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Poverty& ce POVERTY & RACE RESEARCH ACTION COUNCIL

November/Dece,nber1996 Voll,� 5: Number 6

Growing Poverty in a Growing Economy

When it comes to poverty, two important facts characterize our econ­omy. The first is that the overall eco­nomic picture is pretty positive, with steady GDP and job growth in a cli­mate of low inflation. The second is the persistent disconnection ·between these overall trends and the well-being of society's worse-off families.

For example, in the current recov­ery. poverty rates actually rose in 1992 and 1993. before reversing course over the last two years. Even with the recent declines, however, the 1995 poverty rate of 13.8% is slill above the 13.1 % rate that pre-

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by Jared Bernstein

vailed at the time of the most recent economic pe_ak in 1989. And this pattern is not endemic to only the CWTent recovery. Given the historical relationship between overall growth and poverty rates, poverty should have averaged 11.9% since 1983; instead, the average has been 14.0%.

I will try to account for this discon­nection. using the most recent data available. The conventional wisdom typicall}' defines the problem in terms of the counterproductive behavior of po01 people themselves, implying that, with more effort, the poor could lift themselves up by their bootstraps. The �plication is that the poor have failed to be lifted by the rising eco­nomic tide because of bad choices about family structure and lack of work effort.

Recent trends in family structure and low-wage labor markets, howev­er, contradict this analysis. Whether it's the perceived problem of fe­ma1e-headed family formation, the quesuon of whether welfare programs have created incenllve5 that mcrease poverty. or the issue of whether the poor choose not to work, the data do not support such explanations for the high and intractable . poverty rates throughout the economic expansions of the 1980s and l 990s.

Some critics take another tack, argumg that poverty is mismeasured

and that the economic condition of the poor has improved more than the official statistics show. However, both the government's official mea­swement and a series of more con­ceptually satisfying ways to measure poverty reveal that the general find­ing of the disconnection between economic growth and poverty is valid no matter how poverty is measured.

Instead, heightened inequality of the nation's moome distribution and, in particular, falling wages conspired to keep poverty rates historically high throughout the l 980s and into the 1990s. Moreover, the "safety net" (the social provision of assistance to

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CONTENTS:

Growing Poverty . . 1

Union Summer .... 3 1� School Democracy .. 7

ii Advocacy Updates . 8

Crime/Injustice Quiz ......... 11

Resources . . . . . . . 13

1996 Index . . • . . 20

Poverty & Race Research Action Council tl> 1711 Connecticut Avenue NW • Suite 207 • Washington, DC 20009 202/387-9887 • FAX: 202/387.()764 It! E-mail: prrac@{U>l.com

(POVEKTY: Continued from page 1)

those in poverty) has grown less effective at providing relief to the poor. And recent legislative efforts to further gut safety nets can only con­tinue to erode their anti-poverty ef­fectiveness.

It's Neither Demographics

Nor Measurement

Family structure has historically been an important determinant of poverty status, as certain family types (e.g., female-headed families) are more vulnerable to poverty than oth­ers. However, the important question regarding family structure and pover­ty is: to what extent are poverty rates and family structure changes causally related? To what degree are the high and intractable poverty rates noted above driven by individuals' choices to form vulnerable family types?

A look at the relevant trends chal­lenges a simple demographic story. When female-headed families were forming most rapidly, in the 1970s,

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their poverty rates were actually fall­ing. Over the 1980s, their growth as a share of the population moderated, and their poverty rates grew�quickly. Since 1989, their growth rate has accelerated slightly, but their poverty rates haven't budged. This type of pattern means that the main factors driving the secular increase in pover­ty since the early 1980s are not fami­ly structure choices.

The largest impact on poverty rates in the 1980s and 1990s is

wage decline.

Race deserves special mention in the current debate over the demo­graphics of poverty. Conventional arguments target African-Americans as responsible for the failure of pov­erty rates to respond to growth. Again, the opposite is true. Between 1979 and 1995, poverty rates grew for both whites and Hispanics but have fallen for blacks (note that pov­erty rates of minorities are two to three times that of whites). In fact, among female-headed families, in­creases in poverty since 1979 have been generated by whites and Hispan­ics, not blacks.

Of course, a disproportionate share of minority families are struggling under the yoke of poverty and declin­ing living standards. Long-term pov� erty is particularly problematic for non-whites. But arguments that try to ascribe demographic or racial expla­nations for the increase in poverty since the late l 970s are fundamentalw ly flawed.

Nor is the poverty problem an am­fact of measurement error. Adding the value of food stamps and housing benefits ( which are not counted in the official measure).. only lowers - the level of poverty in a given year; the trend toward higher poverty rates persists. and was even steeper over the 1980s (the same is true for the

2 c, Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

appropriat.e portion of Medicaid). The National Research Council's recent panel of non-partisan experts charged with recommending an im­proved measure of poverty [see S,M. Miller's lead article, "Remeasuring Poverty," in the September/October P&RJ focused on the year 1992, when the official U.S. poverty rate was 14.5%. Under their updated measure, the poverty rate was 18.1 %, with many more working persons reclassified as poor ( due to the subtraction from income of work-related expenses such as child care).

So What Is It?

The economic factor that has had the largest impact on poverty rates in the 1980s and 1990s is wage decline. While hourly rates of pay have fallen for the majority of the workforce since the late 1970s, by far the larg� est losses have been for the lowest paid workers. Between 1979 and 1989, the male worker at the 10th percentile (meaning 90 % of the male workforce earns more) saw his hour­

ly wage decline 13 % , and since 1989 he lost another 6%. For women workers at the 10th percentile, thi:: decline over the 1980s Wa.!I 18%. The low-wage female worker gained slightly sinc.e 1989 (1.6%), but by 1995 her hourly wage rate was $4.84, down from $5.82 in 1979 (all dollars are in 1995 inflation-adjusted terms).

These trends correspond to the negative wage trends among the non-college educated, who represent 75% of our workforce. In 1979, a young man entering the workforce with a high-school degree earned $10.43 per hour. By 1995, that wage rate had dwindled to $7.58, a 27% decline. For women. the comparable values are $7. 92 and $6.42, an 11 % loss. Meanwhile, the earnings of

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Race, Class and Union Summer

In October 1995, John Sweeney won the presidency of the AFL-CIO in the first contested election in the labor federation's history. Sweeney a n d h i s r u n n i n g m a t e s , Secretary-Treasurer Rich Trumkaand Executive Vice President Linda Chavez-Thompson, won a mandate to advance the interests not only of the 13.1 million current members of AFL-CIO unioos, but of all working peopJe. They vowed to increase mas­sively efforts to organi7.e the 85% of worlren who don't have the power of a union, and to open up the labor movement to voices too long muted -those of women, people of color, recent immigrants, gays and lesbians and the yowig.

The labor movement, as champion of working-class interests in a racial­ly diverse and divided society, bas long c,ocupied a special (and some­times troubled) place at the intersec­tion of issues of class and race. Sud­denly, the movement had new leader­ship !hat affirmP.d as never before the inseparability of the struggles for racial and economic justice. But what would it do to build bridges to those sttUggling against racism, sexism and homophobia?

Among the new leadership's initia­tives in its first year in office, per­haps none embodied the combined focus on organizing and openness more clearly than Union Summer, a program designed to get a new gener­ation of activists involved in th� labor

Ou, 1996 Annual 8epoi1 is now available. rtease .. s�nd a large SASE

, : i'llith 60¢ Postage.

, . by Andy Levin

movement by putting over 1,000 of them at sites sprinkled across the country.

C�oals

The idea of the Union Summer program was simple: Work with unions and community organizations to set up sites where good organizing was going on, from Seattle to Puerto Rico. At each site, gather a diverse group of 20-40 mostly yowig people with a social conscience. (W'.rile there was no upper age limit to participa­tion, and some interos were in their sixties, most were in their twenties.)

The labor movement has long occupied o specie! (and mmetimes troubled) pf&ce at the f;;tsrsectian of class and race.

Put them through a very inteose, three-week internship emphasizing hands-on experience on the front lines of real live organizing cam­paigns. Give them a stipeoi of $210 per week and provide housing in a dorm, convent or hostel to enhance gro�building. Work them hard, bot don't make the internship all work. Include educational sessions about the labor movement, the pohtical econo­my and so forth, as well as cultural and &ocial events.

Union Summer bad several goals. First, and most important, we hoped to begin transforming the politics of a generation by putting many of its activists on the front lines of work­ing people• s struggles for dignity and

justice on the job. Three deca<,les ago, young progressives had deep ties to the labor movement, as symboliz.ed by the founding of Students for a Democratic Society at a UAW retreat center in Port Huron in 1964. But ever since the New Left and the lead­ership of the labor movement parted ways over the Vietnam War, being a young progressive bas not necessarily meant supporting unions or even understanding their role in society. In initiating Union Summer, the AFL-ClO hoped to refocus young people's 11ttention on injustice at work and imbue them with pro-worker views deep enough to shape their political outlook throughout their adult lives, wherever their own ca­reers lead them.

