gender!and!perceptions!of!state!legislators! mb... · ayee’and’reyes0barriéntez’3’...

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Gloria Ayee and Alicia ReyesBarriéntez POLSCI 239 Final Paper May 5, 2011 GENDER AND PERCEPTIONS OF STATE LEGISLATORS The presence of women in the realm of state legislative politics has increased dramatically within the past few decades. Since 1971, the number of women serving in state legislatures has quintupled. In 2011, women make up 23.3% of state legislators throughout the United States (NFWL 2011). While there is an implicit assumption that as more women are elected to political office their power and influence in policymaking will increase, a greater presence of women in politics does not necessarily translate into a proportionate amount of female power and influence (Kathlene 1994). State governments influence the lives of their citizens through legislative arrangements, which include creating laws and policies. Lawmaking is a complex process that involves holding hearings, drafting bills, amending bills, and building coalitions. Citizens vote for elected officials with the expectation that they will enact policies that are in the best interests of the representative’s constituents, but there is variability in the ability of legislators to effectively accomplish this objective. Scholars who study the political behavior of men and women in public office have presented contradictory results. As Reingold (1996:455) notes, some research suggests that women in office have a distinct way of participating in politics, but equally compelling studies have revealed that there are little or no differences between men and women in the way they express attitudes and behave in terms of political power and influence. Although studies on state legislatures have noted variations by gender in terms of the personal dynamics of legislative behavior

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Page 1: GENDER!AND!PERCEPTIONS!OF!STATE!LEGISLATORS! MB... · Ayee’and’Reyes0Barriéntez’3’ institution.Incontrasttopersonalattributes,however,areinstitutionalfactorsthatcould

Gloria  Ayee  and  Alicia  Reyes-­‐Barriéntez  POLSCI  239  Final  Paper    May  5,  2011  

 

GENDER  AND  PERCEPTIONS  OF  STATE  LEGISLATORS  

The  presence  of  women  in  the  realm  of  state  legislative  politics  has  increased  dramatically  

within  the  past  few  decades.  Since  1971,  the  number  of  women  serving  in  state  legislatures  

has  quintupled.  In  2011,  women  make  up  23.3%  of  state  legislators  throughout  the  United  

States  (NFWL  2011).  While  there  is  an  implicit  assumption  that  as  more  women  are  elected  

to  political  office  their  power  and  influence  in  policymaking  will  increase,  a  greater  

presence  of  women  in  politics  does  not  necessarily  translate  into  a  proportionate  amount  

of  female  power  and  influence  (Kathlene  1994).    

State  governments  influence  the  lives  of  their  citizens  through  legislative  

arrangements,  which  include  creating  laws  and  policies.  Lawmaking  is  a  complex  process  

that  involves  holding  hearings,  drafting  bills,  amending  bills,  and  building  coalitions.  

Citizens  vote  for  elected  officials  with  the  expectation  that  they  will  enact  policies  that  are  

in  the  best  interests  of  the  representative’s  constituents,  but  there  is  variability  in  the  

ability  of  legislators  to  effectively  accomplish  this  objective.  Scholars  who  study  the  

political  behavior  of  men  and  women  in  public  office  have  presented  contradictory  results.  

As  Reingold  (1996:455)  notes,  some  research  suggests  that  women  in  office  have  a  distinct  

way  of  participating  in  politics,  but  equally  compelling  studies  have  revealed  that  there  are  

little  or  no  differences  between  men  and  women  in  the  way  they  express  attitudes  and  

behave  in  terms  of  political  power  and  influence.    Although  studies  on  state  legislatures  

have  noted  variations  by  gender  in  terms  of  the  personal  dynamics  of  legislative  behavior  

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(Blair  and  Stanley  1991),  there  is  no  conclusive  and  systematic  research  that  examines  the  

role  of  gender  in  influencing  perceptions  of  legislative  effectiveness  of  elected  officials.    

While  a  bulk  of  the  research  has  largely  focused  on  the  effects  of  gender  on  

perceptions  of  candidates  running  for  office  (Bledsoe  and  Herring  1990;  Kahn  and  

Goldenberg  1991;  Fox  and  Lawless  2004),  few  studies  have  addressed  the  effects  of  gender  

on  perceptions  of  elected  officials.  This  project  seeks  to  understand  how  perceptions  of  

political  effectiveness  vary  depending  on  the  gender  of  state  legislators.  That  is,  once  

elected,  to  what  extent  does  the  gender  of  the  legislator  affect  the  way  s/he  is  perceived?    

OPERATIONALIZATION  OF  LEGISLATIVE  EFFECTIVENESS  

The  factors  that  contribute  to,  or  inhibit,  legislative  effectiveness  have  motivated  the  

research  agendas  of  legislative  scholars.  What  do  political  scientists  mean  when  they  refer  

to  legislative  effectiveness?  How  can  legislative  effectiveness  be  quantified?  Concepts  like  

“power,”  “influence,”  and  “effectiveness”  are  frequently  defined  and  used  in  political  

science  research,  but  they  remain  decidedly  elusive  and  contextual  in  nature  (Blair  and  

Stanley  1991).  The  extant  literature  operationalizes  legislative  effectiveness  a  number  of  

ways,  using  a  mix  of  individual-­‐level  attributes  and  institutional-­‐level  factors  as  indicative  

of  political  performance.    Scholarship  in  the  state  politics  literature  has  focused  on  

individual  effectiveness  by  relying  on  elite  surveys  to  generate  individual  reputational  

rankings  of  legislative  effectiveness  (Meyer  1980;  Hamm  et  al.  1983;  Saint-­‐Germain  1989;  

Weissert  1991;  Miquel  and  Snyder  2006).  Legislative  effectiveness  assessments  for  

individual  legislators  can  vary  for  several  reasons.  Each  individual  brings  different  personal  

attributes  to  the  chamber  upon  election.  These  personal  attributes  may  affect  how  

successful  or  effective  legislators  are  in  carrying  out  their  roles  as  members  of  the  

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institution.  In  contrast  to  personal  attributes,  however,  are  institutional  factors  that  could  

also  potentially  affect  legislative  effectiveness.  Institutional  factors  may  include  majority  

party  membership,  or  holding  positions  of  institutional  authority  (for  example,  party  

leaders  and  committee  chairpersons).    

