur

well i n advance. Settlers dig wells and waste

pits, and tap nearby power lines illegally while

bui ld ing a power base to eventually demand ex­

tension o f t h e infrastructure. Though the t ime

frame for the meeting o f territory and supply

varies greatly, the process remains the same:

terri torial decisions come first, i n response to

11.1 Chicago—Inbound approach from the highway.

Photo by Landslides. Printed with permission (page 192).

n a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y

many factors, inc luding proximity to existing

infrastructures o f supply and transportation.

Decisions regarding supply f o r m follow.

Once territory has been decided on, the appro­

priate connection to existing supply systems—

adding a branch at the lowest possible level to

an existing t ree—wil l somehow be achieved.

Configuration and reconfigurafion o f depen­

dent branches do not disturb existing supply

f o r m at higher levels.

The infrastmcture o f supply thus informs

the establishment o f territory. Territories con­

nect to existing forms of supply, thereby trig­

gering lower-level supply f o r m extensions. To

directly correlate supply f o r m and terri torial h i ­

erarchies remains impossible: the two exist i n

distinct, overlapping domains, Nor does supply

f o r m directly echo territory. As the cycle prog­

resses, supply f o r m must ultimately increase

capacity, affecting all levels o f its hierarchy.

Crossing Terr i tor ia l Boundaries

Territory is containment: the forms we control

are kept w i t h i n the space we control. But supply

is conveyance; supply forms transport things

f r o m one territory to another. Crossing territo­

rial boundaries i n the process is, by def ini t ion,

inevitable. I n branching dis tr ibut ion f r o m a

single source or line to many, numerous bound­

aries are crossed,

I t seems natural that the supply f o r m

should spring f r o m a source i n a greater terri­

tory, branching to distribute itself to many

lesser territories. Power produced at a regional

plant must eventually service every r o o m i n ev­

ery bui lding. A sewage treatment plant, con­

versely, must be reached f r o m every bathroom

and kitchen.

I n a conceptual branching diagram, ser­

vice supplies flow vertically f r o m greater territo­

ries into lesser ones. Tree forms accordingly

branch out over territory. Supply f o r m and terri­

torial levels roughly correspond at lesser levels

o f terri torial structure. Sewage pipes, telephone

fines, and power fines run f r o m the house into

the street, then toward major branches i n pre­

sumably greater territorial space. |ust as

horizontal crossings between neighboring

territories are avoided i n bui l t environment, so

similar territorial caveats apply to establishing

permanent cross-links between ut i l i ty lines oc­

curr ing at the same level.

Supply lines that traverse private lots may

come f r o m easements controlled by public or

private ut i l i ty companies, which are protected

by law, Utili t ies need not be owned by the m u ­

nicipality that controls the public space they

use, but they are o f necessity granted some spa­

tial control w i th in territories they do not own.

Thus, changes i n control would not be synchro­

nous w i t h branching, even i f supply f o r m did

physically echo territorial f o r m (which i n fact it

seldom does).

Ideally, changes at each level o f supply

f o r m hierarchy would coincide w i t h changes i n

terri torial depth: as we move f r o m slender

waste l ine to thicker stack, to sfiU thicker house

collector, to increasingly larger mains, each

would correspond to a territorial level. But such

isomorphic disposition o f two hierarchies s im­

ply does not reflect reality: supply f o r m hier­

archy is determined by technology. The capacity

of pipes, lines, and cables is one thing; the terri­

torial depth they operate i n is another. Control

distr ibution over the supply f o r m is yet a t h i rd

independent factor Nor are supply nodes coin­

cident w i t h territorial boundaries. Urban resi­

dential water fines commonly connect to the

main under the street, not at the boundary o f

private lot and public space.

Agents i n control o f supply forms fre­

quently operate i n foreign terri tory i n other

words, supply forms are commonly/oreign ele­

ments i n each territory ("foreign" relative to the

territory they traverse). Ut i l i ty companies claim

access to the spaces where these elements are

found, A t the regional and municipal level, con­

tracts, laws, and regulations protect the supply

f o r m f r o m threats o f interference throughout

the various terri torial jurisdictions i n which i t

must reside.

The power distr ibution l ine that runs to

the bui ld ing is owned by the electricity com­

pany, up to the distr ibution panel. Only after

compulsory inspection and approval o f t h e in ­

ternal installation (and its installer) may private

manipulat ion o f the f o r m be permitted at the

deepest levels o f the private bui lding.

As technology becomes more foolproof

and as a globally networked citizenry becomes

more technologically savvy, such authority is

shi f t ing. Thus, Dutch and American telephone

companies have finally relinquished control o f

telephone Unes and systems wi th in the bui ld­

ing. The user now freely strings together a net­

work f r o m a single access point, removing the

utility, and any service obligation, f r o m that

deepest territory. Power, gas, and sewage sys­

tems, however, pose hazards that make the rela­

t ion between technical control and territorial

control more complex,'

Supply f o r m and territorial structure do

ultimately correlate on the scale o f the small

bui ld ing and the street, however contrapuntal

or syncopated their combined rhy thm may be.