A second goal was to find some small number of new union organiz.. ers, and to make recruiting organiz­ers easier by creating a good buzz on campus and in working-class commu­nities. The life of a union organizer is bard, but it is the best job in the world. An organizer gets to make a decent living while fighting to redis­triblE power m the most immediate way possible. There's nothing more exciting than becoming deeply in­volved with a particular group of workers and helping them find their voice in the face of corporate power. But if the labpr movement is to orga­nize the "new work force" on the massive scale necessary to rebuild working-class power, we will need hundreds of organuers from all com­munities. We hoped Union Summer would help us reach new groups of potential rabble rousers.

Finally, and least important. we hoped the activists would get some

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Novem/Jer/December 1996 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 3

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(SUMMER: Continued from page 3)

work done. Yes, Union Summer was mostly about the interns rather than getting the 1abor movement's job done in the short term. However, the goals of providing- the interns with a transformative experience and getting our work done seemed in the end to be inseparable rather than at odds. We felt clearly that the only thing sure to move the interns (beyond bringing them together in an intense, politically self-aware group experi­ence) was deep involvement in the work. Unions had to be willing and able to give them real responsibility on the front lines of the most exciting labor struggles of the moment.

Accomplishments

While it is too early to draw defini­tive conclusions about the, results of Union Summer, preliminary indica­tions suggest that it was a smashing success, even beyond the widespread and overwhelmingly positive cover­

. age it received in the mainstream and left press. At a time when most young people are anxious about their own economic prospects and affi.nna­tive action and discrimination at work are hot issues, the interns took to the fight for economic justice like fish to water. · They particularly liked one-on-one contact with workers through house visits and organizing and participating in confrontational diiect actions. Many experienced the type of political transformation we hoped for. On the participants' anon­ymous evaluatmns of the program, "it changed my life" was a constant refrain.

As a corollary of this overall trans formative effect, plenty of Union Summer activists (USA's) seem head­ed for careers in the labor movement. By the end of the :;UIDmer, over SO had been hired directly by unions for temporary or permanent organizing positions, and more volunteered for the rest of the summer at the end of

their three-week stint. The number of Union Summer alumni who will go through the AFL-CIO Organizing lnstitute's trammg COUfSC for full-time organizers remains to be seen, but many have already started, and the outlook is promising.

In addition, the USA's accom­plished more work than we imagined they might. While they were ex­tremely uneven in their abilities and commitment to the work, as a group they raised the energy and creativity level of virtually every situation they entered. Perhaps the bottom line is the simple fact that they put in well over 100,000 hours of work in a short period of time. As a result, they put some impressive numbers on the board: '4 They got 2,385 workers to sign union authorization cards and 1,625 people to join community organiza­tions. " They conducted 23,778 house visits with workers and spoke one-on-one with 15,809 workers during worksite visits. 0 They handed out over 200,000 fly­ers and leaflets. 11 They collected 71,551 signatures on petitions on various campaigns, e.g., to get living wage referendums and other pro-worker measures on the November ballot. -<> They made 79,457 phone calls and got 3,386 workers to fill out surveys and questionnaires. f' They organized or attended 1,014 rallies, demonstrations and other direct actions and turned out 16,641 workers to participate in them. " They registered 4,009 voters. <> They conducted 514 delegation visits to stores and other establish­ments on behalf of farm workers, garment workers, janitors and others. • They organized workers in over 10 languages, including Cantonese, Eng­lish, French, Haitian Creole, Manda­rin, Spanish, Tagalog and Vietnam­ese.

In addition to these aggregate Dlllll­bers, the USA's made the difference

4 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

in a significant number of organizing campaigns. Here are a few examples: • In August, Atlanta USA's distribut­ed leaflets and conducted house visits with folks who work at a Roadmaster plant. UNITE won a representation election for 500 workers at the facili­ty by a 2-1 margin. ., UFCW Local 876 credited USA's for applying the final and decisive pressure on the management of Rite Aid stores to negotiate a master con­tract for its workers in Michigan. The USA 's blitted about 70 Rite Aid stores in Metropolitan Detroit. '-" In New York City, persistent Un­ion Summer actions at I 9 Red Apple grocery stores convinced the chain's management to sign a city-wide pledge of support for decent condi­tions for strawberry workers in Cali­fornia. Previously, store management had been unwilling even to meet with UFW officials to discuss the straw­berry workers• plight. • After nine weeks of creative pres­sure from three waves of USA's, the Melrose Resort near Hilton Head signed a first contract with the Inter­national Union of Operating Engi­neers covering over I 00 service workers - the first contract of its kind in the region. • In Denver, seven janitoria1 service contractors agreed not to oppose their employees' efforts to join with SEIU Local 105, as a result of pressure ex­erted by USA's worktng in the Jus­tice for Janitors campaign there.

Finally, Umon Summer helped open up the labor movement in a number of ways. It built bridges to community orga.nizattons such as ACORN, Californians for Justice and the Carolina AJliance for Fair Em­ployment. These groups helped plan the program from early on, and many USA's worked for them. Union Sum­mer helped reestablish bnks between labor and student and youth organiza­tions. And it helped many local un­ions across the country begin the long process of opening up as well. Plenty were surprised by what the young

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activists could acco;nplish. The pro­cess made many union leaders see the need to build organizing programs, to activate their own rank and file, to involve students and to build coali­tions with community groups.

Recruitment

Union Summer's approach to re­cruitment was twofold. First, we wanted to gee as many rank-and-file union members, sons and daughters of union members and yowig workers as we could. So we put articles, ad­vertisements and actual appllcations in scores of national and local union publications. Second, we wanted to attract a diverse group of socially committed college students. Our philosophy was that if you wa..'lt to attract a rainbow of participantB, you have to send a message of inclusion and concern with issues i.mi)ortant to activists of color every step of the way. We started by creating a re­cruitment video that emphasized Un­ion Summer's roots in Mississippi Freedom Summer and the civil rights movement and featuring young Lati­no, African American and Asian American organizers saying why helping workers form unions is im­

portant to them. The video served the dual purpose of reaching out to stu-

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dents of color and sending a message to the labor movement that inclusive­ness. would be central to Union Sum­mer's approach.

Actual recruiting efforts on campus were handled by the outre.ach staff of the AFL-CIO's Organizing Institute, whose primary mission is to find and train career organizers. These recruit­ers, many of whom went on to help run Union Summer sites in the field, were mostly women and persons of color. As. important as their own diversity was their choice of targets. While they did recruit at elite schools like Yale and Swarthmore, they spent even more time at historically black colleges and univers1t1es, state schools with large concentrations of people of color and immigrants (e.g., the University of Arizona and the University of California system), and at community colleges.

.Just cn,er haff af a!/ p-eirticipants were fJersons o'i'' color. Fi'fty-oight percent WB1"6 11,'5.'0men.

We had no idea what fruit these recruitment efforts would bear. By mid-April, we still weren't sure we would get enough applicants to fill our slots. But then over 400 applica­tions came into the office in one week - and the same thing happened the next week. In the end, over 3,500 people applied to Union Summer, far exceeding our expectations.

7!"he Participants and Their Mentors

From this large pool, we placed over 1,500 applicants in one of 43 three week internships we set up. Just over 1,000 actually ended up partici­pating in the program (the rest decid­ed to do something else or simply didn't show up). Just over half of all participants were persons of color: 20% African American, 7% Asian

American, 22% Latino, and 2% Na­tive American and bi-racial. Fifty­eight percent were women.

Needless to say, sending these groups of diverse, mostly college-age act.vists out into the streets across the U.S. caused plenty of tension. A group of activists working a suburban Maryland mall in suppon of a ballot measure was met with racist epithets from shoppers. In Michigan, a union official said she wanted only white activists on a particular organizing campaign, because the workers she was organizing were racist. In South Carolina., a union that was organizing a facility with mostly African Ameri­can workers wanted only black activ­ists, but didn't want them to say much - it seems they were to go along on house calls with the union's all-white organizing staff for appear­ance's sake.

But such incidents were few and far between, and the internship field staff was instructed to use them to explore race issues in the labor movement and the larger society, Indeed, confronting racism ard. its effects was just as important to the openness of Union Summer as gath­ering a diverse crew in the first place. In general, spending three weeb lea.ming to organize with a di­verse but politically committed group was what made Union Summer a positive experience for the vast ma • jority of its participants and, for an astonishing number Clf them, a transfonnative one.

The Union Summer site coordina­tors played an important role in deal-ing with race issues. Above all, they served as role models. Among the 50-person field staff, a majority were young union organizers who had struggled with race issues in their own careers. Sixty-six percent of the Union Summer field staff were wom- . . .. en, 54 % were persons of color, and the vast majority were in their twen-ties or early thirties. Many formed lasting bonds with their interns.

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November/December 1996 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 5

(SUMMER: Cominued from page 5)

The Curriculum

In addition to being role models, the staff was charged with creating a safe environment in which to air difficult issues concerning race and its relationship to class. They sought to accomplish this principally through use of an interactive educational com­ponent that was integral to the Union Summer experience. Every internship began with a two-day orientation, in which the participants learned not only about how to do a house visit or organize a noisy demonstration, but also about each other and about the connection between labor struggles and the civil rights and other move­ments. Then, each site coordinator was required to incorporate into the schedule for the rest of the internship five or more educational modules from among a dozen provided by the program. Several of these modules broached the difficult subject of the labor movement's own mixed history on race and gender. issues. There was a module on diversity training. And the several modules on labor history each focused on the need to organize in a different community that has often been excluded in the past.