In  their  study  of  women  legislators  in  the  U.S.  House  of  Representatives,  Jeydel  and  

Taylor  (2003)  measure  legislative  effectiveness  as  the  ability  of  members  to  turn  policy  

preferences  into  law,  and  they  find  that  legislative  effectiveness  is  the  product  of  length  of  

tenure,  majority  party  membership,  and  membership  in  influential  committees  (26).  Meyer  

(1980)  includes  12  variables  in  her  two  causal  models  of  legislative  effectiveness,  finding  

that  education,  seniority,  and  formal  political  leadership  were  determinants  of  legislators’  

reputed  influence.  A  number  of  scholars  use  a  variety  of  measures  dealing  with  bill  

introductions  and  passage  as  another  determinant  of  legislative  effectiveness  (Olson  and  

Nonidez  1972;  Frantzich  1979;  Anderson  et  al.  2003;  Hasecke  and  Mycoff  2007).  Other  

studies  have  also  included  whether  or  not  a  legislator  is  a  lawyer  as  a  measure  of  

effectiveness  (Derge  1959;  Weissert  1991;  Haynie  2002;  Miquel  and  Snyder  2006).    

Scholars,  nonetheless,  have  overlooked  the  role  of  gender  in  perceptions  of  

legislative  effectiveness.  Given  that  the  extant  literature  points  to  the  differences  in  the  way  

political  candidates  are  evaluated  on  the  campaign  trail  (Bledsoe  and  Herring  1990;  Khan  

and  Goldenberg  1991;  Fox  and  Lawless  2004),  it  is  important  for  scholarship  to  address  the  

potential  role  of  gender  in  perceptions  of  the  legislative  effectiveness  of  state  legislators.  

This  paper  contributes  to  the  current  findings  by  focusing  primarily  on  the  effects  of  

gender  on  evaluations  of  legislative  effectiveness.  

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Ayee  and  Reyes-­‐Barriéntez  4  

This  project  uses  data  from  the  North  Carolina  Center  for  Public  Policy  Research  

(NCCPPR)  to  determine  the  extent  to  which  gender  influences  perceptions  of  legislative  

effectiveness.    Three  other  articles–Weissert  (1991),  Haynie  (2002),  and  Miquel  and  Snyder  

(2006)–have  examined  legislative  effectiveness  in  North  Carolina,  using  data  from  NCCPPR.    

Weissert  (1991)  focuses  on  issue  specialization  and  finds  that  legislators  who  introduce  

bills  on  “salient”  issues  are  regarded  as  more  effective  than  other  legislators.  Haynie  (2002)  

focuses  on  racial  discrimination  and  finds  that,  on  average,  Black  legislators  are  viewed  as  

less  effective  than  White  legislators,  even  when  controlling  for  all  other  factors.  Miquel  and  

Snyder  (2006)  find  that  seniority,  being  a  member  of  the  majority  party,  and  holding  a  

position  of  power  all  increase  legislative  effectiveness  ratings.  Nevertheless,  none  of  these  

scholars  include  gender  as  a  variable  with  a  potentially  influential  role  in  perceptions  of  

legislative  effectiveness.      

HYPOTHESES  Our  hypotheses  will  consider  the  role  of  gender  in  perceptions  of  the  legislative  

effectiveness  of  state  legislators.  Specifically,  we  will  examine  whether  or  not  journalists,  

lobbyists,  and  other  legislators  rate  state  legislators  differentially  based  on  gender.    We  

propose  the  following  hypothesis:  

H1:  Ceteris  paribus,  male  legislators  will  be  perceived  as  more  effective  than  female  legislators.      

A  number  of  other  studies  find  that  voters  and  elites  are  socialized  to  perceive  that  men  are  

better  capable  of  being  political  leaders  (Campbell  et  al.  1960;  Kirkpatrick  1974;  Hill  1981;  

Sapiro  1983).    Deber  (1982)  finds  that  for  women  candidates  to  be  elected,  they  must  

appear  more  qualified  than  their  men  counterparts  in  order  to  overcome  electoral  hurdles.  

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Our  hypothesis  fits  in  with  this  line  of  literature.  The  second  hypothesis  considers  the  role  

of  qualifications  in  affecting  perceptions  of  legislative  effectiveness:  

H2:  When  compared  to  male  legislators  with  similar  legislative  qualifications  (leadership  position,  whether  or  not  the  legislator  is  lawyer,  length  of  tenure,  and  number  of  bill  introductions),  female  legislators  will  receive  lower  legislative  ratings.    

Legislators  who  are  chairs  of  committees  or  are  in  the  majority  are  more  likely  to  be  

considered  more  successful  at  introducing  and  passing  bills  (Jeydel  and  Taylor  2003).    

Jeydel  and  Taylor  (2003),  nonetheless,  do  not  consider  gender  as  a  variable  in  their  model  

with  a  potentially  significant  affect  on  legislative  effectiveness  ratings.  For  women,  these  

qualifications  may  not  have  as  positive  an  effect  as  it  may  for  men,  given  that  women  are  

perceived  as  being  “out  of  place”  in  the  political  arena,  generally  seen  as  “a  man’s  world”  

(Bullock  and  Heys  1972;  Welch  1977;  Costantini  1990).  Additionally,  women  are  perceived  

as  being  less  capable  of  raising  sufficient  funds  and  effectively  introducing  and  passing  bills  

(Fox  and  Lawless  2004).  Thus,  we  expect  that  despite  similar  qualifications  and  higher-­‐

ranking  statuses,  women  will  be  perceived  as  less  effective  than  men.  

DATA  AND  METHODS  

We  use  data  collected  by  the  North  Carolina  Center  for  Public  Policy  Research  (NCCPPR),  

which  contains  evaluations  of  members  of  the  North  Carolina  General  Assembly  by  

legislators,  lobbyists,  and  the  journalists  during  the  following  years:  1983,  1985,  1987,  

1989,  and  1991.    For  the  NCCPPR  data,  an  average  effectiveness  score  is  computed  for  each  

legislator  based  on  assessments  of  legislators’  participation  in  committee  work,  their  skill  

in  guiding  bills  through  the  floor  debate,  their  expertise  in  special  fields,  the  political  power  

they  hold  (either  by  virtue  of  formal  office,  longevity,  or  personal  attributes),  and  their  

ability  to  sway  the  opinion  of  their  fellow  legislators  (NCCPPR  1978,  4).    Registered  

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lobbyists,  members  of  the  media  who  cover  the  news  on  the  North  Carolina  state  

legislature,  and  every  member  of  the  General  Assembly  provided  a  rating  for  each  legislator.    

The  data  contain  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  for  the  120  members  of  the  lower  house,  

the  North  Carolina  General  Assembly.  