But the parallels entirely disappear as scale in ­

creases. This is nothing new. I n gently sloping

to maintain water flow, aqueducts have crossed

valleys, roads, and private estates for mil lennia .

As part o f t h e landscape, they operate on a scale

that transcends small settlement boundaries.

Even imperial Rome's geometric subdivisions

of land were likewise ignored.

Large-scale ut i l i ty infrastructures con­

tinue to move across and through setdements

w i t h similar autonomy. In the countryside,

high-voltage power hnes are strung as the crow

flies: steel towers march straight across land­

scape, undeterred, f r o m one horizon to the

other. Where land ownership has not been con­

solidated under the power authority, they

matter-of-facfly cross lot after lot o f private

land, sanctioned and even invited by ease­

ments. Above a certain scale, supply forms

inevitably interrupt human-size terri torial

structure, exhibiting true dominance by higher-

level f o r m . They do not therefore escape terri­

torial structure but rather relate territory on a

provincial and national scale.

High-Rise Apar tmen t Dwel l ing

Supply Form and

Dwel l ing

Territorially, the high-rise apartment bui ld ing

represents a neighborhood, encompassing a

number o f included territories. But supply

f o r m distr ibution does not suggest any such

model, as horizontal boundaries are continually

crossed. Sewage lines f r o m an apartment com­

monly occur i n the territory o f the downstairs

neighbor, runn ing horizontally above the ceil­

ing , toward a stack. Whenever repairs or main­

tenance are required, the downstairs neighbor's

territory is entered; should leaks occur, her

property w i l l be damaged.^ Central hot-water

heating systems i n apartment buildings also

commonly run supply and re turn lines verti­

cally behind the facade, looping to and f r o m ho­

rizontal mains i n the basement. Again, a single

supply or return line runs across a number o f

territorially horizontal boundaries.

Inhabitant and professional alike still

model the large apartment bui ld ing concep­

tually as an overgrown and overcomplicated

house. Therefore, these forms of deployment

appear as logical as they would be i n a single-

family residence. But when the bui ld ing is per­

ceived to be a three-dimensional neighborhood

containing a number o f independent dwelling

units, technological deployment differs. Thus,

European hot-water heating systems were de­

veloped to serve each individual apartment

f r o m a heating un i t that fits easfiy i n a closet,

providing a perfect match between territory

and supply fo rm. Distr ibution occurs w i t h i n a

single terri tory and the un i t is under the con­

t ro l o f the inhabitant. Water and gas are piped

f r o m a m a i n i n a communal vertical chase that

is, ideally, both an extension o f and accessible to

the public corridor. As this system has rapidly

overtaken older alternatives, i t has also turned

out to be the most cost-effective solution.

In a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y

Alternative systems that distribute sew­

age lines wi th in the territory they serve,

avoiding encroachment on downstairs neigh­

bors, are currently being instituted experimen­

tally i n the Netherlands. Inhabitants' demands

for autonomy i n deciding on layout wi th in ter­

ritory, for the right to customize dwell ing, in ­

teriors, is providing the incentive. The new

technology that makes this possible is also

proving more efficient and cost-effective than

current systems.

Building technology research and devel­

opment to date have focused primarily on the

performance o f appliances and systems.

Clearly, i n the large building, whose structure

of territorial control and inhabitation resembles

that o f a small neighborhood or street, the para­

mount issue is redistribution o f control. Where

this has occurred, i t has also entailed rethink­

ing a complex process of professional interven­

tion that has been i n operation for a long time.

Row House Dwel l ing

The model o f the traditional urban row house

on its own lot offers a clear relation between

supply, territory, and enclosure fo rm. Ut i l i ty

supply forms r u n i n the street or above i t . Each

house has its own branches. Ideally, a solitary

agent w i t h i n each house controls subsequent

distribution.

This standard arrangement forms the ba­

sis o f m u c h of our technical and legal handling

of supply forms. The house un i t thus served

is conceptualized not as a territory but rather

as an object. Relative size and contents o f the

object do not substantially affect residential en­

gineering. Nuclear or extended families, reluc­

tant or aggressive electronics consumers, are all

supplied according to generous universal rules

of thumb. As long as the house remains a

single household terri tory the match is near

perfect. But when it behaves more like a large

bui ld ing containing many territories, a gross

mismatch between the house and its supply

forms easily comes about.

Territorial considerations sometimes

override efficiency i n civil engineering solu­

tions. I n the row house, downstairs bathrooms

and kitchens are usually located i n the center

or rear o f t h e house, Running sewer collectors

across backyards along the rear facade, and

simply increasing their width incrementally as

total drainage volume increases, would dramat­

ically reduce pipe lengths and diameters. Yet re­

pairs to the sewer ma in would then occur at

back doors, patios, decks, and gardens, necessi­

tating terri torial encroachment. Moreover,

runn ing the sewer mains horizontally across

territories would create an unattractive chain o f

dependency among home owners.