This curriculum and the overall politically charged atmosphere of most internships led to wvergent results at different sites, depending 9n a complex of factors. In some cases, people had difficulty tackling race issues head-on in a group set­ting, and a � of people who were intolerant of peers from other backgrounds left the program. But in the vast maJority of sires, the feeling of exploration and a certain unity-in-diversity solidarity were at the heart of what made the internship memorable and what moved the par­ticipants to a new place politically. More than a few lesbian and gay participants came out, for the first time, to their Union Summer groups, and scores of young people active in

identity politics grappled construc­tively with the fact that we're all

getting the shaft at work, and that we can only beat the boss if we all stick together.

The Work

While having � diverse group of interns and a diverse staff were im­portant to · the Union Summer pro� gram's modeling of a new day in the labor movement, the work itself was also a crucial component in helping the participants. understand how race and class issues are intertwined. The interns' principal task was to help on organizing campaigns - class strug­gle. But they were organizing Haitian nursing home workers in Miami; Chicano farm workers in the straw­berry fields; Latino hotel workers, parking lot attendants and janitors in

Scores of young people active in identity politics grappJe,or constructively with tfts fl.Yet thst we 'ra ell getting the shafi: at work.

Denver, DC, Los Angeles and else­where; Asian American grocery workers and garment workers in New York and San Jose; African Ameri­can service workers, public employ� ees and home care workers from Hilton Head to rural Georgia to Chi­cago.

Suddenly, the fact that workers in this country don't have an effective right to organize unions became an issue important not only to "union bosses," but also to young activists of color as activists of color. Union SUmmer spawned a large group of Mechistas and other identity politics activists who went back to their com­munities and campuses not only pro-union, but with sophisticated analyses of why Wlion elections through the National Labor Relations

6 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

Board are often a waste of time for workers, and how they should instead demand recognition from the boss through direct action, as exemplified by the SBIU's Justice for Janitors campaign.

While USA's focused principally on organizing campaigns - and this fact is a testament to the new AFL-CIO officers' commibnent to the primacy of organizing the unorga­nized, even in an election year -they also participated in some politi­cal work. Here, too, the program sent a message to interns and the larger community that the struggles of people of color are working peo­ple's stru88les. This was nowhere more evident than in our five Califor-

. nia sites, where most activists spent some of their time campaigning against anti-affirmative action and anti-immigrant ballot initiatives.

Links With Past Struggles

Union SUmmer had a strong link to the civil rights movement from the beginning. It was inspired by Free­dom SUmmer, the 1964 campaign that brought about 1,000 college students to Mississippi to e.:npower African American citizens by con­ducting "freedom schools" and regis -tering voters amidst violent white opposition to black enfranchisement. Union Summer sought to send a mes­sage that if the right to vote and par­ticipate in society wa& the burning Q.UC$tion in the early 1960s, the ques­tion today is economic justice: an obscene and growing gap in wages and wealth; too few good JObs for all but the best educated; no security for those who have jobs; the lack of an effective right to organize a union for self-advancement.

One of the 43 Union Summer in­ternships was set up almost enttrely. as an elaboration of this ther.ne. The Union Summer Southern Bus Tour began in Memphis, where Martin Lu­ther King died fighting for city sani-

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PRRAC Researchers Report I\

Special Education: A Paradign1 for School Reform?

by Marcene Root and Ruth Zweifler

"With the awakening of the civil rights movement. hopes of gaining full participation [in public schools] were reborn ... ln tlJ,e seventies, through citizen initiative a11d political tution, special education and civil rights laws at both the state and federal levels were en.acted that guaranJeed education for the last group of children previously denied: children who were physically. emotionally or intellectually disabled. All children were now to be appropriately educated. It appeared tluJt the last barrier had fallen. But had it?" (Public Education and Social Change, 1996)

�/ hen the special education laws were developed in the early 70s, (Michigan's Mandatory Special Edu� cation Act, Public Act 198, 1971, and the federal Education of All Handicapped Children's Act of 1975, PL-142); lawmakers and educators believed they were providing a way for children traditionally excluded to �ome a part of the educational mainstream. Ironically, as th� edifice of public educauon crumbles, the only rights and protections that solid­ly remain are those originally de­signed for the most vulnerable sector: those with handicaps.

Unlike the children eligible for special education, the vast majority of children: • have no assurance of careful educa­tional assessments; • have no right to an educational plan that meets their individual needs; ,c, have no clear procedural due pro-cess rights; '" have no requirement that their par­ents be considered essential members of their planning ream.

With support from PRRAC, the Srudent Advocacy Cent.er focused on spelling out, with the help of six poi­gnant case srudies, the components of special education provisions potential­ly immensely useful for special edu­cation children and their advocates. Were these regulations to work as

designed, they would provide an excellent template to e:isure educa­tional opportunity and meaningful parent participation for all children. That is why, in our resulting docu­ment, Public Education and Social Change, we examine in depth the realities of implementation. Unfortu­nately, many families of children eligible for special education have found that what is written on the paper and what happens at the schoolhouse are very different.

Using the example of special edu­cation policies and procedures -designed to educate all chtldren to reach their potennal and tO assure participation of the family and guar­antee independeni compliance officers when there is a disagreement - sec­tion one of our report examines the underlying resistance to institutional change. Children have neither politi­cal power nor credibility when adult fairness or competency are called into question. Parents face a united front of professionals when they ask un­comfortable questions. Issues of race and class discrimination compound the barriers to fundamental, systemic change. Asswnptions by educators about who- is able -to learn ·and ·who deserves an education preclude criti­cal evaluation of policies and practic­es that have a harmful impact on too many children; thus, poor children

and those of color continue to lan­guish in America's public schools. Michigan, with its draconian expul­sion laws that undercut mandatory school attendance and its refusal to morutor the impact of exclusionary practices, comes under particular scrutiny.

The report's second major :section lays out the goals of systems advoca-cy as practiced by the Student Adv� cacy Center, a small, mdependent nonprofit agency based in Ann Ar-bor, Michigan. It presents efforts to amphfy and reinforce individual and joint parent involvement in school change. Six case studies are present-ed in detail to illustrate the real-life experiences that can contrast &o sharply with paper policies. Those special education policies are then examined in depth, using the case studies to point up the gaps and chasms. The promises and challenges of parent involvement when attempt-ed by poor and minority parents un­derscore the societal inequalities per­peruatcd by entrenched schooling mechanisms. James Comer's success in altering the school climate and culture to help parents feel welcome offers the hope that positive change is · possible (see bis 1980 book, School

Power.) The Recommendations section of

(Pletue tum to page 13)

November/Decem'ber 1996 • Poverty & Race Ill Vol. 5, No. 6 • 7

-PRRAC Grantees' Advocacy Reports

Farmers' Legal Action Group 1301 Minnesota Bldg. 46 East Fourlh St. St. Paul, MN 55101 612/223-5400 Contact: Randi Roth & Stephen Car­penter

.According to Department of Agri­culture (USDA) statistics, about 6 % of the nation's farms are operated by people of color.

Discrimination by USDA has been commonplace since the Department's creation. Numerous studies �IIlll that USDA has actively discriminated against African American fanners and contributed to the steep drop in the number of African American farmers. It is not surprising, there­fore, that farmers of color (and wom­en farmers) receive less government assistance than white male farmers, operate smaller farms and have lower overall incomes than white men, and are much more likely than white male farmers to live in poverty.

Farmers· Legal Action Group (FLAG) received funding from PR..:.�C to conduct research on the .lending practices of USDA's Farm Service Agency's (FSA) Farm Credit Program. In the Farm Credit Pro­gram, FSA acts as a lender of last &sort for family farmers, and is therefore a crucial source of credit for family farmers. FLAG is working cooperatively with USDA on the project.

The research FLAG conducted took three general forms. First, existmg docwuents and studies analyzing discrimination at USDA were supple­mented by interviews with farmers and grass-roots farm organizations, such as the Federation for Southern Cooperatives. This inventory of the most common patterns of discrimina-

tion was then used to evaluate USDA anti-discrimination efforts and the ways these efforts might be im­proved.

Second, FLAG investigated USDA discrimination complaint procedures and compliance procedures through a review of the department's regula­tions and standard operating proce­dures, interviews with USDA Civil Rights staff and inspection of selected USDA investigation files (with names redacted). This investigation con­cluded that USDA procedures fail to provide significant guidance to civil rights investigators. Agricultural credit generally is complicated, and FSA regulations governing fanner credit programs are unusually arcane. This complexity can make it difficult to identify dLSCrimination. As a re­sult, civil rights investigators rarely find discrimination when responding tO a formal compJaint.

Third, FLAG prepared a lengthy legal memorandum detailing the con­tours ofUDSA's legal nondiscrimina­tion obligations as an agricultural lender - particularly with respect to the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (ECOA). The memorandum explains, for example, the burden of proof that must be estl.blished by a farmer when alleging discrimination by a lender under ECOA. This memorandum should be useful to USDA civil rights investigators, as well as rural attor­neys, advocates and farmers.