One  potential  limitation  of  our  project  has  to  do  with  our  ability  to  generalize  the  

results  from  a  study  that  focuses  on  data  collected  for  North  Carolina.  State  legislatures  are  

not  monolithic  institutions,  and  comparisons  between  different  state  legislatures  are  

complicated  by  a  number  of  factors,  including  length  of  session,  political  culture,  number  of  

standing  committees,  degree  of  party  competition,  size  of  chamber,  and  staff  resources  

(Kathlene  1994).  Regardless,  there  are  some  commonalities  across  the  different  legislative  

bodies.  Thus,  while  our  data  is  only  available  for  the  North  Carolina  General  Assembly,  the  

state’s  legislature  is  in  many  respects  like  other  state  legislatures:  

Like  all  other  states  (except  Nebraska),  it  has  two  houses,  and  most  of  its  legislators  are  male  lawyers,  business  [people],  or  farmers.    Its  members  introduce  approximately  the  same  number  of  bills  as  the  national  average  and  give  up  their  seats  at  approximately  the  same  rate.    Session  length  in  North  Carolina  is  typical  of  many  states.    Most  or  all  [sic]  members  of  the  North  Carolina  legislature  and  the  nation  are  part-­‐timers,  and  like  most  states,  have  only  very  limited  access  to  professional  staff…  Salaries  of  North  Carolina  legislators  are  in  the  lower  range,  but  not  the  lowest.    And  as  in  other  states,  the  legislative  agenda  is  dominated  by  spending  issues  for  schools,  highways,  healthcare  for  the  poor,  welfare  and  a  variety  of  judicial  issues  (quoted  in  Haynie  2002  from  Weissert  1989:  17).    

We  are  thus  confident  that  our  findings  have  important  implications  for  legislatures  

outside  of  North  Carolina.  

  We  begin  our  methodological  approach  by  providing  a  table  with  the  descriptive  

statistics  of  overall  legislative  effectiveness  scores  during  the  five  sessions  from  1983  to  

1991  (Table  1).  Table  2  looks  specifically  at  ratings  by  varying  qualifications  (including  

length  of  tenure  [seniority],  whether  the  legislator  is  a  leader,  number  of  bills  introduced,  

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and  whether  the  legislator  is  a  lawyer).    We  also  include  histograms  that  provide  a  visual  

representation  of  the  descriptive  statistics  in  Table  2.      

  We  then  run  an  ordinary  least  squares  (OLS)  regression  to  examine  the  relative  

effects  of  gender  on  perceptions  of  legislative  effectiveness,  including  ratings  by  all  three  

groups  (legislators,  lobbyists,  journalists).    Given  that  our  data  contain  repeated  

observations  of  individuals  over  time,  autocorrelation  of  variables  is  a  potential  

methodological  concern  in  the  development  of  our  models.    Thus,  we  clustered  the  

standard  errors  by  legislator,  which  makes  reaching  levels  of  significance  more  rigorous.  

The  dependent  variable  is  the  total  effectiveness  score  given  by  journalists,  lobbyists  and  

other  legislators.  A  study  of  the  ratings  methods  and  procedures  used  by  various  states  in  

evaluating  legislative  effectiveness  concluded  that  the  effectiveness  measures  used  by  

NCCPPR  are  the  most  systematic,  objective,  and  widely  respected  (quoted  in  Haynie  2002,  

from  Mahtesian  1996).  The  independent  variables  include  gender,  majority  party,  whether  

the  legislator  holds  a  seniority  position,  whether  the  legislator  holds  a  leadership  position,  

whether  the  legislator  is  a  lawyer,  the  number  of  bills  introduced  by  the  legislator,  whether  

the  legislator  is  a  member  of  the  rules  committee  and/or  the  finance  committee,  and  a  

dummy  variable  for  each  session  year.  We  create  three  models  with  legislative  

effectiveness  ratings  as  the  dependent  variable.  Model  II  includes  lawyer  as  an  independent  

variable,  while  Model  I  does  not.  Model  III  looks  at  the  effect  of  gender  on  qualifications  

(including  length  of  tenure  [seniority],  whether  the  legislator  is  a  leader,  number  of  bills  

introduced,  and  whether  the  legislator  is  a  lawyer).    We  also  look  at  the  differences  

between  perceptions  among  legislators,  lobbyists,  and  journalists.      

 

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Ayee  and  Reyes-­‐Barriéntez  8  

RESULTS  

TABLE  1:  Descriptive  Statistics  of  Overall  Legislative  Effectiveness  Ratings    

   

1983    

1985    

1987    

1989    

1991  Number  of  Women  in  the  Legislature    

19   15   20   19   20  

Number  of  Men  in  the  Legislature    

111   105   100   111   100  

Mean  Rating  of  Women    

42.9   41.7   39.3   43.3   42.5  Mean  Rating  of  Men   46.0   45.2   46.2   46.6   45.1  

 Difference     3.1   3.5   6.9   3.3   2.6  

Overall  Mean  Ratings   45.5   44.6   46.1   46.0   44.6  

 

Table  1  demonstrates  that  during  all  sessions,  the  overall  legislative  effectiveness  score  for  

men  is  higher  than  it  is  for  women.  The  difference  between  the  mean  ratings  of  men  and  

women  ranges  from  a  minimum  of  2.6  in  1991  to  maximum  of  6.9  in  1987.    The  descriptive  

statistics  provide  limited  support  for  our  first  hypothesis  that  all  things  being  equal,  men  

legislators  will  receive  higher  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  than  women,  but  they  do  not  

tell  us  anything  about  whether  there  is  a  difference  between  the  ratings  of  men  and  women  

with  similar  qualifications.    Therefore,  we  created  categories  for  length  of  tenure,  whether  

the  legislator  holds  a  leadership  position  in  the  legislature,  whether  the  legislator  is  a  

lawyer,  and  the  number  of  bills  introduced  by  each  legislator.  As  mentioned  earlier,  the  

existing  literature  largely  finds  that  seniority,  bill  introductions,  being  a  lawyer,  and  

holding  a  leadership  position  affect  perceptions  of  legislator  effectiveness.  Thus,  we  should  

expect  to  find  increasing  legislative  effectiveness  scores  as  length  of  tenure  and  bill  

introduction  increases,  and  for  legislators  who  hold  a  leadership  position  and/or  are  