Neighborhoods o f private owners there­

fore readily adopt the "less efficient" solution,

i n which relationships between hierarchically

equivalent branches are mediated through a

higher-level branch occurring i n public space,

under control o f a public authority For ex­

ample, streets i n the Netherlands are generally

public property under municipal control,

whereas yards remain quite private. Utihty

companies accordingly install all lines under

the street, categorically refusing to enter pr i ­

vate territory.

In the United States, the suburban devel­

oper responsible for sewer fines and i n control

o f both levels o f f o r m — o f street and house

l o t s — w i l l routinely r u n the lines across lawns

(preferring backyards to f ron t yards, where

driveways must be crossed). Even then, ease­

ments occur only at lawn's edge, where their

presence constitutes a m i n i m a l territorial i n -

fr ingement . In public housing schemes, how­

ever, sewage lines frequently do traverse

backyards, as close to the buildings as possible,

on purely economic grounds. Impliciüy, the

housing authority considers all backyards to fa l l

w i t h i n its own territory and w i l l operate there

w i t h impuni ty whenever repairs are needed.

The conflict between terri torial interests

and installation costs is thus resolved i n various

ways, depending on the control pattern at hand.

Continuous Foreign Elements

As we have seen, technology, economics, and

situations of control all play a role when local

territory is occupied by extraneous elements o f

infrastructure including supply systems. Such

foreign dements may occur on all scales and

need not always be damaging. A distinction

must be drawn between those supply forms

that spill over f r o m neighboring territories, i n

defiance of horizontal boundaries, and those

that belong to larger territories and serve gen­

eral communal interests (or even specific local

interests). The former are problematic, while

the latter foreign elements may be inevitable or

even desirable, constituting an integral part o f

environmental organization.

I n apartment buildings, vertical chases

for utilities are ideally positioned i n public

I I . 3 Limitat ions O space, accessible f r o m the corridors. I n Japan,

Terr i tor ia l Au tonomy ^^^^^^^^^^^ general practice. Elsewhere,

such a solution is often considered too expen­

sive. I t is also often technically possible to place

all bearing structure i n public space, avoiding

freestanding columns w i t h i n dwellings. But the

increased expense o f long span construction

produces no sizable benefits i n relation to inte­

rior articulation.

I n the case o f federal highways runn ing

through states and counties, there rarely exists

alternative public space available on that territo­

rial scale. Highways and the land they occupy

thus must be carved out o f included territories

to become pubhc space, and solutions are sel­

dom found to the satisfaction o f all involved.

This holds true more generaUy for afi infra­

structures distributed throughout state, county,

and municipal levels. Recent vast increases i n

the variety extent, and density o f supply and

web forms have added a new dimension to this

venerable phenomenon.

In a n d O u t o f T e r r i t o r y

Discontinuous Foreign Elements

Discontinuous foreign elements deliberately

arrayed i n diverse territories include conglom­

erates o f subsidiary manufactur ing facilities,

dealerships, retail outlets, chain franchises,

representatives o f religious and political net­

works, and mil i tary bases. Such configurations

of discrete and dispersed foreign elements are

by defini t ion under control o f a single agent

outside the territory o f their location. That

agent can unUaterally decide to withdraw them.

I n the United States, businesses that orig­

inate elsewhere require no specific permission

per se f r o m local authorities i n order to cross

jurisdictional boundaries and establish them­

selves locally. Commercial enterprises enjoy

certain universal and inalienable common law

rights to settle freely among all entities. They

are thus constrained only by local zoning, plan­

ning, and other environmental control entities,

banking boards, licensing boards, and so on.

Distr ibution o f such "foreign elements" is often

seen as mutually beneficial, b r ing ing jobs and

"outside" money to be spent locally. Municipal i ­

ties offer substantial tax benefits to woo outside

commercial investment and job creation.

But external control o f local shops and

facilities has its price. There is frequently li t t le

confluence o f interests between local territory

and the far-f lung commercial network. A t the

very least, territorial power remains vulnerable

to sudden withdrawal of the very benefits that

made inclusion so desirable.

Terr i tor ia l Access for Goods

Admission into territory may be required to i m ­

port goods for use, consumption, or trade.

Goods sold extraterritorially must move u p

©

:> :> :> :> :> :> T ©

11.2 A conceptual model of distribution of foreign ele­

ments within a territorial structure:

(a) Foreign elements organized according to hierarchy of

management.

(b) Location of elements within territorial structure.

4 T i ©

2 0 4

through territorial structure then descend again

into included territories. When the distance be­

tween the point o f departure and point o f deliv­

ery is increased, so too terri torial depth to be

crossed may increase. The issues related to this

movement, paralleling those having to do w i t h

foreign elements, are as old as trade.