At present, FLAG is using PRRAC funding to develop model complaint investigation and compliance proce­dures for USDA. The proposed pro­cedures will provide a st:ep.-:by-:Step guide to USDA civil rights investiga­tors so that they can identify USDA discrimination and provide a remedy.

8 • Poveny & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

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Labor/Community Strategy Center - Bus Riders Union 3780 Wilshire Blvd., #120:J Los Angeles, CA 90010 213/387-2800 Contact: Eric Mann

The Bus Riders Union is making history - or at least we think we are. In the past three years we have: ., Built one of the largest multiracial mass membership transit organi7.a­tions in the U.S., with more than 1100 dues-paying members and thou­sands more who identify as members of the BRU/SDP - Sindicato de Pasajeros '" Written a new policy paper, "A New Vision for Urban Transporta­tion" (supported by PRRAC - see Res�mrces Section under "Race/ Rac­ism") that lays out a strategic and policy perspective for organizm and activists in other major urban centers ,. Initiated a major class action law­suit, Labor/Community Strategy Cen­ter and Bus Riders Union et al. v. Los Angeles MTA, that currently is going through a mediation and settle­ment process. If we can reach final agreement, and fight to eliminate destructive language that will give the MT A loopholes to take back many of the agreement's positive components, we will be able to deliver: e A reduction in the monthly bus pass from $49 to $42; � A reduction in the bi-weekly bus p;lSS from $26.50 to $21; @ Creation of a new $11 weekly bus pass;

• A oommitment by dle MT A to buy 102 new buses to reduce overcrowd­ing and another SO buses as a pilot project to end what we call "ghetto and barrio" transportation, in order to allow people of color io travel to new jobs, medical services. recre-

(

)

ational and educational facilities throughout the 4,000 square miles of L.A. County; ,;) Creation of a Joint Working Group in which the Strategy Center and Bus Riders Union will function as representatives of the class of 350,000 bus riders in direct and ongoing negotiations with the MT A over a IO-year court-ordered settle-

(SUMMER: Continlll!d from page 6)

tation workers as part of his Poor People's Campaign. After a kickoff with Jesse Jackson at the Civil Rights Museum, the activists trav­eled through Mississippi and Ala­bama in. a combined civil rights history tour and nursing home worker organizing campaign with the United Food and Commercial Workers. The message to the larger commwtity was clear: for the most­ly Afric.an American and female workforce of nursing homes in the Deep South, the economic justice Dr. King was fighting for at the end of his life will only come when they win power in their own lives by forming a union.

While Union Summer was in­spired by Freedom Summer, it is worth pointing out that the former was not "modeled after" the latter, as so much of the press 1azily re­ported. The idea of Freedom Sum­mer was to bring hundreds of elite

,. college students - mostly white, and mostly from the North - into Mis­sissippi to stand on the front lines of the struggle, because when local African Americans were impris­oned, beaten or lynched, the estab­lishment paid virtually no attention. The strategy worked. The racist media suddenly cared a great deal if it was a Harvard student getting water-hosed.

· · ·· · ·

The conditions that led to Union Summer were different. and so was its strategy. Rather than focusing on elite college students, Union Sum-

ment period. Perhaps most important, the BRU

is led by an amazing group of 12 people, 7 bus riders, 5 Strategy Center staff. We come together as often as 2-3 times a week for meet­ings, in English and Spanish, that often go 4-5 hours and debate every twist and turn of policy, strategy and tactics. The proposed consent

mer sought to bring together a group that was diverse both in terms of class and race. The new leadership of the AFL-CIO saw Union Summer as its most concrete opportunity to make the labor movement's programs and future leadership better refl�t both its current members and the workers it needs to organize. While the civil rights movement needed elite kids to make the COWltry take notice of racial oppression, the labor move­ment needed to recruit young orga­nirers of color to organize workers in their communities. What the labor movement aspired to replicate from Freedom Swnmer, at least to some extent, was the ability to give people such an intense experience with a struggle for justice that (1) it would p�nnanently change their politics, (2) many of them would be steered into socially useful careers, and (3) some would even stay with the labor movement as union orga­nizers.

The Future - New Hope

For a Progressive Youth Movement

Union Summer only scratched the surface of the potential for activism among young people of color on workers' issues. Now that the sum­iiiei

·1s over and -iiiey ani-back on

campus or in their community, Un­ion Summer alumni are spreading the word about what they learned and starting to organize. We get

decree is filled with victories, prob­lems, traps and loopholes. It will be up to the planning committee, the 100 most active BRU/SDP members and our general membership to translate a legal victory into a long-term victory for a movement that is up against a powerful gov­ernmental adversary. We welcome the challenge.

calls daily from USA 's who are orgamzmg student labor action groups or using their new-found organizing skills in struggles for environmental, racial and gender justice, to name a few.

Now the labo: movement must create an ongoing program to en­gage young people. We can weave a web of opportunity for young activism to plug into workers' strug­gles by supporting campus organiz­ing, running internships and alterna­tive spring break programs, offering training and disseminating informa­tion about organizing jobs. The challenge will be to create a pro­gram that keeps alive the openness Union Summer attempted to achieve. The experience of Union Swnmer makes clear that young activists are eager to fig.b.t for jus­tice - under the right circum­stances. We must reach out to them where they are. And we must take a chance on them, by giving them a significant role to play on the front lines of our struggles.

Andy Levin is Director of U11Wn Summer (AFI.rCIO, 815 16th St., NW. Wash., DC 2C006, 202/639-6229). Before coming to the AFL­C/0, he was Field Director of the New Voice Campaign, the success-ful effort to elect John Sweeney, Richard Tn.unJca & Linda Cha.vez­Thompson to lead tJudabor federa- - · tion, and an organizer of low-wage health care workers for SE/U. He holds a BA in religion from Wil­liams and a law degree from Har­vard. □

November/December 1996 • Poverty & Race • VoL 5, No. 6 • 9

_____________ ..;... _________________________ _

(POVERTY: Continued from page 2)

more highly educated workers have either fallen more slowly, or, in the case of highly educated women, con­sistently grown. When you add the fact that returns to wealth holdings and profit rates have soared (witness the stock market in the 1990s), the nature of the poverty problem, at least in a descriptive sense, is clear.

The condition of the low-wage labor market is perhaps even worse than these negative wage trends re­veal. There have also been secular increases in unemployment rates among low-wage workers and de­creases in the shares of certain popu­lation groups with jobs (a sign of weak labor demand). For example, the employment to population ratios of young black men (ages 25-34) with high-school degrees fell from 85.4% in 1979 to 77.5% in 1993. Not only are wages low and falling for these groups of workers, but they have a hard.er time than most finding stable employment.

The Future?

What are the factors driving these wage trends, and thus maintaining the disconnect between poverty and growth? First and foremost is lhe sharply diminished bargaining power of the non-college educated worker. It is very difficult to imagine a maid in the service sector or a clerk in a retail chain insisting on a pay raise, or even a wage that keeps pace with inflation. In such a labor market climate, why should we expect pov­erty to respond to overall economic growth?

In order to correct this imbalanced system, we must recognize what has led us here. Over the last two de­cades, economic policy bas moved decisively towards creating a more laissez-faire economy. Industries such as airlines, trucking, mtercity buses, railroads and telecommunications

have been deregulated. A flood of imported · manufacturing goods has swamped our manufacturing base. The holes in the governmenJ safety net for the poor and the unemployed have grown larger. Health, safety and environmental regulations have been slashed. Congress has also allowed the after-inflation value of the mini­mum wage to erode (even the recent federal increase only returns us to the mid-1980s level). Meanwhile, busi­ness has actively attacked unions' right to organize and bargain collec­tively. Taxes on businesses and the well-off have been reduced. And the Federal Reserve Board, catering to Wall Street, has battled inflation, regardless of the cost in terms of higher unemployment and slower growth.

Business has ectivsfy attacted unions· right to organize and bargain collectiwny.

In sum, for the past two decades, we have suffered a conscious, decid­ed shift in national policy designed to unleash market forces and empower corporate managers and shareholders. Those who have supported and im­plemented these changes argue that they pomt the way to a new, dynamic and more efficient economy. Yes. there are transitional costs, they ar­gue, but the process will yield bene­fits that outweigh those costs.

But where is tb.e payoff? Productiv­ity - output per hour of work -grew no faster m the 1980s or 1990s than in the 1970s (in fact, it has grown slightly slower). The rate of investment was no higher in the . i98bs .. ihan .fo.. ·earlier periods" and actually decelerated in the 1990s.

What ha!i happened, instead, is a large-scale redistribution of income, wealth and, ultimately, power, from

To • Poverty & Race •� Vol. 5, No. 6 If, Nove,n/Jer/December 1996

those at lhe bottom to those at the top. Income and wealth holdings are currently more concentrated. than lhey've ever been, and profit � are at a 30-year high. [See "Race,

Wealth & Inequality in America, " by Melvin Oliver & 11wmas Shapiro, the lead article in the Novem­

ber/December 1995 P&R. for a dis­cussion of Black-white wealth dispari­ties, which are far more pronounced, and more important, than income

disparitie:i.] But greater mequality and higher profits have not led to im­provements in efficiency, investment or competitiveness. For most of the poor, the "transition to a better econ­omy" has been all pain, no gain.