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Ayee  and  Reyes-­‐Barriéntez  9  

lawyers.  Table  2  confirms  this  expectation.    With  one  exception,1  the  descriptive  statistics  

demonstrate  that  the  longer  a  member  has  served  in  the  legislature  and  the  more  bill  

introductions  s/he  has  made,  the  higher  his/her  legislative  effectiveness  score.    Likewise,  

legislators  who  hold  a  leadership  position  receive  higher  legislative  ratings  than  those  who  

are  not  leaders.    Notably,  however,  the  mean  rating  for  male  legislators  is  higher  than  the  

mean  rating  for  women  legislators  at  every  level  of  seniority  and  at  every  level  of  bill  

introductions.    Furthermore,  men  who  are  leaders  receive  much  higher  scores  than  women  

holding  a  leadership  position,  with  a  marked  difference  of  9.1  points  between  the  mean  

score  received  by  men  and  that  received  by  women.  A  second  disparity  is  the  13.3-­‐point  

difference  in  the  mean  legislative  rating  between  men  and  women  with  31  or  more  bill  

introductions.  Even  more  remarkable  is  the  14.1-­‐point  advantage  that  male  lawyers  have  

over  female  lawyers.  Thus  far,  the  descriptive  statistics  provide  some  support  for  both  of  

our  hypotheses.  That  is,  men  are  perceived  as  more  legislatively  effective  than  women,  and  

even  when  compared  to  their  male  counterparts  with  similar  qualifications,  women  receive  

lower  scores.

1 The  exception  we  find  is  the  decrease  in  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  between  seniority  level  II  and  seniority  level  III  for  women.  However,  we  hesitate  to  focus  on  this  effect  since  the  total  N  (4  observations)  in  the  seniority  level  III  category  may  is  small  to  be  considered  meaningful.    

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Tab

le 2

: D

escr

iptiv

e St

atis

tics f

or

Leg

isla

tive

Eff

ectiv

enes

s Rat

ings

by

Var

ying

Qua

lific

atio

ns

Law

yer

Wom

en: 4

4.9

Men

: 59.

0

Wom

en: 1

4

Men

: 75

Not

a L

awye

r

Wom

en: 4

42.3

Men

: 42.

2

Wom

en: 8

2

Men

: 392

Bill

In

trodu

ctio

ns

Leve

l III

31 b

ills o

r m

ore

Wom

en: 5

0.2

Men

: 63.

5

Wom

en: 1

4

Men

: 75

Bill

In

trodu

ctio

ns

Leve

l II

15-3

0 bi

lls

Wom

en: 4

7.5

Men

: 48.

0

Wom

en: 2

9

Men

: 156

Bill

In

trodu

ctio

ns

Leve

l I

0-14

bill

s

Wom

en: 3

7.8

Men

: 39.

4

Wom

en: 5

0

Men

: 271

Lead

er

Wom

en: 3

7.8

Men

: 38.

0

Wom

en: 4

4

Men

: 293

Not

a L

eade

r

9 ye

ars o

r m

ore

Wom

en: 4

0.0

Men

: 61.

7

Wom

en: 4

Men

: 34

Seni

ority

Le

vel I

I

5-8

year

s

Wom

en: 4

9.4

Men

: 53.

0

Wom

en: 2

6

Men

: 119

Se

nior

ity

Leve

l I

1-4

year

s

Wom

en: 4

0.1

Men

: 41.

7

Wom

en: 6

3

Men

: 349

Ove

rall

Mea

n R

atin

g

Num

ber o

f O

bser

vatio

ns

per C

ateg

ory

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Figure  1:  Relationship  Between  Legislative  Effectiveness  Scores  and    Gender  by  Varying  Qualifications

 

     

       

 

 

 

The  models  in  Table  4,  which  use  overall  legislative  effectiveness  scores  as  the  

dependent  variable,  provide  a  more  detailed  analysis  than  the  descriptive  statistics  alone.    

As  indicated  earlier,  the  models  include  a  number  of  explanatory  variables  commonly  

employed  as  measures  of  legislative  effectiveness:  gender,  seniority,  whether  a  legislator  is  

a  member  of  the  majority  party,  whether  a  member  holds  a  leadership  position,  the  

number  of  bills  introduced  by  the  legislator,  whether  or  not  the  legislator  is  a  member  of  

the  rules  committee,  whether  or  not  the  legislator  is  a  member  of  the  finance  committee,  

and  dummy  variables  for  each  session  year.  Model  II  includes  lawyer  as  an  explanatory  

0  10  20  30  40  50  60  70  

Women   Men  

Legislative  Effectiveness  Score  

 

Seniority  

Seniority  I  

Seniority  II  

Seniority  III  

0  10  20  30  40  50  60  70  

Women   Men  

Legislative  Effectiveness  Score  

Leadership  

Not  Leader  

Leader  

0  10  20  30  40  50  60  70  

Women   Men  Legislative  Effectiveness  Score  

Bill  Introductions  

Introductions  I  

Introductions  II  

Introductions  III  

0  10  20  30  40  50  60  70  

Women   Men  Legislative  Effectiveness  Score  Lawyer  

Not  Lawyer  

Lawyer  

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variable,  while  Model  I  does  not.    In  Model  I,  being  female  is  statistically  significant,  

confirming  our  first  hypothesis  that  overall,  female  legislators  are  perceived  as  less  

effective  than  male  legislators.    But,  once  the  lawyer  variable  is  included,  the  significance  

disappears  (although  the  negative  correlation  between  being  female  and  overall  legislative  

effectiveness  score  remains  the  same  in  both  models).  This  finding  is  important,  and  thus  

Model  III  looks  at  the  interaction  between  being  a  woman  and  a  number  of  qualifications:  

seniority,  whether  or  not  a  legislator  holds  a  leadership  position,  the  number  of  bills  

introduced  by  each  member,  and  whether  or  not  the  legislator  is  a  lawyer.  The  interaction  

between  being  a  woman  and  seniority  is  statistically  significant  and  negatively  correlated  

with  dependent  variable.    Likewise,  the  interaction  between  being  a  woman  and  a  lawyer  is  

statistically  significant  and  negatively  correlated  with  overall  legislative  effectiveness  score.  