O n overland routes, each crossing into a

local municipali ty or fiefdom occasioned taxa­

tion, i f not harassment. I n the Netherlands, for

instance, medieval castles were strategically

placed along delta branches o f the Rhine and

Maas rivers to extract rights o f passage. Ancient

ships therefore phed the Mediterranean coast,

and even the open seas, o f necessity: whatever

the risks, they were preferable to the hazards

encountered i n repeated overland boundary

crossings.

For commercial enterprises seeking to

maximize distribution o f consumer goods,

there is no merit i n terri torial structure. The

ideal diagram for consumerism exists at a

single level: that o f the nuclear family which

consumes wi th in a un i f ied network o f glo­

bal markets (see figure ri .3b). A l l intermediate

terri torial crossings represent only potential

barriers.

11.3 Access lines and crossings:

(a) Lines and crossings in deep territorial structure.

(b) Lines and crossings in shallow territorial structure.

A Shi f t ing Balance

Configurations o f foreign elements serving aU

manner o f commercial and insti tutional pur­

poses have become ubiquitous. Vast contempo­

rary supply forms, webs and networks, and

widely dispersed insti tutional and commercial

configurations are increasingly apparent.

Higher-level forms are coming to define

and control all levels of physical environment.

Traditional gradations o f terri torial structure

appear to shape the emerging contemporary

environment less and less.

In a n d O u t o f Ter ri t o r y

Paradoxically the proliferation o f exten­

sive and unmediated large-scale infrastructure

has gone hand i n hand wi th explosive growth

i n acts o f settlement at the small scale o f a sin­

gle room, house, or neighborhood. The two are

closely related, feeding and jus f i fy ing one an­

other, indeed to a large extent creating one

another Territory experienced as an environ­

mental structure—rather than as a political,

market, or mil i tary domain^—occurs at the rela­

tively smaU human scale, tied to such fields o f

common setdement.

Everyday personal experience o f small-

scale settlement is usually fimited to places i n

which we or our relatives, close friends, and col­

leagues live, work, or shop. When we exit into

the public realm, the wor ld seems to comprise

giant infrastructures and ubiquitous inst i tu­

tions. While traveHng, we do not easily venture

beyond famif iar networks. Vis i t ing distant

cities and countries, we seldom penetrate into

small-scale domestic worlds where we do not

know anyone. We may not even notice their vast

extent as we fly over them. We experience the

modern world as increasingly pubfic and large

scale, while i n the actual occupation o f the

earth's surface, the smaU scale and the local is

growing at a tremendous rate.

We have a good deal o f anecdotal knowl­

edge of a profound and fundamental change i n

territorial autonomy While we tend to equate

such change w i t h the large scale, we may do

well to scrutinize its smafi-scale manifesta­

tions. I n historical perspective, we begin to note

several important phenomena affecting mod­

ern terri torial structure:

I . The increasing number and variety o f

supply forms penetrating down to the room

level, wdth a concomitant increase i n complex­

ity o f environmental systems.

2. The increasing number, variety, and pre­

eminence of dispersed foreign elements, evi­

dencing grovi^h i n global networks o f

commercial and insti tutional organization.

This also signals d imin ish ing scope of local ter­

r i tor ial control.

3, The increasing size o f buildings. Three-

dimensional expansion of the urban field

brings both a disorderly array o f supply forms

and a denial o f terri torial autonomy on the

smaller domestic scale. A n increasingly com­

plex field is thereby rendered more rigid.

I t is too soon to assess the long-term

meaning o f these trends. The observed phe­

nomena are at present intensifying, but not

entirely new: i n environmental matters, new

structures always grow and transform out o f the

old. Whether present conditions jointly herald

a permanent structural shift to an as-yet unde­

fined and unprecedented environmental hierar­

chy, Of are merely generating temporary local

disturbances while sh i f t ing a fundamentally

unchanged environmental structure into a new

balance, remains unknown.

sh i f t i ng Boundaries

Horizontal Shifts in Terr i tor ia l Division

Horizontal shifts necessitate negotiation

among neighbors. On an international or tr ibal

scale, negotiation may be replaced by force. On

the urban scale, tensions and disputes between

neighbors are common. But shifts negotiated

i n good fai th to the advantage o f all parties also

occur w i t h great regularity.

The urban block's inherent flexibility is

readily apparent. In place o f the ini t ia l u n i f o r m

lot division, there may be sales o f double lots or

larger. Two lots make for a large house, three

lots may be divided i n two, and so for th . Similar

moves can be made i n the course o f t ime after

in i t ia l construction, leading to new budding.

But exchanges can be more piecemeal. Jo­

hannes Overbeck's map of Pompeii portrays

Roman courtyard houses conceived i n a very

clear and obvious typology.' Upon closer scru­

tiny, we suspect rooms have shifted f r o m one

house to another. They show a b l ind wall to the

abutting courtyard onto which they would once

have opened. A door now links them to the

other side o f t h e presumed demising l ine.