Since deregulation. expanded trade and the gutting of laoor market insti­tutions have not improved productivi­ty growth or investment, a return to an economy that tempers the worst excesses of the market and safeguards the living standards of the majority of workers would not generate efficien­cy losses. Moreover, redistributing resources back to working families will undeniably restore some long-missing equity and fairness to the economy. Only through the tem­pering of market excesses can we expect to reconnect economic growth and the well-being of the poor.

Jared Bernstein is a labor ec.orw­

mist with the Economic Policy Inst. (16(,{) L St. NW. #12()(), Wash., DC 20036, 202/775-8810). In 1995-96, he was Deputy Chief Economist al the U.S. Department of Labor, fol­lowing which he rejoined the EPI .,•taff. This article is drawn from The State of Working America 1996-97, which Bernstein co-edited with Law­rence Mtshel & John Schmitt. □

f

'

\ I

\;

Crime and Injustice Quiz

Answers appeal" on page U.

1. Between 1930 and today, the murder rate in the U.S. bas steadily increased and today is the highest ever. a. true b. false

2. Rank the following causes of death in the U.S. in the 1990s (highest to lowest). a. cancer d. occupational hazards & disease b. violent crime e. heart disease c. inadequate emergency medical care

3. During the past 2 1/2 decades, violent crime in the U.S. bas; a. increased by 15 % c. more than doubied b. increased by almost half d. increased somewhat

4. During the past 25 years, the U.S. incarceration rate has: a. slightly increased d: almost quadrupled b. slightly decreased e. remained about the same c. almost doubled

5. Studies have shown that higher imprisonment rates will lower the crime rate. a. true b. false

6. The incarceratlon rate for Black people in the U.S. is approximately ___ that of White people. a. the same as c. twice b. 8 times d. 5 times

7. The incarceration rate for Latinos in the U S. is approximately _ ___ that of White people. a. the same as c. 4 times

b. 8 times d. twice

.i. Black people are 4 times as likely to be arrested on drug charges as White people, even though the two groups use drugs at almost the same rate. a. true b. false

..

9. There are more Black men in prison and jails today than are attending college. a.. true b. false

IO. It costs more to send a person to prison than to Harvard. a. true b. false

11. Who primarily benefits from the "prison & control-industrial complex"? a. inmates c. corporations & government b victims

12. U.S. mmates serve shorter prison terms today than m the past. a true b. false

13. Approximately ___ percent of inmates entering prison today have been convicted of a violent crime. a. 50 c. 25 b. 72 d. 36

14. Politicians propose tough crime legislation because the public overwhelmingly favors "lock-'em-up" solutions to crime. a. true b. false

15. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have criticized and condemned U.S. prisons for violations of the United Nations' Standard Minimum Rules for the treatment of prisoners. a. true b. false

16. What region of the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate, the most people on death row, and has carried out the greatest number of executions since 1976? a. Northeast c. West b. South d. Midwest

This quiz (edited for use in P&R) was developed in October 1996 try the Project South Washington Book Forum & the Criminal Injustice &: Polzce State Working Group, which acknowledges its debt to the Committee to End t� Man"on Lockdown, portions of whose "Crime & Incarceration Quiz" have been reproduced with permission. For sources and supplementary figures, contact Project South Washington, 6617 Millwood Rd.,., .Bethesda, MD 2()817.,. 301/320-4034, E�lt/ilil: wktm,fishman@igc.apc.org

November/December 1996 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 11

, -- - - --··-· - ·· · - .-·,··· ····� - - --- --·----- -· · · ·- · -- - -- - -· - ·- - • f l - - - --·--· •-· · -� -- - ·· · «••------ ·---- - --- - -··-�---

' --��=-�"""'-"'3!'"-' ........... :..:-""=<!-..:.�.:::-=---.·=

QUIZ ANSWERS

1. Fuie. The murder rate in the U.S. was about IO per 100,000 m 1930 and about 10 per 100,000 in 1990: in 1993 it was 9.3. The murder rate tends to increase and peak in periods of economic crisis - e.g., the Great Depression ef the 1930s and the current period of declining wages, high unemployment and undcrc:mployment, and downsizing and re3tructuring. It was at a low point during the economic expansion of the post-World War n period, roughly from 1950 to the early 1970s.

2. e, a, d, b, c. In the early 1990s, the number of deaths annually Wa!! roughly 717,000 from heart disease, 520,600 from cancer, 34,600 from <KX:lq)ational hazards & disease, 24,000 from violent cnme, and 20,000 from inadequate emergency medical care.

3. d- According to the Uniform Crime Repon - which includes only crimes reported to the police - the total crime rate went up and down between 1973 and 19')2, and is higher in 1992 than in 1973. The UCR data show that the violent crime rate increased steadily and dramatically between 1973 and 1992. However, according to the National Criminal Victimization Survey - -an annual survey of about 50,0CO households begun in 1973, and considered by scholars to be the more accurnte measure than figures that count only crime reported to the police - total crime declined between 1973 and 1992 and violent crime remained about the same.

4. d. Despite little or no change in the crime rate, we are putting people in prison at an unprecedented rate.

5. Fabe. Studies have shown that crime stems from societal causes and thal higher imprisonment rates do 001 affect the crime rate. Similarly. it has been repeatedly shown that the death penalty does not deter murder

6. b.

7. e.

8. True. It is also true tha.t the penalties are much higher for use of crack cocaine, a drug often used in poorer communities, than for powder cocaine, a drug preferred in wealthier communities

9. True. In 1992, there were 583,000 Black men in prison and jails compared to 537,000 in college Since that date, the margin has widened. Man: Mauer and Tracey Huling identify the "Criminal Justice Control Rate" (CJCR}, which includes those incarcerated in stale and federal prisons and local jails, as well as those on probation and on parole. The 1995 CJCR for Black men 20-29 years is 32.2%; 1994 rates are :i2.3% for Latino IIlf'll, 6.7% for White men, 4.8% for Black women, 2.2% for Latino women, and 1.4% for White women.

10. True. The extremely high cost of keeping a person in prison is almost entirely due to the physical plaol and the security measures involved, not to meeting the needs of the pcisonc:rs. The Semencing Project estimates the 1995 cost for dtt: 827,440 young Black men is the criminal justice system to be about $6 !>illion. The cost of incarcerating one ycnmg man is roughly $35,000 a year, more than the annual cost of attending Harvard University, and much more than the $5,400 average annlllll cost for tuition, fees, room & board in 1993 to attend a 4-y= public colle�. From 1980 to 1995, the federal government decreased die education budget by $59 billion and increased the •corrections" budget by the same $59 bill ion.

11. c. Corporations & government. Over the las I 20 years. public and private spending for • crime control" bas increased at more than twice the rate of military spending. In recent years, $100 billion of our tax dollars is being �pent each year on law enforcement, and p.,:ivate wcurity companies are taking in $65 billion annually. In the last decade alone, the government spent $34.6 billion to build 1000 new prisons and jail�. By 1994, the Corrections Corporation of America and other private prison companie!, had $250 million in revenues and ran 88 prisons with about 50,000 inmate beds. Private facilities are growing at 4 times the rate of state facilities.

PriS<>n labor is another source of revenue When mmates are paid as little as 15t,: an hour. the possibility for great profit� is clear. Since 1990, 30 states have legalized the contracting ou1 of prison labor to private oompanies. The Correctional Industries Assn suggests that by 2000, 30% of all m1e and federal inmalelo will work - yielding $8.9 billion in saies to those who control their labor. Norwegian crimioologist Nib Christie suggests a frightening scenario: that industry will do what is necessary to guarantee a steady supply of prisoners, and that for the 8upply of prisoners to grow, criminal justice policies must ensure a sufficient number of incan:erar.ed Americans regardlesi; of whether crime is rising or not.

12. False. Because of harsher sentencing policies implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, the average length of stay is increasing.

13. c. Most prisoners have committed crimes that involve no violence and li1tle financial loss to the victim.

14. False. In a representative survey, reported by the Department of Justice, asking the public for its view of how crime reduction funds should be spent, over half the respondents favored prevention or rehabilitation, only 25 % punishment.

15. True. Many of the new control unit prisons in the U.S. have been cit.ed by Amnesty International and Human Riglus Watch for practicing psychological torture. These prisons ostensibly _we� created to hold violent and (!!�rup1tve il!fflates !>u� have_ also 1Jeen used to hold po�tical prisonm and curb dissent.

,r'�,. - - .

16. b. The 1994 incarceration rate for federal and state prisoners in the U.S. i s 387 per 100,000 residents. The regional rates at\l 451 in the South,

.� 285 in the Northeast, 297 in lhe Midwest and 333 in the West. Southern prisons hold more death row inmates than any other region. Since 1976, 330 • ' death row inmates have been executed; of these, 274 (83%) have been in the South. Some have suggested that this state of affairs is lhe legacy of the history of the South.

12 e Po-verty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

·r.