These  two  interactions  provide  some  support  for  our  second  hypothesis,  which  states  that  

when  compared  to  male  legislators  with  similar  legislative  qualifications,  female  legislators  

will  receive  lower  legislative  ratings.    However,  we  are  cautious  about  these  findings  given  

that  the  data  contains  only  14  observations  for  women  who  are  lawyers,  and  only  a  total  of  

4  women  from  1983  to  1991  were  also  lawyers.    A  sample  size  with  a  larger  size  of  women  

might  yield  more  conclusive  results.  Nonetheless,  it  is  important  to  note  that  if  we  

eliminate  the  variable  for  lawyer,  we  find  strong  support  for  our  hypotheses.  If  we  do  not  

eliminate  the  lawyer  variable,  the  interaction  between  being  a  woman  and  being  a  lawyer  

is  statistically  significant.    Either  way,  we  find  support  for  both  of  our  hypotheses.  Figure  2  

plots  the  relationship  between  gender  and  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  by  seniority.  

Overall,  we  find  support  for  our  second  hypothesis,  which  states  that  when  compared  to  

male  legislators  with  similar  legislative  qualifications,  female  legislators  will  receive  lower  

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legislative  ratings.    The  figure  demonstrates  that  as  length  of  tenure  (seniority)  increases,  

legislative  effectiveness  ratings  increase  significantly  for  men  but  remain  virtually  the  same  

for  women.  

TABLE  4:    Overall  Legislative  Effectiveness  Scores  

Variables   Model  I   Model  II   Model  III  Intercept   27.66**  

(1.73)  26.62**  (1.63)  

24.93**  (1.63)  

Female   -­‐2.37*  (1.44)  

-­‐1.55  (1.34)  

6.73**  (2.64)  

Majority  Party   3.07*  (1.37)  

3.42**  (1.29)  

4.22**  (1.26)  

Seniority   1.17**  (0.24)  

1.41**  (0.22)  

1.62**  (0.23)  

Leadership  Position   6.69**  (1.50)  

5.50**  (1.40)  

5.37**  (1.47)  

Bill  Introductions   0.42**  (0.05)  

0.33**  (0.04)  

0.33**  (0.05)  

Lawyer   —    

10.05**  (1.28)  

11.71**  (1.33)  

Rules  Committee  Member  

6.40**  (1.28)  

5.78**  (1.20)  

5.38**  (1.16)  

Finance  Committee  Member  

0.74  (1.07)  

0.10  (1.00)  

-­‐0.27  (0.98)  

Year85   -­‐1.88  (1.67)  

-­‐1.40  (1.55)  

-­‐1.08  (1.51)  

Year87   -­‐2.94*  (1.71)  

-­‐2.28*  (1.59)  

-­‐1.90  (1.54)  

Year89   0.82  (1.68)  

0.92  (1.58)  

1.39  (1.54)  

Year91   3.03*  (1.70)  

2.73**  (1.58)  

2.87*  (1.53)  

Female:  Seniority   —   —   -­‐1.31*  (0.66)  

Female:  Leader   —   —   -­‐0.90  (3.41)  

Female:  Bills   —   —   -­‐0.09  (0.12)  

Female:  Lawyer   —   —   -­‐13.57**  (3.96)  

N   580   580   580  Adj.  R2   0.66   0.62   0.65  *p<0.10  **p<0.05  Clustered  standard  errors  in  parentheses  

 

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Figure  2:  Plotting  the  Relationship  between  Gender  Legislative  Effectiveness  Ratings  by  Seniority  

                           

0 5 10 15

020

40

60

80

Length of Tenure in Years

Legis

lative E

ffectiveness R

ating

women

men

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      The  findings  thus  far,  nonetheless,  do  not  reveal  whether  legislative  effectiveness  

ratings  differ  among  group  (legislators,  lobbyists,  or  journalists).    One  group  could  

potentially  be  driving  the  overall  mean  scores.    Table  5  thus  looks  at  each  individual  group,  

with  two  models  included  for  each  group  (one  that  includes  the  variable  for  lawyer  and  one  

that  does  not).  For  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  given  by  fellow  legislators,  the  

relationship  between  being  female  and  the  dependent  variable  is  negative  and  statistically  

significant.    That  is,  legislative  effectiveness  scores  decrease  for  female  legislators,  

regardless  of  whether  the  variable  for  lawyer  is  included.  For  ratings  given  by  journalists,  

whether  or  not  the  variable  for  lawyer  is  included  in  the  model  does  not  matter;  

nonetheless,  there  is  a  negative  relationship  between  being  female  and  legislative  

effectiveness  scores.  For  lobbyists,  being  female  is  statistically  significant  when  the  lawyer  

variable  is  not  included,  but  when  the  variable  is  included,  the  relationship  does  note  reach  

statistical  significance.    Overall  then,  legislative  effectiveness  scores  given  by  journalists  

appear  to  be  the  least  influenced  by  gender  than  legislators,  while  legislators  seem  to  be  

the  most  influenced  by  gender.      

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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 TABLE  5:    

Overall  Legislative  Effectiveness  Scores  by  Legislators,  Journalists,  and  Lobbyists    

  Legislators  Model  I  

Journalists  Model  I  

Lobbyists  Model  I  

Legislators  Model  II  

Journalists  Model  II  

Lobbyists  Model  II  

Intercept   30.17**  (1.65)  

20.52**  (2.62)  

32.51**  (1.70)  

29.24**  (1.56)  

18.94**  (2.03)  

31.70**  (1.62)  

 

Female   -­‐2.96**  (1.37)  

-­‐2.11  (1.80)  

-­‐2.40*  (1.41)  

-­‐2.24*  (1.29)  

-­‐1.09  (1.68)  

-­‐1.71  (1.33)  

 

Majority  Party   2.93**  (1.31)  

3.15*  (1.72)  

3.18*  (1.35)  

3.22*  (1.24)  

3.69**  (1.61)  

3.38**  (1.28)  

 

Seniority   1.22**  (1.23)  

1.01**  (0.30)  

1.33**  (0.23)  

1.43**  (0.22)  

1.31**  (0.28)  

1.53**  (0.22)  

 

Leadership  Position   5.39**  (1.43)  

8.97**  (1.89)  

5.41**  (1.47)  

4.36**  (1.35)  

7.43**  (1.76)  

4.44**  (1.40)  

 

Bill  Introductions   0.39**  (0.05)  

0.49**  (0.06)  

0.39**  (0.05)  

0.31**  (0.05)  

0.37**  (0.06)  

0.32**    

(0.05)  Lawyer   —   —   —   8.70**  

(1.23)  12.60**  (1.61)  

8.54**    

(1.28)  Rules  Committee  Member   6.26**  

(1.22)  6.84**  (1.60)  

6.12**  (1.25)  

5.76**  (1.15)  

6.07**  (1.50)  