We can safely assume not m u c h has

changed i n this regard since Roman times. I n

the historic centers o f Dutch canal cities like

Amsterdam and Delft, we find houses w i t h rear

yards extending behind the house next door; i n

all probabifity a prosperous owner bought part

o f his neighbor's backyard to extend his own.

12.1 Squatter settlement near Monterrey, Mexico—This

picture was taken several days after the land was first

Invaded (page 206).

S h i f t s i n T e r r i t o r i a l S t r u c t u r f

Increasing Density

Incidental individual horizontal shifts fre­

quently reflect broader patterns o f intensifica­

tion. Throughout Latin America, towns were

usually laid out wi th lots large enough for free­

standing houses and gardens. Blocks often

eventually ended up wi th townhouses on m u c h

narrower lots.

Dur ing the nineteenth century, European

historic urban centers were under intense pres­

sure. Urban population grew, while the city's

territory (and its legal possibility for expansion,

throughout much of Europe} remained severely

restricted. Intensification resulted i n backyard

in f i f i i ng . Hidden behind older downtown bui ld­

ings we find large new ones: workshops, the­

aters, and schools.' These buildings required

dedicated access f r o m the street. Sometimes

entry was achieved by t ransforming an existing

sideyard into an afiey or else the ground floor o f

an older bui lding provided access. Sometimes a

townhouse was demolished, providing narrow

street frontage for a wide building.^

12.2 Pompeii—Fragment of urban fabric Rooms tend

to line up along territorial boundaries facing the atrium,

peristyle, or garden. At various places, the territorial

boundary shifts, causing one or more rooms to then face

In the opposite direction. This has been interpreted as the

result of negotiations between neighbors, causing a hori­

zontal territorial exchange. After Overbeck.

12.3 The Hague—Part of the nineteenth-century fabric.

Density increased during the industrial revolution, while

city limits remained Inflexible. Schools, factories, and even

public buildings were built in backyard space with a nar­

row entrance to the street Drawing by H. Reljenga,

courtesy of SAR.

1 a

2 0 9

Increase of Public Space

1 2 . 2 Vertical Shifts in Terr i tor ia l Division

The balance o f power between a greater terri­

tory and its lesser included ones is not neces­

sarily stable. I t is normal, for instance, for

public streets to be widened over t ime under

the pressure o f increasing traffic. The implica­

tions o f this move, already discussed i n the con­

text o f changing higher-level f o r m i n an

existing fabric (see chapter 2.1), are inevitably

territorial.

I n the fabric o f Cambridge, Massachu­

setts, we can s t i l l read evidence o f the original

late-seventeenth- and eighteenth-century es­

tates and can trace their gradual subdivision to

accommodate more and more individual terri­

tories. Sometimes this residted i n adding a new

street to the public realm, as was the case w i t h

Appleton Street, carved out o f the Lee estate.

Sometimes a dead-end street, like Clement Cir­

cle o f f Sparks Street, was introduced, the better

to utilize the deep gardens o f t h e original estate.

In such cases, a portion o f the private space was

surrendered to make the remaining land yield

more revenue.*

A n increase of public space may thus re­

sult either f r o m pressure f r o m above or f r o m

intensification o f available land w i t h i n in ­

cluded territories.

Increase of Included Terri tories

In the Western urban tradition, the division be­

tween public and private space is generally

structural. Although the dominant territorial

power may increase public space by asserting

rights o f eminent domain, citizens i n control

of included territories do not commonly usurp

large portions o f public space. By contrast, his­

toric Middle Eastern urban tissues frequently

211

witnessed citizens extending structures—and

wi th them, territory—by bui ld ing into the

street. Sidewalks were commonly occupied,

or whole streets were buil t over at the second-

floor level, straddled wi th columns or walls to

carry the new construction. The resulting pat­

tern o f partially covered streets is characteris­

tic o f much traditional Middle Eastern urban

environment.

Such small-scale interventions formed

part o f a remarkably sophisticated and deliber­

ate process. I n broad general terms, a major for­

mal principle i n this urban culture was that

anything was permitted, as long as one did not

harm one's neighbors. In other words, i f neigh-

12.4 Appleton Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts—The

street was laid out across the anginal Lee estate, thereby

extending the pubiic space of the urban fabric. After a

drawing by Susan M. Fogel.