____ , ___________________________

(EDUCATION: Continued from page 7)

our report identifies five goals to be pursued on public and private fronts. The primary goal is a free and appro­priate education for all children. It is compared to contradictory practices, such as expulsions, oompet.ency t.est.s without needed educational supports, and IDlderlying racial and social bias­es that undermine attainment. Models of promising practices that further the goal are reviewed. This is followed by four strategic, achievable goals in practical and substantive areas: • Clear and accessibie imormation - Reliable information m�t be available to all stakeholders. Without critical data about the effects of school policies and practices, in­formed adjustments by policy makers are unlikely. Families are forced to act blindly or are paralyzed when they do not have access to informa­tion about their children or about the basis for educational decisions. 1, Procedural protec!i.mis and assur� ances - A vigorous and effective system for monitoring and overseeing programs must be established. All children must have access to due process protections when vital school-

ing issues are in question. Without vigorous legal and lay advocacy sup­port, parental endeavors are often ignored. ,, " Comm.unity colli!boration and de­velopment - A supportive commu­nity network of social services must supplement school efforts to meet the social and health needs of students. e1 Growth and development of par­ent organi7.ations in terms of key 1&lyers, action steps and research findings - Individual parents often feel powerless when confronted by a child's school problems. Key ele­ments necessary for effective organiz­ing and support are identified. Exist­ing training and collaborative net­works available to empower individu­als and neighborhood groups are described.

The report finds that the pro­grammatic requirements embedded in the special education act are valid, realistic goals for all children, if we are serious aboat providing them access to the intellectual, social, po­litical and economic life of their com­munities. The final section spells out individual and governmental actions necf.ssary for more democratic partic­ipation and improved student achieve-

ment. Parental support structures are compared for efficacy and examined for down-to-earth, usable strategies. Paramount is the need for vigorous monitoring and oversight by govern­mental units and independent advo­cates. A meaningful and i.11elusive public education system is attainable. Our report maps the steps and asks the reader to begin the jowney.

The Student Advocacy Center, found­ed in 1974, provides free, nonlegal advocacy to those eligible for public education and their families. Rulh Zweijkr has been volunteer director since the beginning. Marcene Root, Program Director, is also a doCUJral candidate in the Department of Soci­ology at the University of Michiga11. Public Education and Social Change: Advocacy Strategies, Special Educa­tion, and Parent Involvement, by Marcenl! Root, Ruth Zweifler & Mar­cia Rederbush, (47 pp., 1996), can be obtained from SAC, 2301 Platt Rd., Ann Arbor, Ml 48104, 313/973-786(); $8, low-income dis­counts available. A related £4C pub­lication, "The Fourth 'R': Rights of Students," is available for a $2 post­age and handling fee. □

-------·------·--------------·----�------·

Resources

When ordering items from the Resoui-ces Secnon, please note thol most li.n­ings direct you to coniact an organization other than PRRA C. Prices include the shipping/handling (slh) charge when this informa­tion is provided to PRRAC. •No price listed• items often are free.

Men ordering items from PRRAC: SASE = self-ad­dressed stamped envelope

(32C unless otherwise indi­CXJled}. Orders ,nay not be placed by telephone or /<D.. Please indicatr which issue of P&R you are ordering

from.

""7ien we fill SASE orders, we enclQse a contrtbulion envelope; please - espe­cially ilY<Jtrart a fre<JU�nt user of our service - try to send us some needed oper­oling funds. Thank you.

PhMe aop us,. tine.�• .kao:,r lknt usd'il1 ow b '80Ql!C� .... &I.to� •. a,s "8th a 'l�-t,r alld i:cq,,ecer ef1--m.Wtlleargoed�mat1Dl)'�. .ff•� ·a mot'e IIOIQpku sat• or tbe �eneae ot tJais· ---- ,._... will laelp'lis .areaa, in feanda,, tt,,n 6J8'raislq -.,)t (11.nd ii ,awfldb'·,-oc) for OU, 'IQO--

•>• Sead us • abort: 48te, lfllfiic � knoiS'-lf ii 1'as IIM/a � ti, yOQ (llow naaoy reqnats Y9W get wbas you list� iteJD, how maay ·itelQ,i yw seed twa)' tor,

-$,). 1bak you.

-----------·-----------------------·--------November/December 1996 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 13

------------------------�..a.e...--- ___ .._...,.�1'•--------___ ...,. ____________ _

Race/Racism

• "A New Vision for Ur­ban Transportation: The Bus Riden Union Makes History at the Intersection or Mass Transit, CMI Rights & the Environ­ment," by Eric Mann with the Planning Comm. of the Bus Riders Union (40 pp., 1996), is available ($10) from the Labor/Comm. Strategy Ctr., 3780 Wilshire Blvd., #1200, LA, CA 90010, 213/387-2800, E-mail: laborctr @igc.apc.org. • "African American Perspectives, 1996-1997" is a video catalogue, contain­ing 30 documentaries (10 of which are new releases) Contact Calif. Newsreel, 149 9th St., #420, SF, CA 94103, 415/621-6196, E-mail: newsreel @ix.netcom.com, • "Beyond Popular No­tion: An Empirlcal Ap­praisal of Economic Anxi­ety, Racial Attitudes & Whites' Opposition to Af­flffllative Action," by Tara Jackson & Keith Reeves, is a 2�-page, May 1996 paper, available from the senior author, JFK School of Govt., Harvard U., 79 JFK St., Taubman 304, Cam­bhlige, MA 02138. Dr. Jackson also bas a draft pa­per titled "The Other Side of the Residential Segrega­tion Equation: Why Detroit Blacks Are ReluctaDt to Pio­neer Integration." • Color Conscious: Tiu Political Morality of JlrJce, by K Anthony Appiah & Amy Gutmann (191 pp., 1996), has been published by Princeton Univ. Press 41 Williain St., Princeto�. NJ 609/258-5714. $21.95.

,. Lib Judgem£1fl Day: The Ruin & Rethmption of a Town called P.osewood by Michael D'Orso, is a ' journalistic retelling of the massacre & destruction of the African American town of Rosewood, FL in 1923 In 1994, the Florida Legis­lature allocated up to $2 million to compensate sur­vivors & their descendants but ownership/survivor ' problems have plagued the compensation program. 373 pp., $27.50, published by GP Putnam's & Sons. �- Making Impressions is an occasional publication of Ameria/Typecast, "a journal of African-American Histo­ry, Culture & Entertain­ment" for the DC ami.. Ap­pears to be free. Contact Jane Rosenbloom, 3303 18th St. NW, Wash., DC 20010, 202/265-3443. � "Prll.gmatic Metropolis: Race & Residential. Segre­gation In the City or An­gels," by Camille -Zubrinsky & Lawrence Bobo (53 pp. + Tables, Jan. 1996), is available from Prof. Zubrinsky, Dept. Sociology, Ohio St. U .• 300 Bricker Hall, 190 N. Oval Mall Columbus, OH 43210-1353. • "Racial & Ethnic ln­eqoallty: An lntematl. Perspective" is the latest edition of International Pol­

icy Review, edited by Samu­el Myers, Jr. Coun­tries/regions covered: US, Dominican Rep., France, Latin Amenca, Russia, Aus­tr.alia, India, New Zealand, S. Africa, Sri Lanka, West Bank/Gaza Strip. $12.50 from the Review; Concordia College, 275 N. Syndicate Ave • St. Paul, MN 55104, 6121641-8226.

• "The Damned: Slavery Did Not End With the Civil War: One Man's Od­yssey Into a Nation's Se­cret Shame," a feature ani­cle in the June 16 1996 Wash. Post, by �n C�­per, describes & documents via materials at the Library' of Congress, instances of slavery in the South that lasted into the 1920s and 1930s. Available from us with a SASE. • Voices of Vision is "a collection of essays, arti­cles, factoids & opinion statements by African American women on the issues facing African Amer­ican women." $16.95 from the Natl. Council of Negro Women, PO Box 14466 Benjamin Fr8Dklin Sta , ' Wash., DC 20044. The book release is part of a celebration launching the Natl. Ctrs. for African American Women & the _Dorothy I. Height Leader­ship Inst • The 1997 Inclusion Works Coni., a project of the TX Educ Agency et al., will be held Feb. 13-15 in El Paso. Inf. from the Conf., PO Box 5368, Aus­tin, TX 78763-5368. s "Ethnicity: Retro-1pectives & Pro!ipedives" is the 1997 Silver Anniver­sary Conf. of the Natl Assn. for Ethnic Studies March 19-23 in. Lacros�, WlCa1l for pape�(may be too late) from Otis Scott, Ethnic Studies Ctr , Cal. St. U .. 6000 I St., Sacramento, CA 95819, 916/27�645. E-mail; scottol@skynet2. csus.edu. Contact Dept. English, Ariz. St U., Tempe, AZ 85287-0302, 602/965-2197 re student paper competition (Ian. 15 deadline).