5.57**    

(1.19)  Finance  Committee  Member   0.54  

(1.09)  1.00  (1.90)  

0.61  (1.05)  

0.01  (0.96)  

0.43  (1.25)  

0.02    

(1.00)  Year85   0.51  

(1.59)  -­‐1.45  (2.09)  

-­‐4.64**  (1.63)  

0.91  (1.49)  

-­‐0.84  (1.94)  

-­‐4.26**    

(1.54  Year87   -­‐2.81*  

(1.63)  -­‐2.97  (2.13)  

-­‐2.89*  (1.67)  

-­‐2.24  (1.52)  

-­‐2.13  (1.98)  

-­‐2.36  (1.58)  

 

Year89   2.48  (1.60)  

-­‐0.49  (2.12)  

-­‐0.62  (1.64)  

2.32  (1.52)  

0.71  (1.98)  

-­‐0.59  (1.57)  

 

Year91   5.29**  (1.62)  

2.55  (2.13)  

1.14  (1.66)  

4.98**  (1.52)  

2.16  (1.97)  

0.9  (1.57)  

 

N   580   588   588   588   580   580  Adj.  R2   0.60   0.51   0.55   0.55   0.57   0.60  *p<0.10  **p<0.05  Clustered  standard  errors  in  parentheses      

 

 

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CONCLUSION  While  a  number  of  studies  have  focused  on  the  effects  of  gender  on  perceptions  of  

candidates  running  for  political  office,  no  systematic  research  has  been  carried  out  to  

determine  whether  perceptions  of  legislative  effectiveness  of  elected  officials  varies  by  

gender.    This  research  project  attempts  to  fill  the  lacuna  in  the  scholarship  by  examining  

how  perceptions  of  political  effectiveness  vary  depending  on  the  gender  of  state  legislators.  

It  is  important  for  scholars  to  understand  the  dynamics  that  affect  perceptions  of  legislative  

effectiveness,  because  legislative  effectiveness  is  a  necessary  precondition  for  political  

career  advancement  (Mayhew  1991).    

The  work  described  here  is  important  for  several  reasons.  First,  it  extends  previous  

research  that  examines  the  factors  that  affect  perceptions  of  candidates  running  for  office  

by  including  an  analysis  of  whether  or  not  these  factors  continue  to  remain  relevant  once  

these  political  candidates  are  voted  into  office.  Second,  our  models  include  gender  as  an  

explanatory  variable  that  affects  perceptions  of  legislative  effectiveness.  Finally,  the  

analysis  reveals  that  being  a  lawyer  plays  a  significant  role  in  evaluations  of  male  

legislators  but  not  for  female  legislators.    

We  began  this  study  with  the  expectation  that  men  serving  in  the  legislature  would  

be  perceived  to  be  more  effective  than  women,  regardless  of  seniority,  leadership  position,  

number  of  bills  introduced,  and  whether  or  not  the  legislator  is  a  lawyer.  The  analysis  

presented  in  this  article  supports  both  of  our  hypotheses,  which  state  that  ceteris  paribus,  

male  legislators  will  receive  higher  legislative  effectiveness  ratings  than  female  legislators,  

and  that  when  compared  to  male  legislators  with  similar  legislative  qualifications,  female  

legislators  will  receive  lower  legislative  ratings.  Nonetheless,  as  we  noted  earlier,  the  data  

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is  limited  in  that  the  sample  size  of  women  is  not  ideal.    An  analysis  of  data  from  other  state  

legislatures  is  needed  to  expand  on  this  project.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

     

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Ayee  and  Reyes-­‐Barriéntez  19  

WORKS  CITED    

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Blair,  Diane  D.,  and  Jeanie  R.  Stanley.  1999.  “Personal  Relationships  and  Legislative  Power:  Male  and  Female  Perceptions.”  Legislative  Studies  Quarterly,  16(4):  495-­‐507.    

Bledsoe,  Timothy,  and  Mary  Herring.  1990.  “Victims  of  Circumstances:  Women  in  Pursuit  of    Political  Office.  American  Political  Science  Review,  84(1):  213-­‐223.    

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Bullock,  Charles  S.,  III,  and  Patricia  Lee  Findley  Heys.  1972.  “Recruitment  of  Women  for  Congress.”      Western  Political  Quarterly,  25  (2):  416-­‐423.    

Campbell,  Angus,  Philip  E.  Converse,  Warren  E.  Miller,  and  Donald  E.  Stokes.  1960.  The  American    Voter.  Chicago:  University  of  Chicago  Press.    

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Deber,  Raisa  B.  1982.  “‘The  Fault,  Dear  Brutus’:  Women  as  Congressional  Candidates  in  Pennsylvania.”  The  Journal  of  Politics,  44(2):  463-­‐479.  

 Derge,  David  R.  1959.  “The  Lawyer  as  Decision-­‐Maker  in  the  American  State  Legislature.”       The  Journal  of  Politics,  21(3):  408-­‐433.      Fox,  Richard  L.,  and  Jennifer  L.  Lawless.  2004.  “Entering  the  Arena:  Gender  and  the  Decision  to  Run    

for  Office.”  American  Journal  of  Political  Science,  48(2):  264-­‐280.      

Hamm,  Keith  E.,  Robert  Harmel,  and  Robert  Thompson.  1983.  “Ethnic  and  Partisan  Minorities  in       Two  Southern  State  Legislatures.”  Legislative  Studies  Quarterly,  8  (2):  177-­‐189.    Haynie,  Kerry  L.  2002.  “The  Color  of  Their  Skin  or  the  Content  of  Their  Behavior?  Race  and    

Perceptions  of  African  American  Legislators.”  Legislative  Studies  Quarterly,  XXVII(2):  295-­‐314.    

Hill,  David  B.  1981.    “Political  Culture  and  Female  Political  Representation.”    Journal  of  Politics,  43    (1):  159-­‐168.    

Jeydel,  Alana,  and  Andrew  J.  Taylor.  2003.  “Are  Women  Legislators  Less  Effective?  Evidence    from  the  U.S.  House  in  the  103rd  -­‐105th  Congress.”  Political  Research  Quarterly,  56(1):  19-­‐27.    

 Kahn,  Kim  Fridkin  and  Edie  N.  Goldenberg.    1991.  “Women  Candidates  in  the  News:  An    

Examination  of  Gender  Differences  in  U.S.  Senate  Campaign  Coverage.”  Public  Opinion    Quarterly,  55:  180-­‐199.  