12.5 Tunis, ca. 1900—Postcard showing overpass. Cour­

tesy ofJamel Akhar

bors tolerated the proposed change, i t was

done. I t was ultimately possible to block o f f

a street by simply bui ld ing across i t . Jamel Ak-

bar reports such actions continuing i n newly

constructed Saudi neighborhoods, though no

longer sanctioned by the Westernized laws o f

Saudi Arabia. Where in fo rmal traditional con­

trol remains active, age-old territorial trans­

formations still occur, albeit w i t h concrete

Western-style buildings.^

Sidewalks under Occupat ion

The Middle Eastern example is the result o f a

bottom-up process. Dominant top-down con­

trol inevitably impUes increased proportion o f

public space. Preoccupation w i t h public space

was already noted when we discussed Amster­

dam School architecture (see chapter 4.3). Co­

operatives imbued w i t h the ideals o f a socialist

society were design clients as well as end users

o f these celebrated neighborhoods. Their vision

of a new world was shared by their architects

and by the enhghtened technical bureaucracy o f

the Amsterdam municipality. Size and quality

o f pubhc space were greatly emphasized. Many

streets exhibit very broad sidewalks,

By the 1960s, the Amsterdam School

neighborhoods' original population of blue-

collar workers was gone. Inhabitants no longer

shared the original occupants' pride i n the re­

nowned social housing experiment. Dur ing the

era o f student revolts, administrators control­

l i n g the inner-city housing estates were sud­

denly put on the defensive. Inhabitants defied

the anonymous municipal bureaucracy and its

assertion o f control o f all outside space.

I n a clear and deliberate invasion o f pub­

lic space, sidewalks were converted into gar­

dens. No ground-floor apartment doors open

onto them. To this day gardeners cf imb down

f r o m windows to reach their territorial exten­

sion, or else detour through the communal hall­

way and street.^

Expanding Rearward in Public Housing

Public housing throughout the world is, by

defini t ion, a top-down process. As agents rou­

tinely seek to sofidify and expand their realm of

contro], public space i n such estates is max­

imized. Following the modernist canon, public

estate dweUings are designed to stand amid un-

fenced lawns and gardens.

Maintaining that much public greenery is

d i f f icu l t even for the affluent European state,

S h i f t s in T e r r i t o r i a I S t r u c t u r e

For a developing country, it is well-nigh impos­

sible. A state o f general neglect inevitably

comes to characterize such spaces. Scorched by

the hot sun, they are at best sandlots for soccer

and other ball games. A t worst, they quicldy be­

come dumping grounds for trash and broken-

down cars.

Enterprising inhabitants o f adjacent

apartments sometimes invade. Surrounded by

otherwise barren waste, we then see fenced-in

gardens w i t h i n which vegetables and f r u i t trees

are cultivated. As the fences go up, the vertical

boundary i n the terri torial balance is shifted,

but no depth is added. I n other cases occupants

of mass housing actually bu i ld out, c la iming

territory for rear extensions f r o m the sur­

rounding wasteland.

12.6 Amsterdam South—Gardens, carved out of the

sidewalk space by citizens in the 1960s, were subse­

quently accepted by the municipality as private territory.

No communicating doors exist between the gardens and

spaces within the building.

12.7 Cairo—Public housing occupants have extended

their apartments to the back of the building, which over­

looks a street servicing the front of the next building.

Clearly cooperation was required for neighbors to build

extensions on the second and third floor, supported by

columns.

Top-Down Act ion

Increase in Terr i tor ial

Depth

Increasing density i n an urban environment

leads not just to the intensification o f available

private space, as witnessed i n previous chap­

ters; i t may also lead to an increase in terri torial

depth. Two processes may be distinguished

here. I n the first , a territorial power, i n a "top-

down" action, w i l l subdivide its own space to

create increased depth, usually to enable more

intensive use (moving f r o m figure 12.8a to b i ) .

I n the second, action is "bottom-up": a number

of included territories jo in forces and appro­

priate their own public space f r o m the more

general public space, thus increasing depth

(moving f r o m figure 12.8a to b2).

To examine the first process, we may con­

sider the dead-end streets created to subdivide

large private landholdings i n Cambridge, Mas­

sachusetts. Ini t iahy these were privately con­

trolled. To reach the inhabitants, one first had

to enter a communal dead-end street, whose

creation constituted an actual increase o f ter­

r i tor ial depth. Eventually the dead-end streets

were placed under control o f the municipali ty

and became an extension o f general public

space, w i t h consequent loss o f terri torial depth.

A similar move, i n a more dense urban

environment, has been observed i n central

Mexico City. Courtyards of large nineteenth-

century urban houses provide access to back­

yards, now converted into a narrow afiey wi th

houses one room wide on either side.

Here the forces that created the infamous

"back-to-back" houses o f nineteenth-century in ­

dustrial cities like B i rmingham and Glasgow

StiU remain at work. There, too, the type was

born i n the gardens o f larger houses. Later, i t

was uti l ized i n new construction, because of the

extremely high densities i t yields.

r

12.8 Increase In territorial depth—Principal schematic

diagrams.

Transformation from (a) to (bl): An Included territory may

in turn encompass included territones.

Transformation from (a) to (b2): Included territones

occupy public space to make it their own.

Transformation from (a) to (b3): Included territories sacri­

fice some of their own space to make shared public

space.

12.9 t^Aexico City—Back-to-back housing. Built in the

backyard of an older residential building, the houses are

two rooms deep and one room wide. Light must enter

through the front door The high back room accommo­

dates a wooden loft for children's beds or storage.