14 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • November/December 1996

Povertyf\l-lelfare

.. "An Analysis or the. AFDC-Jlelated Medicaid Provisions in the New Welfare Law," by Cindy Mann (10 pp., Sept. 1996), is available from dte Ctr. on Budget & Policy Priorities, 820 First St. NE, #510, Wash., DC 20002, 202/408-1080; contact them re prices. 11 "Back to Basics: Wom­en's Poverty & Welfare Refo.-m" is a new 165-page report from the Wellesley Ctr. for Research on Wom­en. Exec. Summary + fact sheet also available: 106 Central St., Wellesley, MA 02181-8259. 617/283-2507. • "Domatic Violence & Welfare Polley: The Need for Advoatcy," by Martha Davis, Legal Director of NOW's Legal Defense & Educ. Fund, was a 2-pager (with bibliography) from the Aug. 20, 1996, Welfare

News (publication of the Ctr. for Social Welfare Pol­icy &. Law}; available from us with a SASE. • "Earned lncomt: Cred­it: Profile oi' Tax Yem" 1994 Credit Recipients" is a 44-page, June 1996 GAO report (GAO/ GGD-96-122BR), available, free, from USGAO, PO Box 6015, GaitheBburg, MD 20884-6015, 202/512-(,()()(). • "For Illspanfc Poor, No SUver Lining" is a short piece, by Steven Holmes, that appeared io the Oct. 13, 1996, Sunday

NY Times "News of the Week in Review" section. We'll send it to you with a SASE.

(

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..

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• "Information AL-out Poverty & Housing of Ru­ral Women" is a 2-page infonnation sheet prepared by the Housing Assistance Couocil. Available from us with a SASE.

� Rich Getting �cber, Poor Getting Poorer: Two recent srudies documenting this are: � A Brief Look at Postwar US Income Inequal­ity," from the US Census Bureau, CUstomer Ser­vices-Order Desk, Wash., DC 20233, 301/457-3842; "Who Pays?" (showing that low- & middle-income fami­lies pay a far greater share of their income in state & local taxes than do the wealthiest families), from Citizens fo� Tax Justice, 1311 L St. NW. Wash., DC 20005, 202/626-3780.

• The $30,000 Solulion -A Guaranteed Annual In­come for E,,ery American, by Robert Schutt (160 pp., 1996, $12.95), offers a plan to tax unearned income (in­terest, dividends, rents, cap­ital gains, winnings, gifts, iohentance & the rewards of crime) in order to provide what the title says. Avail­able from Fithian Press, PO Box 1525, Santa Barbara, CA 93102, 800/662-8351.

.. The Joint Ctr. for Pov­erty Research (a North­western Univ ./Univ. of Chi­cago collaborative: Rebecca Blank, Dir., Robert Mi­chael, Dep. Dir.) has JUSt been funned, with a 5-year $7 5 million award from HHS. To be notified of their planned activities, con­tact Prof. Blank, Ctr. for Urban Affairs & Policy Re­search, Northwestern Univ., 2040 Sheridan Rd., Evanston, IL 60208-4100, 847/491-4145.

• "W aiven & Block Grant Implementation: Initial Questions" is a 7-page, Aug. 1996 report from the Ctr. on Law&. Social Policy, 1616 P St. NW, #150, Wash., DC 20036-1424, 202/328-5140 (no price listed).

• "Welcome to Procrus­tes' House: Welfare Re­form & Grandparents Raising Grandchildren," by Faith Mullen, is one of four articles in the Sept. 1996 Clearinglwuse &view: Journal of Poverty Law, devoted to "Kinship Caregiving." Inf. from Natl. Clearinghouse for Le­

gal Services, 205 W. Mon­roe St , 2nd ftr., Chicago, IL 60603-5013, 312/ 263-3830.

,. "Welfare Waivers Im­plementation: Stat� Work to Change Welfare Cul­ture, Community Involve­ment & Service Delivery" is a 56-page, July 1996 GAO report (GAO/HEHS-96-105), available, free, from USGAO, PO Box 6015, Gaithersburg, MD 20884-6015, 202/512-6000.

• "When Work Pays Better Than Welfare: A Summary of the Self-Sufficiency Project's lmplecnentation, Focus Group & Initial 18-Month Impact Reports" (24 pp., March 1996), by the Social Research & Demonstration Corp., reporting on a C a ­nadian project, is available (possibly free) from the Manpower Demonstration Research Cotp .. 3 Park Ave., NYC, NY

..

10016-5936, 212/532-3200

Community Organizing

" ""The Roots of Our Ae­tivlllm: lfiatory You Can Organize To," by Larry Yates (24 pp., 1996), is available ($7. 95) from So­cial Justice Connections, PO Box 4090, Arlington, VA 22204, 703/553-4440, E-mail: Jamaryates @igc.apc.org.

• ACORN is holding a

Grassroot& Organizing Training Weekend Nov. 9-10 at the 4-H Ctr., right outside Wash., DC. Contact Chris Leonard, DC ACORN, 739 8th St. SE, Wash., DC 20003, 202/547-9292.

Crimina.i Justice

., Racial l)jsparities in Sentencing: Part 4 of a 5-part Wash Post series, "Justice by the Numbers," on US Sentencing Guide­lines, was headed "Rules Often Impose Toughest Pen­alties on Pool', Minorities." We'll send a copy with a SASE. (The Post series ran from Oct 6-10, 1996, and a

forum on the series is avail­able via Internet at http:/lwww washingtonpo�t. com.)

Economic/ Community Development

• "Capitalizing on Collaboratives: New Part­ners for Comm. Dev. Fi­nance" (64 pp., jiJ1y 1996) is available ($20) from the Ctr. for Policy Alternatives, 1875 Conn. Ave NW, #710, Wash., DC 20009, 202/387-6030.

• "The Path to Imurance Co. Investments: A Gulde for Calif. Nonprofit Orgs." (31 pp., June 1996) is available ($15 nonprofits,

· $SO corps.fothers) from the Calif, Reinvesttnent Comm., 474 Valencia St., #110, SF, CA 94103. 415/864-3980.

• The Practice of j',f"u:rwnterprise in du U.S.: Strotegie1, Cosli & Ef/ectil'fflt1IS, by Joy� Klein, Elaine Edgcomb & PegSY Clark. is a new re­

port from the Self:. Employ• ment Leaming Proj. $35 from the Aspen Inst., PO Box 222, Queenstown, MD 21658, 410/820-5326.

"' "Reflectiom & Visions on The Learning Commu­nity" is the 29th annual conf. of the Comm. Dev. Soc., July 26-31, Athens, GA. A Call for Proposals has been issued: contact Ron Hustedde, Univ. KY, WP Garrigus Bldg., Lexington, KY 40546--0215, 606/257-3186, E-mail: soc03l@ukcc.uky.edu.

Education

o Looking Jor Anieriea: 7

Schools Exp,rrinunting wilh lntergrollJI Rel4tions (115 pp , 1996) is Vol. II (Vol. I was Looking for America: Promising School-Based Practices m lntergroup Relations, 156 pp ), from Natl. Coal. ot Advocates for Students, 100 Boylston St , #737, Boston, MA 02116-4610, 617/357-8507, E-mail: ncasmfe@aol.com. $16.95 each, $29 .95 for" both.

e "Making the Grade: Reforming America's Scheols" is the theme of the

November/December 1996 • Poverty &: Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 15

� 17te Heart KMws Something Different: Teen­age Voit:eri-from du! Foster Cllrt! System, ed. Al Desetta (232 pp., 1996), .. an anthol­ogy of stories written over the last 3 yrs. by teenage writers for the bimonthly magazine Foster Care Youth United," is available ($13.95) from Peniea Press, 171 Madison Ave., NYC, NY 10016, 212/889-0909.

• The Jounud of Chil­dren & Povei1y Summer 1996 issue contains: "The Reading Connection: Litera­cy Development & Home­less Children," by Eileen Hanning; "A Road Oft Tak­en: Unaffordable Home En­ergy Bills, Forced Mobility & Childhood Educ. in Mis­souri," by Roger Colton; "Employment & lnfonnal Network Support Among AFDC and Non-AFDC Sin­gle Mothers," by Lena Lundgren-Gaveras; and "Improving Educational Op­ponunities for Students wilh Disabilities Who are Home­less," by Christine Walther-Thomas et al. Subs to the semi-annual are $14, from the Journal, 36 Cooper Sq., 6th flr., NYC,- NY 10003, 212/529-5252.

0 "The New Literature oo Gender & The WeJfare

: State: The US Case" is a review essay, by Felicia Kombluh, from the Spring 1996 Feminist Studies Re­print of the 27-page article, as well as her June 1996 conference paper, "A Right to Welfare? Poor Women, Lawyers & Social Workers Define the Political, 1953-73,,., may be available from the author, Dept. of History, Princeton Univ., Princeton, NJ 08544.

" Welfare "Reform" =

1,1 Million !\fore Children in Poverty: The July 1996 Urban Inst. study estimating this impact is available (no price listed) from the Inst. , 2100 M St. NW, Wash., DC 20037, 202/833-7200. It's available via Internet: http://www.urban.org in the welfare section.

" Women Reformed, Women Empowered: Poor Mothers & the Endangered Promise of Head Start, by Lynda Ames w/ Jeanne Ellswonh (224 pp. , 1997, $19.95), is available from Temple Univ. Press, Broad & Oxford Sts., Phila., PA 19122, 215/204-8787.

• "The Art of' the Possi­ble: Creating New Solu­tions for Children" is the 16th annual cont. of the Natl. Court Appointed Spe­cial Advocate Assn .. May 3-6 in Portland, OR. Inf. from the Assn., 100 W Harrison St , N. Tower #500, Seattle, WA 98119-4123, 800/628-3233.

