Kate Angier

[Pick the date]GRADE 12

QUESTION 1: WHY DID THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (USA) AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS (USSR) BECOME INVOLVED IN THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS?

SOURCE 1AThe source below focuses on Khrushchev's (President of the Soviet Union) reasons to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba. Taken from The Cuban Missile Crises: A National Security Archive Document Reader.(http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba mis cri/declass.htm)

… What motivated the Soviets to deploy nuclear weapons in Cuba? The declassifiedrecord shows that US officials were well aware that their deployment of Jupiter missiles near Soviet borders in Turkey and Italy in 1959 would be deeply resented (feel bitter) by Soviet officials; even President Eisenhower noted that it would be a 'provocative' (offensive) step comparable to the deployment of Soviet missiles in 'Mexico or Cuba'. A declassified military history of the Jupiter system reveals that the rockets became operational in April 1962 … and that contributed to Khrushchev's proposal to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba.

SOURCE 1BThis article focuses on the reaction of John F Kennedy (President of the USA) and how he dealt with the Cuban Missile Crisis. Taken from The New York Times, 23 October 1962.

October 23, 1962US Imposes Arms Blockade on Cuba on Finding Offensive Missiles Sites –Kennedy Ready for Soviet Showdown Special to The New York Times

Washington, October 22 – President Kennedy imposed a naval and air 'quarantine'(blockade) tonight on the offensive military equipment to Cuba. In a speech of extraordinary (unusual) gravity, he told the American people that theSoviet Union, contrary to promises, was building offensive missiles and bomber bases in Cuba. He said the bases could handle missiles carrying nuclear warheads up to 2 000 miles. Thus a critical moment in the Cold War was at hand tonight. The President had decided on a direct confrontation with and challenge to the power of the Soviet Union.Two aspects of the speech were notable. One was the direct thrust (push) at the Soviet Union as the party responsible for the crisis. President Kennedy treated Cuba and the government of Premier Fidel Castro as a mere pawn (puppet) in Moscow's hands and drew the issue as one with the Soviet government … The President made it clear that this country would not stop short of military action to end what he called 'clandestine (secret) reckless and provocative (offensive) threat to world peace'. … He called on Premier Khrushchev to withdraw the missiles from Cuba and so 'move the world back from the abyss (depth) of destruction'.

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HISTORY 2013

EXEMPLAR EXAMINATION: PAPER 1

ADDENDUM

SOURCE 1CThis cartoon, drawn in 20 October 1962, shows Khrushchev (USSR) and Kennedy (USA) involved in a game of arm-wrestling. It was over the deployment of missiles in Cuba. Taken from Essential Modern World History by S Waugh.

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USA USSR

QUESTION 2: DID JULIUS NYERERE'S POLICY OF UJAMAA HELP TANZANIA IN ATTAINING UHURU?

SOURCE 2AThe following is an extract from a paper delivered by Julius Nyerere entitled Socialism and Rural Development.

… Socialism is an attitude of mind. The basis of socialism is a belief in the oneness of man and the common historical destiny of humankind. Its basis, in other words, is human equality.Our agricultural organisation would be predominantly that of cooperative living and working for the good of all. This means that most of our farming would be done by groups of people who live as a community and work as a community. They would live together in a village; they would farm together; market together, and undertake the provision of local services and small local requirements as a community. Their community would be a traditional family group, or any other group of people living according to ujamaa [defined in English as 'familyhood'] principles, large enough to take account of modern methods and the twentieth century needs of man. The land this community farmed would be called 'our land' by all the members; the crops they produced on that land would be 'our crop'; it would be 'our shop' which provided individual members with the day-to-day necessities from outside; 'our workshop' which made the bricks from which houses and other buildings were constructed, and so on …The essential thing is that the community would be farming as a group and living as a group … The return from produce of the farm, and from all other activities of the community, would be shared according to the work done and to the needs of the members, with a small amount being paid in taxes and another amount invested in their own future …Such living and working in communities could transform our lives in Tanzania. We would not automatically become wealthy, although we could all become a little richer than we are now. But most important of all, any increase in the amount of wealth we produce under this system would be 'ours'; it would not belong just to one or two individuals but to all those who have worked hard to produce it …

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SOURCE 2B

The following are two viewpoints on Nyerere's policy of Ujamaa.