215

I n discussing territory as interpreting

f o r m , reference was previously made to patio

houses that had become small villages con­

taining a number o f individual households (see

chapter 8.3 and figure 8.6). This way of increas­

ing terri torial depth is familiar: conversion o f

single-family mansions into apartment build­

ings is part and parcel o f urban intensification.

The patio house, being a highly territorial fo rm,

allowed this change w i t h m i n i m a l physical

change.

I n Santiago de Chile's turn-of-the-century

fabric, alleys now give onto entire neighbor­

hoods erected i n backyards. Alleys w i t h i n such

"cités" are often separated f r o m the municipal

street network by wefi-articulated gates.

Bot tom-Up Act ion

The second way to increase territorial depth oc­

curs when those controfiing existing territories

act jointly, c la iming part o f the general public

space and converting i t into their own pub­

lic space at a lower level (see figure iz.Shz). I n

St. Louis, Missouri , for instance, neighborhood

home owners organized to purchase their street

f r o m the municipality. I n return for tax abate­

ment, they agreed to maintain the sewers and

paving at their own expense. I n effect, they cre­

ated a virtual condominium. Before long, the

newly created terri torial level was closed o f f at

both intersections by wooden booms, operable

only by inhabitants.

Wherever adjacent territories jo in , com­

m o n public space must be created. Individual

territories can each contribute a part o f their

own to the common space, but more often pub­

lic space on the new level is carved out o f the

larger public space already there. Such moves

often result f r o m overextension o f the public

claim, occurring when public authorities can

no longer control public space.

A similar development o f t h e 1960s cre­

ated the Dutch woonerf; inhabitants lobbied mu­

nicipalities to discourage through traffic on

residential streets, making them safer for local

use. The municipalities obligingly reland-

scaped the streets to discourage traffic, facilitate

parking, and render public space safe for chil­

dren at play and for adults washing and re­

pairing their cars.

Compared wi th the straightforward terri­

torial shif t i n St. Louis, the woonerf is ambigu­

ous. Residents undoubtedly consider it their

terri tory But ability to prevent entry is the u l t i ­

mate territorial test, and the woonerffmls i t . Nor

was there a shift i n responsibility. Rather, a be­

nevolent accommodation was agreed upon, and

control remained i n the hands o f the munic i ­

pality. Woonerfs are f o u n d i n upper-middle-class

professional neighborhoods whose inhabitants

have access to those i n control o f pubfic space.

Another bottom-up way to increase depth

occurs when included territories each sacrifice

some of their own to joint ly create common

space (changing figure 12.8a to b3). But ex­

amples are uncommon. Though neighbors

might convert portions o f their private back­

yards into a gated communal yard, actual occur­

rences have not been documented.

Bot tom-Up Change: A Dearth

of Examples

A decrease i n depth does not come about easily.

The bottom-up process implies that lower-level

agents invade shared public space and reappor­

t ion i t i n its entirety to enlarge their own ter­

ritory. The next level up becomes their new

public space. Consequently, one gate providing

access to the original common space is replaced

by as many gates as there used to be at the bot­

tom of i t .

Al though easy to posit i n diagram (figure

12.ID, moving f r o m (a) to (bi)), i t may be topo-

logically d i f f icu l t i n practice. For instance,

when the communal space to be usurped is a

dead-end street, every house on that street may

not be able to maintain direct access to public

. , space beyond i t . Another case could be the re-

Decrease in Terr i tor ial / . ,. . ,, . . , J_2i . A verse of one cited earher: neighbors might con-

'-^^P''-'^ vert a gated common backyard space into

private yards.

Yet another variant involves a single

lower-level territory first annexing aU others

w i t h which i t shares the use o f common space.

Subsequently, there is only one included terri­

tory. Common space consequently loses its pur­

pose and is easily incorporated as well, Again,

it is d i f f icul t to find clear peacetime examples.

Top-Down Demol i t ion of Gates

A decrease i n terri torial depth is more easily

conceived f r o m the top down, as a greater terri­

torial power appropriates public space common

to territories on the level now removed (figure

12.10, moving f r o m (a) to (bz}).

I n the case o f Tunis, demoli t ion o f the

gates i n dead-end streets occurred dur ing in-

staUafion of an urban sewage network. The

S h i f t s in T e r r i t o r i a l S t r u c t u r e

municipafity assumed control based on mainte­

nance requirements. Given the contemporary

primacy o f technology, i t is not surprising to

find technical grounds supplying the rationale

for appropriation; but i t remains an exercise o f

power all the same.^

More than one and a ha l f centuries before

a municipal u t i l i ty altered terri torial structure

i n traditional Tunis, Napoleon's army did so i n

Cairo. Cairo's many terri torial levels were in­

variably marked by gates: i n addition to individ­

ual residential entry doors, gates closed o f f the

dead-end streets shared by these houses. The

collector streets f r o m which these dead-end

afieys branched were also gated, marking

neighborhood boundaries along major urban

thoroughfares. Street gates were not symbolic,

as was the case i n imperial Beij ing. Instead they

were sealed every night, to be opened again at

dawn.