Health

� "Core Health Data Elements," a 38-page + Apps., Aug. 1996 report of the Natl. Comm. on Vital & Health Statistics, is available (possibly free) from the Natl. Ctr. for Health Statis­tics, 6525 Belcrest Rd., Rm. 1100, Hyattsville, MD 20782, 301/436-7050.

(!I Man-Made Medu:jne: Women's Heallh, Publu: Policy & Rej,mn, ed, Kary Moss (277 pp .• 1996),-is available ($15.95) from Duke Univ. Press, Box 90660, Durham, NC 27708-0660, 919/687-3650. Among the 11 chapters:

"Man-Made Medicine & Women's HeaJth: The Biopolitics of Sex-Gender & Race/Ethnicity," by Nancy Krieger & Elizabeth Fee, "Health Care for Immigrant Women," by Janet Calvo; "Women Prisoners & Health Care: Locked Up & Locked Out, " by Ellen Barry.

• "Racism & Health" is the theme of the special is­sue (Vol. 6, Nos. 1 -2, 1996) of Ethnicity &: Dis­

eases, guest-edited by David Williams. $15 from

lntematl. Soc. on Hyperten­sion in Blacks, 2045 Man• chester St. NE, Atlanta, GA 30324, 404/875-6263. Dr. Williams is at the Inst. for Social Research, Univ. Mich., Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1248.

� The 1st Natl. Research Conf. on Children's Envi­ronmental Health will be held Feb. 21-23 in DC A Call for Papers has been issued. Contact Carol Harris at the Children's Env. Health Network, 510/450-3818. They also have a ne\\- newsletter (Net­work News), from 5900 Hollis St .. Suite E, Emeryville, CA 94608, E-mail. cehn@aimnet.com.

Homelessness

• Criminalizing Homelessness: The Natl. Law Ctr. on Homelessness & Poverty is updating its 1994 report No Homeless People Allowed (a project PRRAC funded), which documented the. increasing --.. trend in US cities to criminalize homelessness by adopting anti-homeless laws & policies. They are seek-ing examples of constructive

alternatives to criminalization that have been implemented or sug­gested possibilities of such alternatives. Contact Cath­erine Bender at the Ctr., 918 F St. NW, #412, Wash., DC 20004, 202/638-2535.

.. llonulessness fa Ameri­

ca., ed. Jim Baumohl for the Natl. Coal. for the Home­less (320 pp., Sept. 1996), is available ($39.50) from Oryx, 4041 N. Ce:itral Ave., #700, Phoenix, AZ 85012-3397, 800/279-6799. 20 essays, by Martha Burt, Cushing Dolbeare, Kai Erikson, Maria Foscarinis, Mark: Greenberg, Bristow Hardin, Kim Hopper, Broce Link, et al.

" "Practical Methods for Counting the Homeless: A Manual Im· State & Local Jurisdictions" (2nd ed., 144 pp., 1996), by Martha Burt, is available ($13.50) from The Urban Inst. , PO Box 7273, Dept. C., Wash .. DC 20044, 202/857-8687.

Housing

• "Assisting :Residents of Public Housing Achieve SeH--sumclency: An Evalu­

ation of Charlotte's Gate­way Families Program," by Wilham Rohe, appeared in the Autumn 1995 J. Arch. & Planning Research. Reprints of the 18-page arti­cle may be available from the author, Dept. City & Reg Planning, UNC, Cam ­pus Box 3140, Chapel Hill, NC 27599. Other .recent articles by Robe: "Homeownership & Neigh­borhood Stability" (with Leslie Stewart), from Vol. 7, No. 1 of Housing Policy

November/December 1996 • Poverty&: Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 o 17

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of intergovt. institutions, Eastlake Ave. E., #312, Supremacy & Reactionary promotion of reproductive Seattle, WA 98102, Violence" (Jan. 8, with Mi·

PRBAC'S health & cheice. Nov. 30 800/65CJ.1553. cbael Novick). Catalogue and July 31 deadlines. Con- from the Alliance, 324 La- SOCIAL

tact the Inst., 888 7th Ave., • "Making the Right fayette St., 7th tlr., NYC, SCIENCE NYC, NY 10106. Etv.S Call" is a community NY 10012-2726, AOVISPRY

outreach program of the US 212/226-7171. BOARD • The Surface Transpor- Fire Adm., dealing with tation Polley Project is fill- proper and improper use of • Too Clo8e for Comfort: .P./dwd Jim ing a Research Assoc. posi- emergency service calls. Right-wing Populum, UCLA Department tion. $25-32,000. Re- Inf. from USFA, PO Box S�goaling & Ft16cist Po- of Socloloc, sume/writing sample/refs. to 2102, Jessup, MD tenliala ia U.S. Polltkal Don Chen, STPP, 1400 20794-2012. 1'rruliJiolri, by Chip Bertet F.nrr...t.,,,. 16th St NW, #300, Wash., & Matthew Lyons (300 pp., Bater� DC 20036, 202/939-3471, e No Mercy: How Consar- 1996), is available ($17) Ceiterrar E-mail: dchen@transact.org. valivt Think Tan.l:r & from South End Press, 116 PaerCDRba Sbldies

FDllndations Changed St Botolph St., Boston, "' Urban Ecology is seek- America '.s Social Agenda, MA 02115, 617/266-0629 (.)nfAitllJucM

ing its first Exec. Dir. Con- by Je.m Stefancic & Richard u•.Newfhauwllt:e " "Twisted Tales: Over- Depu--tact them at 405 14th St .• Delgado (208 pp., 1996), is

#701, Oakland, CA 94612, available ($27.95) from stating the Taxes the Typi- of SoeiDfegf

. 510/251-6330, E-mail: Temple Univ. Press, 1601 cal Household Pays," by ..,,. Jl•l'Nlfln Richard Kogan (14 pp., urbanecology@igc.apc. N. Broad St., Phila , PA Sept. 1996), is available Slulfonl Untr. Gl"lld,

org. 19122-6099, 215/204-87()(). Sdloolo!Bainea The book focuses on 7 bat- from the Ctr. on Budget &

.. The hist. for Comm. ties; English Only; Prop. Policy Priorities, 820 First BridillMtmalf

Economics is hiring a Di- 187 & Immig. Reform; St. NE, #510, Wash., DC IDet. fw Wcmm's rector of Technical Asst. IQ/race & Eugenics; Affir- 20002, 202/408-1080; con- l"olteyll...-dl Ltr.lresume to ICE, S7 mative Action; Welfare; tact them re prices. (W28b.. DC)

School St., Springfield, MA Ton Reform; Campus • Upl,olding the Promi.sa i'i'illiani lflintblu, 01105-1331, 413/746-8660. Multiculturalism. - Profiles in lrulicial Cou.r- CVNYCt:mrlor age is a 30-minute video Socal:ik-=

.. "The Invisible Fran- featunng judges (Thelton Miscellaneous chfse: Polling & Public Henderson, William Wayne �M�

Policy 1n Calif." is a Justice, Rosemary Barkett, Middpa St,!� S('1'�

,. "How Dem�y 22-page, Fall 1996 Working William Dwyer) whc, have otJr-a�

Works: A Guide to Civil Paper, available ($7.50) acted courageously, in the Rfgbt:111, Civil Liberties & from The Applied Research face of heavy pressure to FllftMfdo M�"4trNI

the Issues of the Day" is a Ctr., 1322 Webster St., rule otherwise, on such mat· Stanl'Ol'CI IJmy.

�-t1l 28-page booklet developed #402, Oakland, CA 94612. ters as environmental pro- Pec!idrb & produced by the Blue Mt. The paper examines the his- tection, schooling rights of Working Group. Copies tocy of pubhc opinion poll- immigrant children, the Piu<f(hl,: \free) from 800/477-6233; ing in the US and looks at death penalty and prison lJCLA Gl'lild. !klil.lOI inf. on using their today's polling industry: conditions. $20 from The � camera-ready copy matenals whose voices count, who Alliance fo1 Justice, 2000 P Urball ......

to reprint copies for your does the counting, who pays St. NW, #712, Wash., DC org. from 206/622-3486, the bill. 20036, 202/822-6070, Grr,QlfilJtl·

&-mail; naron@afj.org. � Uolv. Grad-E-mail: bluemnt@ • 'fbe Learning Alliance Sdloiol-ol� nwlink.com. course catalogue lists a wide • "Access to Justice: Re- :

Makmg the Drnun Fly range of useful sessions, daimln1 Our Rights" is Gtuy!JM4eft,r

.., including "The Politics of the 74th annual conf. of the Um.�1-.

is a how-to video for comm. Poverty: Economic Scape- Natl LegaJ Aid & Defender forl'ovatJR� orgs. on project planning & goats & The Downsizing of Assn., Nov. 11-14 in w fundraising, produced by Democracy" (Jan. 24, with Vegas. Inf. from NLADA,

- �WW,,

Seattle's Central Area Dev. Broofdnol.!Mffildko Assn. $39.95 (incl. a

Ruth Sidel, Edward Wolff, 1625 K St. NW, #800, (W-.,DC) Michael Hudson et al.), Wash., DC 20006,

I7�page workbook) from "White Lies, White Power; 202/452--0620. Webman Video, 2366 The Fight Against White

November/December 1996 • Poverty&: Race • Vol. 5, No. 6 • 19