Viewpoint 1: The following is an extract from an interview with Reverend Christopher Mtikila. He was the leader of the Democratic Party, the first opposition party in Tanzania.

Question: When did you first become involved in opposition work?Response: I first got into trouble when I was a student in secondary school because I refused to become a member of TANU youth league, the youth wing of the ruling party. I was opposed to the ideologies of Mr Nyerere. I realised that the system was wrong. We were not told the truth. The History books that we read in school were burnt out. New ones were published so the nation was built on the foundation of lies. There was no truth.Now the brainwashing was successful because the media was nationalised. And only one person was allowed to use the media for himself. You must speak what Nyerere wants you to speak. Speaking, or resenting the opinion of the party and the government, was treason, or treated like treason. Any view, however useful it would be to society, even to our home, if it conflicted with the wishes of the father of the nation, it would be criminalised.

Viewpoint 2: The following is an extract from The State of Africa by M Meredith.

Before the end of 1976, Nyerere declared to the people of Tanzania: 'To live in a village is an order.' Between 1973 and 1977 some 11 million people were placed in new villages, which was the largest mass movement of people in Africa's history.According to a university researcher from Mara: 'The officials decided that people should move immediately and so the police, army, national service and militiamen were mobilised to move the people. People were ill-treated, harassed, punished in the name of TANU [the ruling party] under socialism, and those who questioned it were told: 'This is Nyerere's order.'A civil servant reported from Shinyanga: 'In some instances houses were burnt down when it was realised that some people, after having been moved, returned to their former homes again after a few days.'

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SOURCE 2CThe following cartoon entitled 'Universal Brotherhood' is taken from Socialism for Beginners.

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QUESTION 3: HOW DID THE CAMPAIGNS IN BIRMINGHAM INFLUENCE THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT?

SOURCE 3A

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) organised a series of campaigns in Birmingham, Alabama to promote civil rights. The following account is adapted from Oxford History: The USA 1917 – 1980.

Dr Martin Luther King mobilised thousands of blacks and whites in a massive campaign of non-violent civil disobedience and protest to demand desegregation of public facilities, including the right for blacks to attend all southern universities. In April 1963, while leading demonstrations in Birmingham, Alabama, King was arrested. The Chief of Police, Bull Connor, ordered his men to attack King's supporters with tear gas, fire hoses, dogs and even electric cattle prods. In all, more than 3 300 black men, women and children, who were peacefully demonstrating in support of their civil rights, were hauled off to jail.

Front page newspaper and TV pictures of police dogs ferociously attacking black people and fire hoses knocking them to the ground stirred public opinion. "The Civil Rights Movement," said President Kennedy, "should thank God for Bull Connor."

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High school students are hit by a high-pressure water jet from a firehose during a protest in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963. Images like this one, printed in Life Magazine, inspired international support for the demonstrators.

SOURCE 3B

Eight white clergymen from Alabama criticised King's action as unlawful and called the

march "untimely and unwise". Martin Luther King Jr wrote a letter from Birmingham Jail

in response to their criticism. In the extract below from that letter, King justifies his use of

mass demonstrations and protests.

We have waited more than three hundred and forty years for our constitutional and

God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jet-like speed

toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy

pace toward the gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. I guess it is easy for

those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait". But when

you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your

sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick

and brutalise, and even kill your black brothers and sisters with impunity; when you

see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight

cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you are humiliated day in

and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "coloured" … then you will

understand why we find it difficult to wait.

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SOURCE 3C

The photograph below, taken from http://www.bay-of-undie.com/archives/date/

2007/11/, shows the use of police dogs against the Birmingham protestors.

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QUESTION 4: WHY WERE STEVE BIKO AND THE BLACKCONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT VIEWED AS THREATS BY THE APARTHEID REGIME?