   

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Kathlene,  Lyn.  1994.  “Power  and  Influence  in  State  Legislative  Policymaking:  The  Interaction  of    Gender  and  Position  in  Committee  Hearing  Debates.”  The  American  Political  Science  Review,  88(3):  560-­‐576.      

Kirkpatrick,  Jeane.  1974.  Political  Women.  New  York:  Basic  Books.  

Koch,  Jeffrey  W.  2002.  “Gender  Stereotypes  and  Citizens’  Impressions  of  House  Candidates’    Ideological  Orientations.”  American  Journal  of  Political  Science,  46(2):  453-­‐462.  

 Mayhew,  David  R.  1991.  Divided  We  Govern:  Party  Control,  Lawmaking,  and  Investigations       1946-­‐1990.  New  Haven,  CT:  Yale  University  Press.    Meyer,  Katherine.  1980.    “Legislative  Influence:  Toward  Theory  Development  Through  Causal       Analysis.”  Legislative  Studies  Quarterly,  5  (4):  563-­‐585.    Miquel,  Gerard  Padró  I,  and  James  M.  Snyder  Jr.  2006.  “Legislative  Effectiveness  and  Legislative    

Careers.”  Legislative  Studies  Quarterly,  XXXI:  347-­‐381.      

National  Foundation  for  Women  Legislators  (NFWL).  2011.  “Facts  About  Women  Legislators.”    Retrieved  April  30,  2011  from    http://www.womenlegislators.org/women-­‐legislator-­‐facts.php.    

Pepper,  John  V.  2002.  “Robust  Inferences  from  Random  Clustered  Samples:  An  Application  Using    Data  from  the  Panel  Study  of  Income  Dynamics.”  Economics  Letters,  75(3),  341-­‐345.    

Reingold,  Beth.  1996.  “Conflict  and  Cooperation:  Legislative  Strategies  and  Concepts  Among  Female    and  Male  State  Legislators.”  The  Journal  of  Politics,  58(2):  464-­‐485.      

Saint-­‐Germaine,  Michelle  A.  1989.  “Does  Their  Difference  Make  a  Difference?  The  Impact  of  Women       on  Public  Policy  in  the  Arizona  Legislature.”  Social  Science  Quarterly,  70  (4):  956-­‐968.    Sapiro,  Virginia.    1981.  “When  are  Interests  Interesting?  The  Problem  of  Political  Representation  of    

Women.”  American  Political  Science  Review,  75  (3):  701-­‐716.    

Weissert,  Carol  S.  1989.  “Determinants  and  Dynamics  of  Perceived  Legislative  Effectiveness  in  the       North  Carolina  State  Legislature,  1977-­‐1987.”  Ph.D.  Dissertation.  University  of  North     Carolina  Chapel  Hill.    Weissert,  Carol  S.  1991.    “Issue  Salience  and  State  Legislative  Effectiveness.”  Legislative  Studies       Quarterly,  16(4):  509-­‐520.    Welch,  Susan.  1977.    “Women  as  Political  Animals?  A  Test  of  Some  Explanations  for  Male-­‐  

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APPENDIX:  R  CODE      rm=(list=ls()) options(scipen=3) options(digits=3) ncga=read.table("/Users/aliciareyes-barrientez/Desktop/NCGA_ORIGINAL_updated.csv", header=TRUE, sep=",", na.strings="NA", dec=".", strip.white=TRUE) names(ncga) ### RECODING VARIABLES library(car) summary(ncga$senior) senior.recode=recode(ncga$senior, "1:4=1; 5:8=2; 9:18=3") summary(ncga$gender) gender.recode=recode(ncga$gender, "1=0; 0=1") #1=female summary(ncga$intros) intros.recode=recode(ncga$intros, "0:14=1; 15:30=2; 31:69=3") ### NEW DATA FRAME FOR RECODED VARIABLES attach(ncga) new.data=as.data.frame(cbind(name, senior.recode, senior, gender.recode, pid, leader, apco, finco, ruco, intros, intros.recode, edu, lawyer, legeffect, lobbyeffect, mediaeffect, totaleffect, year83, year85, year87, year89, year91)) detach(ncga) ### OLS REGRESSIONS regTOTAL=lm(totaleffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+lawyer+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) summary(regTOTAL) regTOTAL2=lm(totaleffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) summary(regTOTAL2) regTOTALi=lm(totaleffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+lawyer+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91+gender.recode:senior+gender.recode:leader+gender.recode:intros+gender.recode:lawyer, data=new.data) summary(regTOTALi) regLEG=lm(legeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+lawyer+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) regLEG2=lm(legeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) regMEDIA=lm(mediaeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+lawyer+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) regMEDIA2=lm(mediaeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+apco+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) regLOBBY=lm(lobbyeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+lawyer+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) regLOBBY2=lm(lobbyeffect~gender.recode+pid+senior+leader+intros+ruco+finco+year85+year87+year89+year91, data=new.data) ### CLUSTERED STANDARD ERRORS### #regTOTAL library(sandwich) #required for clustering s.e.'s options(scipen=3) options(digits=3) Mtotal=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.total=regTOTAL$df/(regTOTAL$df-(Mtotal-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regTOTAL, dfcw.total*vcov(regTOTAL)) library(apsrtable) apsrtable(regTOTAL) #N=580, R2=0.62 #regTOTAL2 library(sandwich) #required for clustering s.e.'s Mtotal2=length(unique(new.data$name))