In 1798 the occupying French army set

about establishing a single uni f ied public space

by demolishing aU intermediate gates. Their i n ­

tent was to extend public space without inter­

rupt ion f r o m the main town entry to each

residential f ron t door Al though the act is

clearly documented, the impact o f this drastic

territorial restructuring is not. Moreover, the

French missed many gates o f dead-end streets

because they mistook them for more famil iar

forms: entrances to private courtyard houses

like those i n Paris.^

The French occupation was short-lived,

but throughout the surviving fabric o f historic

Cairo, gates are invariably missing or not i n

use. Al though their absence must i n part reflect

the gradual at tr i t ion o f lower-level terri torial

control in conjunction wi th modernization, the

Napoleonic action that preceded these changes

was a deliberate attempt to bring about pre­

cisely such flattening o f territorial structure.

®

12.10 Decrease in territorial deptti—Principal schematic

diagrams.

Transformation from (a) to (bl): Included territories jointly

annex and divide existing shared space between

themselves.

Transformation from (a) to (b2): Encompassing territory

Invades and annexes Included terntory.

Napoleon's Perspective

The drastic intervention o f Napoleon's army

prefigured the highly centrahzed mode o f oper­

ation characteristic o f many contemporary gov­

ernments, w i t h i n societies aspiring to the

administrative power to control citizens on all

social levels. The architecture o f Claude-Nicolas

Ledoux gave clear expression to that assertion

of bureaucratic power, which was already i n evi­

dence before the French Revolution.^

The Salt Works at Arc-et-Senans demon­

strates an architecture of absolute and central­

ized control. Its concentric layout placed the

director at the center. As much as i t actually fa-

ciHtated visual control, the design symbolized

the presence o f the all-seeing eye—so graphi­

cally depicted by the architect himself—at the

center o f this artificial universe. Inside, the

2 2 0 buildings have corridors leading to large m u l t i ­

purpose rooms. W i t h i n their confines, several

families frequently came to dwell together.

The concentric layout o f this executed

plan relates i t to another architectural icon o f

the Enlightenment, the Panopticon o f Jeremy

Bentham, revealing simUar conceptions o f

space: i t was to be centrally controlled and of

m i n i m a l territorial depth. Certainly, Bentham's

variant o f this model is perverse: gates that lead

to lesser territories are sealed f r o m without, vio­

lating the most basic principle o f territorial

structure.'" But Ledoux's formally superior Salt

Works architecture is only a shade removed

f r o m such perversion."

The corridor connecting numerous

rooms is o f equal interest. I t signals another

means to flatten territorial depth. Earfier, we

observed that large bufidings i n the past, such

as Versailles, frequently comprised relatively

simple forms. But they could contain complex

and dynamic territorial structures brought

for th by inhabitation. Their very lack o f func­

tional determinism made this possible. Ex­

amples as diverse as the Loire VaUey chateaux,

Diocletian's palace at Split, and the remains o f

Knossos suggest spaces arranged directly and

sequentially There may be stairweUs and ser­

vice corridors, but the architecture is one of pro­

cession, o f a sequence of spaces.'^ Al though it

is sometimes hierarchically ordered, i t aiways

creates a virtual landscape for inhabitation.

Such buUt environment possesses rather open-

ended monumentality, always suggesting fur­

ther possibilities o f terri torial depth.

This quality begins to waver i n the En-

Ughtenment, then abruptly disappears w i t h

modernism's first large insti tutional bufidings.

I t is instructive to compare the terri torial struc­

ture o f the Salt Works, the Panopticon, and Na­

poleonic Cairo wi th the terri torial structure o f

the modern insti tutional bui ld ing, i n which, for

the first t ime i n history, the corridor acts as the

pr imary structuring space. I t connects to afi

other floors and entrances via stairs or eleva­

tors, as a rule running continuously along each

floor. Be i t office bui lding, laboratory, hospital,

or school, the contemporary bui ld ing features a

corridor spine that arrays rooms as expediently

as possible. Its f o r m expresses the shafiowest

possible territorial structure i n so direct and

immutable a manner that acts o f settlement

cannot increase territorial depth.

Corridors manifestly result f r o m a cen­

trahzed process o f design, refiecting centralized

social organization. They have now estabUshed

an insti tutional typology enshrined i n codes

and regulations as much as i n custom. A f u l l

understanding o f their ubiquitous emergence

as a trademark o f inst i tut ional bui ld ing wiU re­

quire historical perspective.

Only i n those commercial buddings

where fit-out between facades is lef t to the ten­

ant do we begin to find plan layout o f a more

open-ended nature. When interior subdivision

of large floor areas is customized, territorial

depth may emerge. But this trend toward Open

Building practice has not been un i fo rmly

adopted, nor is it compatible wi th aU inst i tu­

tional budding types.''