SOURCE 4A

The following are viewpoints on the philosophy of Black Consciousness.

Viewpoint 1: Drake Koka, a founding member of the Black People's Convention.

Through the philosophy of Black Consciousness black people could be led onto the road of self-discovery … This would eventually lead to the self-assertion of the black man's inner pride, of the 'I' in him and thus strengthen him to accept or reject with confidence certain things that are being done for him or on his behalf … he will develop an attitude of self-reliance … The self-realisation develops in the black man a yearning to create and to take the initiative in doing things. Viewpoint 2: Harold Pakendorf, editor of Die Vaderland.

I've no quarrel with Black Consciousness as such; there is nothing wrong with it. It's part of a nationalist feeling and it's understandable and we shouldn't react negatively. We should react positively to it. It would be foolish not to recognise that there are grievances and that those grievances can be addressed best through a nationalist organisation, and if it's a nationalist organisation that can base itself on colour, it makes it so much easier …

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SOURCE 4B

The following extract contains two perspectives on the death of Steve Biko.

Perspective 1: Major Harold Snyman gives details leading to the death of Biko.

Late on the night of 18 August 1977 banned Eastern Cape political activist Steve Biko was detained at a police roadblock that had been especially set up for him on the outskirts of Grahamstown. Biko was held under section 6 of the Terrorism Act that allowed for the indefinite detention, for the purposes of interrogation, of any person thought to be a 'terrorist'. The police justified his detention stating that he was on his way to Cape Town to distribute 'inflammatory' pamphlets … 'inciting [stirring] blacks to cause riots'. Biko was detained at the Baaken Street Police Station, Port Elizabeth. The incident book was signed by Major Harold Snyman and contained the following: Entry number 633 at 10:44. Injury. Section 6(a) detainee. On 7 September 1977 Snyman reports that at 7:00 he and Siebert and Beneke at the Security Offices in the Sanlam offices interrogated Steven Bantu Biko. The detainee was extremely arrogant, went beserk, took one of the chairs in the office and threw it at Snyman. With his fists he then stormed at other members and then other members overwhelmed him. After a violent struggle, he fell with his head against the wall and with his body on the floor and in this process he received injuries on the lip, body and head.

Perspective 2: A Cable News Network (CNN) report which focuses on the outcomeof the TRC hearings regarding the death of Steve Biko.

28 January 1997, South African officers confess to killing Biko. Former South Africansecurity officers have confessed to killing anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko, according to a statement released by the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. September 10, Major Harold Snyman is among five white former policemen implicated in the death of Biko … but while Snyman testified he took part in a brutal interrogation and cover-up, he claimed Biko's death was an accident … Snyman, 69, testified that Biko spent at least a day in an apparently unconscious state, shackled to a grille with his legs and arms outspread.

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SOURCE 4C

This source comprises two parts: a written source and a visual source. Both focus onreaction to the death of Steve Biko.

Written Source: The following statements were made by the Minister ofJustice, Jimmy Kruger, after the death of Steve Biko.

The Cape Times reported on 14 September 1977 that 'The political leader MrStephen Biko died while in security police custody, eight days after he began ahunger strike', the Minister of Justice, Mr Jimmy Kruger, said yesterday[13 September]. Mr Kruger detailed how Mr Biko, 30, refused meals and water from September 5th, and how he was examined by various doctors, then sent to a prison hospital in Port Elizabeth, taken back to police cells and finally transferred to Pretoria where he died on the night of his arrival. On 14 September 1977, at the Transvaal Congress of the National Party, Kruger,who had the reputation as a hawk, stated at the Transvaal Congress that 'I am notglad and I am not sorry about Mr Biko … He leaves me cold' he told an appreciativeaudience of cabinet ministers, MPs and other pillars of the party. Later a delegatefrom Springs, capturing the mood of the gathering, drew roars of laughter when hepraised the minister for granting Biko 'his democratic right to starve himself todeath'.

Visual Source: A cartoon of Jimmy Kruger by Abe Berry.

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