dfcw.total2=regTOTAL2$df/(regTOTAL2$df-(Mtotal2-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regTOTAL2, dfcw.total2*vcov(regTOTAL2)) apsrtable(regTOTAL2) #N=180, R2=0.66 #regTOTALi library(sandwich) #required for clustering s.e.'s Mtotali=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.totali=regTOTALi$df/(regTOTALi$df-(Mtotali-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regTOTALi, dfcw.totali*vcov(regTOTALi)) apsrtable(regTOTALi) #R2=0.65,#N=580 #regLEG M=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw=regLEG$df/(regLEG$df-(M-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regLEG, dfcw*vcov(regLEG)) apsrtable(regLEG) #regLEG2 M2=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw2=regLEG2$df/(regLEG2$df-(M2-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regLEG2, dfcw*vcov(regLEG2)) #regMEDIA M.media=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.media=regMEDIA$df/(regMEDIA$df-(M.media-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regMEDIA, dfcw.media*vcov(regMEDIA)) apsrtable(regMEDIA) #regMEDIA2 M.media2=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.media2=regMEDIA2$df/(regMEDIA2$df-(M.media2-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regMEDIA2, dfcw.media2*vcov(regMEDIA2)) apsrtable(regMEDIA2) #regLOBBY M.lobby=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.lobby=regLOBBY$df/(regLOBBY$df-(M.lobby-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regLOBBY, dfcw.media*vcov(regLOBBY)) apsrtable(regLOBBY) #regLOBBY2 M.lobby2=length(unique(new.data$name)) dfcw.lobby=regLOBBY2$df/(regLOBBY2$df-(M.lobby2-1)) library(lmtest) coeftest(regLOBBY2, dfcw.media*vcov(regLOBBY2)) apsrtable(regLOBBY2) ### Finding out how many lawyers by gender in legislature lawyerandgender=data.frame(new.data$gender.recode, new.data$lawyer) lawyerandgender=na.omit(lawyerandgender) table(lawyerandgender) lawyerandgender=data.frame(new.data$gender.recode==1, new.data$lawyer==1, new.data$year83==1) lawyerandgender=na.omit(lawyerandgender) table(lawyerandgender) summary(lawyerandgender) names(lawyerandgender) ### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS: TOTAL MEAN RATINGS mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year83==1], na.rm=TRUE) #45.5 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year85==1], na.rm=TRUE) #44.6 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year87==1], na.rm=TRUE) #45.1 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year89==1], na.rm=TRUE) #46.0 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year91==1], na.rm=TRUE) #44.6 ### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS: LEG MEAN RATINGS mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year83==1], na.rm=TRUE) #46.7 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year85==1], na.rm=TRUE)

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#48.1 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year87==1], na.rm=TRUE) #46.2 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year89==1], na.rm=TRUE) #48.7 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year91==1], na.rm=TRUE) #48.6 ###MEAN TOTALEFFECT BY GENDER THROUGH THE YEARS #1983 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year83==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #42.9 F mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year83==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #46.0 M #1985 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year85==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #41.7 F mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year85==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #45.2 M #1987 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year87==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #39.3 F mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year87==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #46.3 M #1989 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year89==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #43.3 F mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year89==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #46.6 M #1991 mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year91==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #42.5 F mean(new.data$totaleffect[new.data$year91==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #45.1 M ###MEAN LEGEFFECT BY YEAR #1983 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year83==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #44.8 F mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year83==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #47.0 M #1985 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year85==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #44.0 F mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year85==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #48.9 M #1987 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year87==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #42.0 F mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year87==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #47.1 M #1989 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year89==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #47.0 F mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year89==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #49.0 M #1991 mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year91==1][new.data$gender.recode==1], na.rm=TRUE) #46.9 F mean(new.data$legeffect[new.data$year91==1][new.data$gender.recode==0], na.rm=TRUE) #48.9 M ### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS BY LEADERSHIP POSITION leader.female=new.data[new.data$leader==1 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(leader.female) #total:48.2, leg:49.4 length(leader.female$name) #44 notleader.female=new.data[new.data$leader==0 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(notleader.female) #total:37.8, leg:40.3 length(notleader.female$name) #49 leader.male=new.data[new.data$leader==1 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(leader.male) #total:57.3, leg:57.8 length(leader.male$name) #206 notleader.male=new.data[new.data$leader==0 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(notleader.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:38.0, leg:41.4 length(notleader.male$name) #292

### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS BY LAWYER/NOT LAWYER lawyer.female=new.data[new.data$lawyer==1 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(lawyer.female) #total:44.9, leg:44.6 length(lawyer.female$name) #11 notlawyer.female=new.data[new.data$lawyer==0 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(notlawyer.female) #total:42.3, leg:44.6 length(notlawyer.female$name) #82 lawyer.male=new.data[new.data$lawyer==1 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(lawyer.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:59.0, leg:60.1 length(lawyer.male$name) #117 notlawyer.male=new.data[new.data$lawyer==0 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(notlawyer.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:42.2, leg:45.1 length(notlawyer.male$name) #392 ### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS BY BILL INTRODUCTIONS # WOMEN intros1.female=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==1 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(intros1.female, na.rm=TRUE) #total:37.8, leg:41.0 length(intros1.female$name) #N=50 intros2.female=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==2 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(intros2.female, na.rm=TRUE) #total:47.5, leg:48.7 length(intros2.female$name) #N=29 intros3.female=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==3 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(intros3.female, na.rm=TRUE) #total:50.2, leg:49.2 length(intros3.female$name) #N=14 # MEN intros1.male=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==1 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(intros1.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:39.4, leg:42.6 length(intros1.male$name) #271 intros2.male=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==2 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(intros2.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:48.0, leg:50.4 length(intros2.male$name) #156 intros3.male=new.data[new.data$intros.recode==3 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(intros3.male, na.rm=TRUE) #total:63.5, leg:64.3 length(intros3.male$name) #75 ### DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS BY SENIORITY # WOMEN sr1.female.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==1 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(sr1.female.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=40.1 #legeffect=41.8 #mediaeffect=34.5 #lobbyeffect=43.9 length(sr1.female.data$name) #63 sr2.female.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==2 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(sr2.female.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=49.4 #legeffect=51.6 #mediaeffect=44.6 #lobbyeffect=50.8 length(sr2.female.data$name) #26 sr3.female.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==3 & new.data$gender.recode==1,] mean(sr3.female.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=40.00 #legeffect=44.5 #mediaeffect=31.5 #lobbyeffect=44.0 length(sr3.female.data$name) #4 # MEN sr1.male.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==1 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(sr1.male.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=41.7 #legeffect=44.5

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#mediaeffect=36.0 #lobbyeffect=44.8 length(sr1.male.data$name) #349 sr2.male.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==2 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(sr2.male.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=53.0 #legeffect=55.3 #mediaeffect=47.3 #lobbyeffect=56.2 length(sr2.male.data$name) #119 sr3.male.data=new.data[new.data$senior.recode==3 & new.data$gender.recode==0,] mean(sr3.male.data, na.rm=TRUE) #totaleffect=61.7 #legeffect=63.7 #mediaeffect=56.2 #lobbyeffect=65.0 length(sr3.male.data$name) #34 ### INTERACTIONS plot.seniority=plot(y=c(0,90), x=c(0,18),xlab="Length of Tenure in Years", ylab="Legislative Effectiveness Rating", type="n") abline(a=31.66, b=0.31, col="orange", lwd=3) abline(a=24.93, b=1.62, col="lightblue", lwd=3) legend(1, 90, c("women", "men"), lwd=3, lty=1, col=c("orange","lightblue"))